|
 |
 |
CHINA AND SARS:
LESSONS, IMPLICATIONS, AND FUTURE STEPS
Prepared for Presentation Before a Roundtable of the
Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC)
May 12, 2003
Dr. Bates Gill
Freeman Chair in China Studies
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C.
INTRODUCTION
Allow me to begin by expressing my appreciation to the Commission for this
opportunity to appear before you today.
The repercussions for China of the SARS epidemic will resonate well beyond
the tragic and growing loss of life.[i] On the brighter side, the progression of the
epidemic from Guangdong to Beijing, into the Chinese countryside, and across the
world demonstrates the mainland’s increasing economic and social openness,
mobility and interdependence within the country itself, within the East Asia
region and across the planet, mobilizes concern for China’s health care system,
and may spark greater openness and accountability within the Chinese
leadership.
On the other hand, the outbreak of SARS also exposes a number of troubling
developments and uncertainties in China: old-style misinformation, opaque
communication, an ailing public health care infrastructure, continued reticence
in dealing with foreign partners, and a likely slowdown in economic growth in
China and the region. All of these negative developments also raise
serious questions about China’s ability to cope with other infectious diseases
such as hepatitis, tuberculosis, and HIV/AIDS.
To examine these issues, the following pages will analyze some of the early
lessons and implications of the SARS epidemic, and recommend steps that can be
taken to combat future health-care crisis in China more effectively.
LESSONS
Sclerotic and reactive process: To begin, by taking so long to
reveal the real dimensions of the SARS problem, Chinese authorities underscored
their reputation as secretive and out of step with international practice.
News of falsified communications, deliberate misinformation, obstruction of UN
assessment teams and reluctance to reveal the full extent of the epidemic to the
World Health Organization all raise some troubling questions about real change
in China.
Some argue that Beijing’s current openness and responsiveness to SARS
indicates a new and more positive direction for the leadership. This may
be, though it remains relatively early to know with certainty whether this new
direction will be limited to SARS-related responses, or can be broadened to
encompass a new across-the-board approach by the Chinese leadership. For
the time being, it appears the mainland’s initial denial and slow response to
the SARS outbreak characterizes a political environment where individual
initiative is discouraged and social stability is protected above other
interests, to the detriment of social safety.
Additionally, the initial slow reaction by medical authorities can be
explained by outdated laws that prevent effective communication about emerging
epidemics. The State Secrets Law prevents local authorities from
discussing an emerging outbreak until the Ministry of Health in Beijing has
announced the existence of an epidemic. In the case of SARS, the silence
of the bureaucracy, coupled with an increasingly mobile population, virtually
guaranteed that an infectious disease would quickly spread well beyond Guangdong
to the rest of the world.
Paradoxically, despite the sclerotic and old-style official response to SARS,
China’s society has become more open than ever. Indeed, SARS spread as
rapidly as it did precisely because of China’s expansive interaction
domestically and with its neighbors. But Beijing’s old way of doing things
now faces a serious challenge: to prevent infectious diseases from becoming
major social, political and economic problems will demand greater openness,
transparency and candor, both at home and with partners abroad.
Ailing health care capacity: Even if old-style political
and bureaucratic bottlenecks could be overcome, it is unlikely that the
mainland’s health-care system would have been able to prevent the spread of
SARS. The rapid spread of other emerging infectious diseases throughout
the mainland demonstrates the inability of the public health system to deal
adequately with the complex nature of infectious diseases in a modern,
globalized China. In urban areas, public health is adequate for those who
can afford it or are still employed in the state sector, where insurance and
company clinics can provide primary care. However, in rural areas, where
the majority of the population resides, social services are inadequate to
non-existent. The ability to diagnose and treat emerging diseases
competently does not exist throughout most of China.
Blood-borne and sexually transmitted infections have posed a particular
challenge to health authorities in China. For example, HIV/AIDS infects
over one million Chinese, while similarly transmitted diseases including
hepatitis B and C infect over a hundred million more. The capacity of
China’s health-care system is so stretched that hepatitis B, a disease for which
there is a vaccine, still affects an estimated 170 million Chinese, accounting
for two-thirds of the world’s cases. The inability to prevent the spread
of infectious diseases within China will have serious long-term economic impacts
globally.
Reluctance to work with foreign partners: From the onset of
SARS, Beijing and the provinces seem reluctant to fully accept assistance from
the international community to deal with their burgeoning public-health
quandary. Only after a two-week wait were inspectors from the World Health
Organization permitted to travel to the SARS outbreak’s epicenter in
Guangdong. This same reticence characterizes China’s earlier response to
its HIV/AIDS crisis; political leaders in Beijing and particularly throughout
local jurisdictions remain overly cautious in their willingness to accept
international intervention and assistance.
IMPLICATIONS
Future epidemics: The official Chinese response to
SARS did not bode well for how the government might respond to other new,
perhaps even more serious infectious disease threats. Beijing’s initial reaction
to SARS parallels its response to HIV/AIDS: denial, followed by reluctant
acknowledgment and hesitant mobilization of resources to combat the
epidemic. At present, in spite of some recent positive steps by Beijing,
the political and socioeconomic conditions are ripe in for the further spread of
infectious disease, including atypical pneumonia, hepatitis and HIV/AIDS.
True, Chinese leaders recently have taken greater interest in dealing with
SARS. But admitting to problems is only half the battle. There is
still a long way to go, not just in dealing with SARS, but with other
health-care-related challenges. Probably the biggest issues to tackle have
to do with improved monitoring and communication to accurately gauge the nature
and extent of disease outbreaks, and developing a more effective health care
infrastructure to meet these emergent challenges. Local health-care
capacity varies wildly across the country as central government spending in this
sector flattens and localities are expected to pick up the difference. As
a result, the expertise and capacity to diagnose, prevent and treat the spread
of disease--especially new viruses--is limited to nonexistent throughout much of
China.
Economic downturn: The ability of China to
devote greater resources to its health care system will be constrained in the
near term by SARS’ near-term economic impact, though the true effect over the
next year or more is still hard to measure. Rough estimates made by
international economists indicate that China’s GDP growth for 2003 could be
reduced by anywhere from 0.5 to 2 percent. Beijing is unlikely to issue
figures on the economic impact of SARS. But the decline in tourism,
airline travel, trade and international confidence will certainly be felt in
China, particularly in hard-hit Guangdong Province, one of China’s main engines
of direct foreign investment and export-led growth. The government is
trying to counter the effects of the downturn with massive increases in funding
for SARS prevention and control. Billions of RMB have been allocated for
projects throughout the country, ranging from construction of infrastructure, to
purchasing of supplies, to expanded research and development of tests and
medicines to combat SARS.
On the other hand, the short-term damage from SARS to the economy is perhaps
minimal compared to the shaken confidence of foreign investors in the Chinese
government’s ability to effectively manage the health of the Chinese population
-- at a minimum, the Chinese government’s reaction to the SARS outbreak has
reminded foreign investors and the world at large of the uncertainties and
contradictions in dealing with China.
Partly because it did not take steps promptly to address the public health
crisis, the Chinese government will also have to cope with a downturn in the
economic health of greater China - consisting of the mainland, Hong Kong and
Taiwan - as well as the wider East Asian region. Singapore, Hong Kong, and
Taiwan have already trimmed official forecasts for economic growth as a result
of the SARS outbreak. In one early analysis, Morgan Stanley lowered its
estimate of East Asian economic growth, excluding Japan, from 5.1 percent to 4.5
percent for 2003.
LOOKING AHEAD
China’s approach to SARS exposes troubling weaknesses that are reflected in
Beijing’s overall reaction to deadly disease outbreaks. These are: opaque
communication channels--and even deliberate disinformation--from provincial to
central authorities; denial and inaction short of international outcry and
senior-leadership intervention; weakening public-health-care capacity to
monitor, diagnose, prevent and treat emergent disease outbreaks; and early and
persistent reticence to collaborate effectively with foreign partners.
Chinese authorities, working with the United States and others, must try to
change this pattern.
A first priority must be to implement more transparent, accurate and
coordinated public-health-care management and communication. As a start,
the country should invest even more heavily in its epidemiological and
surveillance capacity to accurately detect, monitor and quickly report on
disease outbreaks and their progress. Beijing should impose improved cooperation
both between the central and local authorities and across the bureaucracy in a
more effective interagency mechanism.
More transparent and enforced regulatory structures will also guide public
health and other officials to react in a more professional and socially
conscious way. Health-care related quasi- and non-governmental
organizations could be more effectively utilized to monitor and improve methods
for the prevention, treatment and care of disease. But for these kinds of
steps to succeed, China’s new leadership must commit to raising the political
priority of public health on their agenda of socioeconomic challenges.
Second, resources for public health will need to be expanded considerably,
both as a part of central and provincial government expenditures. At a
basic level, more well-trained professionals will be needed to properly
diagnose, treat and care for persons afflicted with emergent epidemics in China.
Even more could be gained by promoting greater awareness and preventive
messaging, not to alarm people, but to help them take the necessary precautions
to protect against infectious diseases prevalent in China. Again,
grass-roots and community-based organizations can be effective partners in this
effort, if well-coordinated and given adequate leeway and resources.
Finally, China and the international public-health community have a shared
interest in scaling up cooperation and assistance programs. There are
numerous international health-related assistance programs in China, but most
operate at a relatively modest scale. Expanding successful programs will
require significant new funding. Major donor nations should also consider
re-channeling development aid to focus more on public-health programs. In
the end, however, China--as one of the world’s largest economies and an aspiring
great power--will need to show a greater commitment to working with
international partners and to taking its public-health challenges more
seriously.
Minister Wu Yi in her new role as the Minister of Health has already taken
steps to endorse increased cooperation with the United States on many of these
fronts. Speaking on the telephone last week, Vice Premier Wu and Secretary
of Health and Human Services (HHS) Tommy Thompson agreed to proceed with
planning for expanded collaborative efforts in epidemiological training and the
development of greater laboratory capacity in China. These new efforts
will increase the number of HHS personnel working in China beyond the two CDC
employees currently stationed in Beijing. This expanded collaboration,
while certainly spurred by the current SARS epidemic, will be very important in
helping China combat other infectious diseases, especially newly emerging
infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS and other STDs.
[i] This testimony draws from
recent articles published by the witness. See: Bates Gill, “China:
Richer, But Not Healthier,” Far Eastern Economic Review, May 1, 2003;
Bates Gill, “China will pay dearly for the SARS debacle,” International
Herald Tribune, April 22, 2003; Bates Gill and Andrew Thompson, “Why China’s
health matters to the world,” South China Morning Post, April 16,
2003.
|
 |