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Remarks to the Congressional Executive Commission on
China
Rangita de Silva-de Alwis
Director of International Programs, The Spangenberg Group
February 24, 2003
Introduction
Over the last few years The Spangenberg Group under the auspices of the
United States Department of State[1]
and the Ford Foundation has conducted research, provided training and technical
assistance to legal services organizations and women’s studies centers in China,
particularly on issues concerning low-income women. Our programs are unique in
that they are aimed at putting women’s rights into action in concrete ways.
Working with local programs, we identify areas of women’s rights reform, which
are pushing the boundaries of the law.
Although, facially equitable laws prohibiting discrimination in employment,
property ownership, inheritance, marriage and divorce have been enacted,[2] the difference between equality in
law and equality in fact, lies with the implementation of those laws. The
lack of corresponding enforcement mechanisms is a major drawback in the
effectiveness of these laws.
I wish to speak to you about some areas of the law on labor, violence and
property that deeply impact women in China, the strengths and weaknesses of
these laws and the efforts made by some creative women’s rights advocates, and
organizations to overcome the challenges posed by some of these laws.
Finally, how with the support of the State Department and the Ford Foundation,
The Spangenberg Group has been assisting in some of these
programs.
Women and Labor
Although, since China opened its doors to a program of economic reform, there
is much progress for women seeking employment outside the home, many women find
that the very laws designed to protect them subject them to discrimination and
disadvantage in the labor market.[3] It is evident that by emphasizing the biological
differences between men and women, the law limits women’s employment
opportunities, and places an added burden on employers who hire women. An
emphasis on women’s unique reproductive capabilities, and their roles as child
bearers and rearers have the potential to perpetuate gender segregation in the
workplace and relegate women into lower paying, traditionally female tasks.[4]
On the other hand, while greater mobility has resulted in greater
opportunities for women, many migrant women workers suffer exploitation and
discrimination. [5]
Further, laws that might improve working conditions[6] and provide work-related benefits, are under-enforced and
the capacity to monitor and enforce these laws is weak.[7]
Women and Violence
Domestic Violence
The revisions made to the Marriage Law in 2002 are among some of the most
significant changes made to the law in China.[8] These revisions include domestic violence as a ground for
divorce and allow a spouse in a divorce proceeding to seek compensation from the
other party if he/she is at fault due to certain specific grounds including
domestic violence.[9] The
re-introduction of fault into divorce is seen as an attempt to grapple with the
feminization of poverty on divorce.
Despite these groundbreaking reforms in the law, Chinese women’s rights
advocates have argued that in the absence of a clear definition of domestic
violence, it will be very difficult to institute an action for civil
compensation for domestic violence. Domestic violence is not broadly
defined to cover threats of violence to the woman and/or her family members,
psychological damage, sexual abuse and rape within marriage. Also, the
question arises whether a claim for compensation can be made during the
existence of marriage.[10] Due to
the discretion left to the judges, similar cases can be decided differently.
Women also find it difficult to meet the high standard of proof required
under the criminal law to hold batterers criminally responsible. In order to
invoke Article 260 of the Criminal Law on Crimes Disrupting Marriage and
Family, a woman has to prove that the crime was particularly “evil” and the
abuse was “continued and consistent”. [11] On the other hand the crime of “intentional
injury”[12] requires the forensic
authentication of the injury and that the injury amount to at least a “flesh
wound”. In the absence of a clear definition of what constitutes domestic
violence, it is most often interpreted as an injury that results in severe
bodily harm, broken limb, loss of eyesight etc. Most courts and
prosecutors will not address what is considered a minor physical injury as
domestic violence. Another reason why the revisions to the marriage laws
might remain largely symbolic is the fact that the public security bureaus often
hesitate to intervene in family disputes.[13] Thus, without corresponding intervention procedures to
make it mandatory for public security personnel to intervene in domestic
violence issues, it will be very difficult for women to gather forensic
authentication and proof of domestic violence, in order to seek protection
during marriage or civil compensation at divorce. [14]
Marital Rape
The Chinese law does not expressly recognize or exclude marital rape. [15] There is a general recognition
that where sexual intercourse occurred without the consent of the woman, 1) in
forced or purchased marriage, 2) during separation, or 3) after an application
for divorce has been filed, it could amount to rape or a crime of intentional
injury.[16]
Property Rights
The law provides that during the subsistence of marriage, neither side can
transfer property without the consent of the other party. [17] However, often in cases involving
domestic violence or adultery leading to divorce, spouses in China attempt to
transfer property to a third party, so as to avoid equitable distribution of
property.[18] Many women
find it difficult to trace the illegal transfer of property made by their
spouses. Married women are frequently unaware as to the full extent of their
husband’s income or property. Given certain procedural difficulties, it is very
difficult to gather real evidence on property transfer or compel witnesses to
testify as to concealed property. The challenges surrounding proving the
ownership or concealment of property constitutes an enormous burden to women in
China.
Distribution of Propertry at Divorce
Despite provisions in the law protecting women’s property
rights,[19] the reality is that,
property division on divorce will depend largely on availability of housing
units. Frequently, in present day China, women are faced with the
untenable situation of sharing a bedroom in the ex-husband’s apartment. [20] This can and has caused
many serious problems such as increase in the incidents of domestic
violence. Sometimes sharing housing with a former spouse is allowed by the
court, as temporary housing for a stipulated period of time or until the woman
remarries.[21] Further, the
Supreme People’s Court has regulated that a house that cannot be divided should
be assigned to one party, and that party should compensate the other party for
half the value of the house. Unfortunately, the reality is that a woman often
lacks the resources to reimburse her spouse and the house automatically goes to
the husband. [22]
As is manifest in court decisions, there is no uniform
policy governing this area of the law.
Rural Women’s Property Rights
Even though the Revised Marriage Law applies uniformly to both urban and
rural women, rural women encounter unique challenges in property use and
ownership that have not been fully addressed by the Marriage Law. Despite
guarantees of equal distribution of “responsibility land”,[23] in practice, certain village committees
will not allocate separate “responsibility land” to women who are
divorced. A widow returning to her village could encounter similar
problems. A married woman who leaves the village in common parlance is
considered “water splashed out” and loses her right to the land in the
village. In the case of migrant workers too, so long as their residence
has not been transferred to the city, they should retain the right to the
responsibility land in their village. However, in reality, women who go to
work as migrant workers to the city have their land reallocated. Even though
this is against the law, very few of those migrant workers are able to come back
to their village in the event that they lose their jobs in the city.[24]
Conclusion
Despite legal guarantees of equality, women’s rights in the areas of
marriage, divorce employment and property continue to face procedural obstacles.
On the other hand, the changes in the law have not always had the desired impact
on women. At the same time, a review of The Spangenberg Group’s work in
China in the last five years shows that there has been a rapid maturation and
development in the area of women’s rights advocacy in China.
The work of some women’s legal aid organizations in China has become a
catalyst for change.[25] These
organizations have not only positively impacted the lives of the disadvantaged
but have brought to the surface many issues hitherto marginalized. These issues
deal with the exposure of traditionally silenced or ignored areas such as
domestic violence, marital rape, sexual harassment and employment
discrimination. The women’s legal aid centers have provided a forum for
debate and discussion on these areas of the law and have engaged in multifarious
activities including: legal services for the poor, domestic violence hotlines,
impact litigation, test case litigation,[26] law reform efforts,[27] training of law enforcement and judicial officers,
community empowerment and public education programs, [28] working with the media, and conducting research on
challenges facing the enforcement of women’s rights. The cases brought to court
by these centers have formed a rich body of jurisprudence on women’s rights
litigation. Claims lost in court are still publicized and used to raise gender
consciousness.
The Spangenberg Group’s seminars help women’s rights advocates in China
address the inherent duality and contradictions in some of the protectionist
provisions of the Chinese labor laws, and we view them in the context of
analogous labor laws in other transitional countries and their disparate impact
on women. Our training programs focus on how to identify gender bias and sexual
harassment in employment and how to challenge these discriminatory
practices. Our programs identify various laws and regulations that
prohibit gender discrimination and emphasize vigorous advocacy skills necessary
to make novel anti-discrimination claims.[29] We also draw examples from successful litigation
strategies chartered by Chinese women’s legal services organizations. Even
though successful outcomes for struggling female workers is not common,
significant cases taken to court by some women’s legal services groups
demonstrate how women workers after many a legal battle have successfully
vindicated their rights.[30]
Women’s legal services organizations are also crafting novel advocacy
strategies to protect women’s property rights. These range from advising women
to enter into notarized agreements with their husbands,[31] so as to ensure equitable ownership of
property, to arguing for civil compensation for fault to be awarded during an
ongoing marriage.
In the area of domestic violence, our seminars assist women’s rights
advocates to identify some of the challenges women face due to gaps in the law
and inaction on the part of law enforcement officials. Together, we look at ways
in which to stretch the boundaries of advocacy and make women’s rights and
perspectives central to law making. In doing so, we draw examples from
advocacy strategies in the United States, and other parts of the world. Our
seminars also focus on how in the absence of an explicit marital rape exemption,
a broad interpretation of China’s rape laws could include marital rape. By
looking creatively at local laws, and international norms, women’s rights
advocates in China are developing exciting and innovative methods of problem
solving. [32]
Women’s rights advocates and lawyers in China have done much to advance the
frontiers of the law in the area of women’s rights reform in China. Their
continuing critique of discriminatory laws and practices affecting women
and their creative initiatives to challenge these discriminatory practices
have brought about a transformation in the lives of women who seek to vindicate
their rights.[33] Even
though much has taken place in the last few years much remains to be
done. Women’s empowerment foreshadows the transformation of a
society and is a benchmark of a functioning rule of law. Supporting
the work of women’s rights groups remains critical to the further strengthening
of the rule of law in China.
[7] Furthermore, private
enterprises adopt rules known as rules of the enterprise, which often override
Chinese labor legislation and deny payment of social insurance benefits.
Migrant women often face greater exploitation, including unpaid overtime and
unsigned contracts. Consider the following case: “ Starting from 1995, 36 women
peasant workers came in succession to work in a certain fur processing factory,
and signed work contract separately with the factory. In 1996, they signed
another work contract with the factory collectively, on a term of five years.
The contract would expire on December 1, 2000. On August 5, 1998, the factory
unilaterally terminated the work contract, with the reason that the factory had
been adversely affected by the macro-environment of the national economy, and
there was a drastic decrease of the production materials and a redundancy of
workers. As a result there was a serious problem in the management of
production. In order to protect the employment of urban workers, the factory
decided to terminate the work contract with peasant workers. According to the
number of years from the time when they became contract workers to the time when
their contract was terminated, the factory would pay an extra months wage for
each full year to the women peasant worker as compensations. While the women
peasant workers were still working in the factory, the factory had deducted a
certain amount of money from their monthly wages on the ground of paying for the
insurance of their old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, and medical
insurance. But the factory did not really pay this amount of money for the
workers insurance, but saved it for other purposes. After the termination of the
work contract, the factory returned to the women peasant workers the deducted
money for the insurance of old-age pension and unemployment insurance, but did
not return the deducted money for medical insurance. The 36 women workers
did not accept the factory’s unilateral decision to terminate their work
contract, and in August 1998, they made a petition to the Labor Arbitration
Committee. As attorney for the women workers, the lawyer from the Centre
proposed to the Labor Arbitration Committee that it was illegal for the factory
to terminate unilaterally the work contract and to pay the economic compensation
according to the number of years since they had become contract workers. The
factory should pay the compensation according to the number of years since they
had actually worked for the factory. It was a disguised form of embezzlement if
the factory refused to return to them the deducted money meant for medical
insurance for the women workers. After the hearing, the Arbitration Committee
for Labor Disputes supported the demand of the women workers, and passed a
verdict on October 29, 1998, ordering the factory to pay another 40,000 odd yuan
to the 36 women workers as their economic compensation. But the verdict did not
support the women workers demand for various social insurance benefits. Thus
with the termination of their work contract, the women workers had lost their
various social insurance benefits”. See A Research Report of the Legal Aid
Cases Undertaken by the Center for Women’s Law Studies and Legal Services Under
the Law School of Peking University ( 1996-2000).
[10] Even
though civil compensation for abuse is available at divorce, it is not clear
whether it is available during the existence of a marriage. Due to efforts of
legal services lawyers there is at least one instance in which a court has
granted compensation during an ongoing marriage. Zhang
Xiulan had suffered severe burns when her husband Wang had poured gasoline on
her body and lit it. When Zhang’s elder sister reported the case to the local
security authority, the local authority refused to file the case calling it a
family matter. The court on the other hand requires forensic authentication of
the burns in order to file the case. With the cooperation of the women’s
federation of the district and the efforts of the legal services lawyer from the
Beijing Centre, the authentication was processed. On the basis of this, a public
prosecution was initiated and the legal services lawyer instituted a civil suit
for compensation for physical damages. At the first instance, the court
dismissed the civil suit on the basis that the parties were still married and
civil compensation can be awarded only at divorce. After much negotiation, the
judge awarded 80000 yuan to Zhang by way of compensation. This is one of
the first known awards of this kind. See Report and Summary in Respect of
the Sub-Project of Legal Assistance Against Family Violence. Centre for Women’s
Law Studies and Legal Services of Peking University, July
2002.
[11] In a certain case, 13
instances of abuse during a 20 year marriage was considered insufficient to
prove a crime of evil. “ The court made the adjudication of the first instance,
deeming, “ the private prosecutor and the accused have been married for over 20
years and often quarreled because of their different natures. The fact that the
accused beat the private prosecutor 10 times has been proved. But the
assault and battery of the accused occurred only by accident, it was not of
regularity, continuity and consistency and there was a good reason for it. The
accused had no intention to abuse the private prosecutor. Thus, the conduct of
the accused has not constituted the crime of abuse.” See Report and
summary in respect of the sub-project of legal assistance against family
violence. Centre for Women’s Law Studies and Legal Services of Peking
University, July
2002.
[13]
“Ms Wei , female aged 34, physically and mentally abused by her husband
during the dozen years of their marriage. On September 18, 1998, after a dispute
between the two, the husband poured gasoline on her body and lit the fire, with
the result that several parts of Ms. Wei’s body and face were severely
burned. After this incident, the elder sister of Ms Wei reported the case
to the local public security authorities, but the latter refused to take this
case, on the ground that it belonged to the category of family dispute. …After
accepting her request for legal aid services, the Center’s lawyer went to the
jurisdictional police station to report the case, and pointed out to them that
the nature of this case had already formed the crime of intentional injury, and
it had brought about serious consequences. The police station could not just
reject the case on the ground that a family dispute was beyond the limit of
legal restraint. Yet people at the police station still argued that if her
husband had been arrested, who would pay the hospital bills for her medical
treatment? With this as a pretext, the police station still refused to make
necessary investigation of the case. With the help of the district federation of
women, the lawyer made an application to Beijing Municipal Forensic Institution
for Scientific and Technological Appraisals, to obtain a
forensic appraisal of the degree of Ms Wei’s injury and disability. The
appraisal concluded that 30% of Ms Wei’s face, upper limbs, and torso had
suffered level 2 or level 3 severe burns. About 10% of her body had
suffered level 3 severe burns. The degree of injury was classified as that of
serious injury. With this forensic appraisal, the lawyer went to the
jurisdictional police station again to demand the law enforcement authorities to
take forcible measures against the perpetrator of this crime. Yet the police
station was still indifferent to this case. They asked the lawyer instead to
look for a witness, and when the lawyers found the witness, they again laid
aside thecase, on the ground that the person in charge of the matter was absent.
As a last resort, the lawyer reported the case to the District Bureau of Public
Security. Under the latters supervision and urge, the jurisdictional police
station eventually arrested the husband of Ms Wei, and filed this case for
investigation and prosecution. ” See A Research Report of the Legal Aid
Cases Undertaken by the Center for Women’s Law Studies and Legal Services Under
the Law School of Peking University (1996-2000).
[14] Many women’s rights
advocates and women’s legal services lawyers in China have drawn attention to
the need to promulgate special sanctions and enforcement mechanisms such as
restraining orders and mandatory arrest to control family violence. See
Report and Summary in respect of the sub-project of legal assistance against
family violence, Centre for Women’s Law Studies and Legal Services of Peking
University, July 2002; Summary of the Conference on Combating Domestic Violence
against Women and the Commemoration of the Second Anniversary of the
International Day for Elimination of Violence against Women, China Law
Society. Certain provinces such as Shaanxi Province and Hunan
province have passed innovative laws to address family violence. Shaanxi
province has passed the Methodologies of the Implementation of the LPWRI and
Hunan Province has passed the Decision to Protect and Stop Family Violence which
includes sexual abuse as a form of domestic violence.
[16] Some scholars have
recognized marital rape in specific instances, for example, when the husband, 1)
forces wife to have sex with others; 2) aids and abets others in raping wife; 30
rapes his wife under mistaken identity; and 4) when husband and wife and living
apart or in the process of divorce. Theory and Practice of Protection of Women’s
Rights and Interests in Contemporary China, Investigation and Study on the
Enforcement of UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination
Against Women in China. The Center for Women’s Law Studies and Legal Services of
Peking University, at 468.
[19] According to Article 17 of
the Marriage Law properties obtained during the subsistence of marriage
belong to both husband and wife. Further, according to Article 39 of
the Marriage Law, at divorce,common property must be divided based on mutual
agreement. If the two parties cannot come to an agreement, property should
be divided taking into consideration the economic needs of women and children.
Article 44 of the LPWRI provides that at the time of divorce, husband and wife
shall divide their jointly-owned house in accordance with their agreement. If
the parties fail to reach an agreement, the people’s court shall pass judgment
in accordance with the principle of giving favorable consideration to the wife
and children. The Supreme Court has also stipulated
certain considerations to be taken in to account on distribution of property.
These considerations include, women and children’s interests,
fault of a spouse, whether a spouse is guilty of illegal transfer of property,
housing considerations of the parties and child rearing
responsibilities. See Problem No. 3 of Solutions to Several Problems
Concerning the Use and Leasing of the Public Houses in Trying Divorce Cases by
the Supreme Court. In dividing property on divorce, different
provinces also take into consideration whether a woman has lost her reproductive
capacity due to birth.
[20] Article 9 of the Supreme
People’s Court’s Explanation of a Few Problems Involving the Use and Rental of
Housing in Divorce Case Trials, 1996 provides that each party can reside in half
of the public housing allocated by the housing unit. The following case
illustrates the point. Ms. Z was brutally beaten by her unemployed
husband during the period of her marriage to him. If she ever complained to him
about his neglect of his family, the beatings became worse and Ms. Z suffered
from severe health problems due to the beatings. Ms. Z filed for divorce.
At the first hearing, the court gave the custody of the child to Ms. Z and
allowed Mr. Z to remain in the two bedroom unit. Ms. Z was asked to find her own
accommodation. A lawyer with a legal services organization helped her
appeal this decision. On appeal, the court ruled that Ms. Z could remain
in the larger bedroom in the apartment while Ms. Z remained in the smaller
room. What followed was a nightmare for Ms. Z. her ex-husband would
frequently kick the door of her bedroom cursing and swearing in an effort to
drive her away. Since it was the middle of the winter, Ms. Z bore this
harassment rather than be homeless in the winter. Things began to degenerate in
this unusual living arrangement. Mr. Z started to let out his room for
prostitution and boasted to the daughter as to how much he made from this
trade. On occasion, Mr. Z would pursue his ex-wife and daughter with a
knife in his hand and once actually wounded Ms. Z. The situation became
unbearable and Ms Z and her husband were forced to flee the apartment. Ms. Z
once again went to court to ask for readjustment in the living arrangement.
After much negotiation with the housing units, the housing unit agreed to give
Ms. Z another apartment in exchange for her former apartment. See A
Research Report of the Legal aid Cases Undertaken by the Center for Women’s Law
Studies and Legal Services Under the Law School of Peking University
(1996-2000).
[21] In cases
where neither party owns a house which can be shared, courts have allowed the
wife to live in the house of the husband’s work unit for a maximum, period of
two years pending divorce. In cases where the couple rents a house, the wife
seeking a divorce has been allowed to remain in the housing unit if the parties
have been married over five years.
[27] Some of the legal
services organizations have influenced policy and been the force behind local
domestic violence legislation implementing the rights enshrined in the LPWRI.
The Shaanxi Research Association for Women and Family ( SRAWF) was in the
forefront of drafting and advocating for the adoption of the Shaanxi
Methodologies of the Implementation of the Rights and Interests on Protecting of
Women of PRC in China. This local law gives concrete expression and provides
enforcement mechanisms to the values enshrined in the 1992 Law on the Protection
of Women’s Rights and Interests. SRAWF first convinced the Shaanxi
Province Women’s Federation to support the initiative. A speech made by the
leader of the Federation to the Standing Committee of the Provincial People’s
Congress was prepared by the Association. Soon after, Congress accepted
the motion on opposing domestic violence made by the Provincial Federation. The
next step was to set up a collaborative working group of legal experts and
scholars to draft the Regulations. The draft written in consultation with
Chinese and international legal scholars, grass roots organizations and women
victims of domestic violence was then submitted to the Provincial People’s
Republic.
[30] Most victories in court
are achieved due to unrelenting advocacy on the part of women’s rights lawyers
and legal workers. Sometimes, even when a major victory is won in court,
follow-up advocacy is needed to enforce the order. The following case is an
example of this kind of advocacy: Li, a 18 year old mentally retarded high
school student was allegedly sexually harassed by the principal of her high
school in Hebei Province The County Bureau of Education had
investigated Li’s allegations and confirmed the victims account.
Tragically, Li committed suicide. The relatives of the victim sued the school
principal in court but during the trial, the family received an administrative
penalty from the public security authorities. At the direct intervention of the
Ministry of Public Security the trial was able to continue. However, the county
procutorate and the trial court based the case on the charge of indecent
behavior instead of rape. The defendant received a three years probated
sentence. Two lawyers from a Legal Aid Centre visited the county to investigate
this case. The lawyers were accompanied by a journalist from China Women’s
Daily. The investigation revealed that the school principal had abused his
authority to sexually harass a mentally retarded girl and have sexual
intercourse with the girl. The court had dismissed the case. The court had
also not conducted any independent investigation. Secondly, the judges
reasoned that a probated sentence will allow the defendant to earn money to
compensate the victim. The court opined that a prison sentence would not
have made it possible for the defendant to make civil compensation. After much
persuasion the court agreed to grant compensation to the family. However,
two years after the trial no compensation had been paid to the family. The
legal aid lawyers persuaded the court to reopen the case and judges agreed to
make changes to the original verdict. See A Research Report of the Legal
Aid Cases Undertaken by the Centre for Women’s Law Studies and Legal Services
Under the Law School of Peking University (1996-2000).
[31] Li and her husband opened
a factory and through hard work amassed much wealth. Li’s husband after a
few years of marriage started beating her and threatened to kill her several
times. Li petitioned the court for divorce, but persuaded by her friends
consented to give her husband another chance. Her lawyer however advised her to
enter into an agreement with her husband whereby she would become the sole owner
of half the property acquired during the marriage. This agreement was then
notarized. That way Li’s property rights would be protected even if she decided
to go ahead with a divorce. See Report and Summary in respect of the sub-project
of legal assistance against family violence, Center for Women’s Law Studies and
Legal Services of Peking University, July
2002.
[33] Some of the critiques
focus on the following areas and range from defining domestic violence as
discrimination against women to holding the State accountable to taking all
appropriate measures to prevent violence against women. Many of the critiques
focus on the inaction on the part of law enforcement officials, the need for
community education, judicial bias in decision making, “imperfect legislation,”
the fact that there are no explicit provisions in the marriage law as to
compensation for psychological injury or compensation for family
violence during the subsistence of the marriage. Many women’s rights advocates
argue that in the absence of legislation on domestic violence only a small
portion of cases are able to meet the standards of slight injury or severe
injury defined by the criminal law. “A lot of women who have been beaten
or abused by their husbands tend to have their cases turned down by court when
the court feels it is groundless or difficult to accept the case”.
See Research Centre of Women’s Development and Rights, the Northwest
Industrial University, Challenges to Legal Treatment of Violence against Women
and Strategies in Response. Some of the critiques also draw upon the need to
assimilate lessons learned in other jurisdictions and the need for analogous
injunctive reliefs and civil protection orders similar to the reliefs available
in the United States and other jurisdictions. As countermeasures against
family violence, the Centre for Women’s Law Studies and Legal
Services of Peking University suggests: introducing theories of gender
equality into the school curriculum and community education materials; being
able to suspend the theory of joint ownership of property and dividing the
marital property in the case of violence in an ongoing marriage; establishing a
special family tribunal to deal with cases of family violence; improving
the availability of housing for divorced women; establishing social
support networks for women victims of abuse; building a specialized cadre
of lawyers able to handle women’s rights issues; work with the media to garner
support for victims of abuse; making available compensation for injury during
the marriage and dividing marital property and notarizing such division so that
women’s property rights are preserved. See Report and Summary in
respect of the sub-project of legal assistance against family violence, July
2002.
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