The Commission is deeply concerned that some Chinese government policies designed to address growing social unrest and bolster Communist Party authority are resulting in a period of declining human rights for China's citizens. The Commission identified limited improvements in the Chinese government's human rights practices in 2004, but backward-stepping government decisions in 2005 and 2006 are leading the Commission to reevaluate the Chinese leadership's commitment to additional human rights improvements in the near term. In its 2005 Annual Report, the Commission highlighted increased government restrictions on Chinese citizens who worship in state-controlled venues or write for state-controlled publications. These restrictions remain in place, and in some cases, the government has strengthened their enforcement.

The Communist Party's concern with growing social unrest dominated its policy statements over the past year, and served as justification for increased government interference with, and intimidation and harassment of, individuals and groups that the Party believes may threaten its authority or legitimacy. The government targeted social, political, and legal activists, as well as religious believers who violated strict government limitations on religious practice. In the past year, government efforts to maintain social stability have led to a greater reliance on the coercive powers of the police to subdue potential threats to Party rule. Chinese officials have also taken additional steps in the past year to curb the growth of China's emerging civil society. New government and Party controls have been imposed on courts and judges that may further weaken the independence of the Chinese judiciary. Moreover, the Chinese government continues to use its regulatory control over the Internet and print publishing to censor political and religious expression, to imprison journalists and writers, and to prevent Chinese citizens from having access to independent news sources.

The Commission notes the progress that the Chinese government has made over the past 25 years in beginning to build a political system based on the rule of law and on respect for basic human rights. The twin demands of social stability and continued economic progress have spurred legal reforms that may one day be the leading edge of constraints on the arbitrary exercise of state power. The Chinese government continues to pursue judicial and criminal reforms, often in cooperation with international partners, that could lead to further protection of citizen rights. The government's achievements in the economic realm are impressive, none more so than its success in lifting more than 400 million Chinese citizens out of extreme poverty since the early 1980s. Economic reforms have also contributed to a growing middle class, expected to total 170 million people by 2010. China's WTO accession commitments have resulted in gradual improvements in transparency at all levels of government. Elections at the village level are now commonplace in China, and limited experiments with popular participation continue at other levels of government. Average Chinese citizens are free to discuss sensitive issues in a way that would have been unimaginable two decades ago.

While all of these changes are important, the gap between forward-looking economic freedoms and a backward-looking political system remains significant. There are leaders now within China who comprehend the need for change, and who understand that inflexibility, secretiveness, and a lack of democratic oversight pose the greatest challenges to continued development. These leaders will need to gather considerable reformist courage to overcome obstacles and push for continued change. Such changes will not occur overnight, but rather in ways that Chinese society, culture, infrastructure, and institutions must be prepared for and willing to accept.

II. Executive Summary

China has an authoritarian political system controlled by the Communist Party. Party committees formulate all major state policies before the government implements them. The Party dominates Chinese legislative bodies such as the National People's Congress (NPC), and fills all important government positions in executive and judicial institutions through an internal selection process. Party control extends throughout institutions of local government. Chinese authorities have ruled out building representative democratic institutions to address citizen complaints about corruption and abuse of power, and instead are recentralizing government posts into the hands of individual Party secretaries. The absence of popular and legal constraints to check the behavior of Party officials has led to widespread corruption and citizen anger. The Party has strengthened the role of internal responsibility systems to moderate official behavior, but these systems have provided some local Party officials with new incentives to conceal information and abuse their power. In 2005, the central leadership called for strengthened controls over society to address mounting social unrest and to suppress dissent.

Since the 1980s, officials have introduced limited reforms to allow citizens to vote in village elections. While these reforms are a step forward in permitting citizen participation at the local level, the reforms are designed to strengthen Party governance and do not represent Party acceptance of representative government. Since the late 1990s, the Party has experimented with reforms that allow a limited degree of citizen participation in the selection of local Party cadres, but the Party retains tight control over the candidate pool and the selection process. Since 2000, Chinese authorities have experimented with the use of legislative hearings to solicit public views on pending legislation, and the NPC held its first controlled public hearing in September 2005. In March 2005, the central government announced new transparency requirements for local governments. The requirements mandate county and provincial governments to increase transparency and popular participation in government decisionmaking. Implementation of these "open government" requirements varies, but some local governments have taken steps toward greater transparency.

The Chinese government continues to engage the international community on human rights and rule of law issues to varying degrees. The government announced in 2006 that it plans to amend its Criminal, Civil, and Administrative Procedure Laws and reform the judiciary to prepare for ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The government hosted visits by the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture in late 2005 and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in March 2006. Both UN officials commended the Chinese government for its open attitude toward increased dialogue, but Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, also reported that his work was monitored and obstructed by Chinese authorities. In May 2006, China was elected to serve for a three-year term on the newly established UN Human Rights Council. The government's application for membership in the Council noted that it has acceded to 22 international human rights accords. As a member of the new Council, the government has pledged to fulfill its obligations under the terms of these accords, and is obligated under the rules of the Council to submit to peer review of its human rights record.

Chinese scholars and officials continued to engage foreign governments and legal experts on a range of criminal justice issues during late 2005 and 2006. Chinese law enforcement agencies expressed a growing interest in cooperating with other countries to combat transnational crime, and in expanding cooperation with U.S. law enforcement agencies on money laundering, fighting terrorism, and other issues. Numerous international conferences and legal exchanges with Western NGOs, judges, and legal experts took place, including programs on public accountability, pretrial discovery, evidence exclusion, criminal trials and procedure, bail, capital punishment, and prison reform. In 2006, the U.S. and Chinese governments continued to conduct a series of bilateral cooperative activities on wage and hour laws, occupational safety and health, mine safety and health, and pension program oversight.

Government censorship, while not total, is pervasive and highly effective, and denies Chinese citizens the freedoms of speech and of the press guaranteed to them in the Chinese Constitution. The government has imprisoned journalists who provide news to foreigners, such as Zhao Yan, Shi Tao, and Ching Cheong. Editors of publications that criticize government policies, such as Yang Bin of the Beijing News and Li Datong of the China Youth Daily, have been dismissed. The government blocks the Web sites and radio and television broadcasts of foreign news organizations, such as those of the British Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Free Asia, and the Voice of America. In 2005, the government banned dozens of newspapers and confiscated almost one million "illegal" political publications. Beginning in May 2005, the government blocked the Commission's Web site from being viewed in China.

Modern telecommunications technologies such as the Internet, cell phones, and satellite broadcasts, allow Chinese citizens access to more information sources, both state-controlled and non-state-controlled. But government restrictions on news and information media, including on these new information sources, do not conform to international human rights standards for freedom of expression. The Chinese government imposes a strict licensing scheme on news and information media that includes oversight by government agencies with discretion to grant, deny, and rescind licenses based on political and economic criteria. The Chinese government's content-based restrictions include controls on political opinion and religious literature that are not prescribed by law, and whose primary purpose is to protect the ideological and political dominance of the Communist Party.

The government's restrictions on religious literature do not conform to international human rights standards. Only government-licensed printing enterprises may print religious materials, and then only with approval from both the provincial-level religious affairs bureau and the press and publication administration. In addition to confiscating religious publications, the Chinese government also has fined, detained, and imprisoned citizens for publishing, printing, and distributing religious literature without government permission. Cai Zhuohua, a house church pastor in Beijing, and two of his family members were imprisoned in 2005 for printing and giving away Bibles and other Christian literature. In Anhui province, house church pastor Wang Zaiqing was arrested in May 2006 on the same charges.

Abuse of power by local police forces remains a serious problem. The Supreme People's Procuratorate (SPP) has acknowledged the existence of continuing and widespread abuses in law enforcement, including illegal extended detentions and torture. New SPP regulations that detail the criteria for prosecuting official abuses of power went into effect in July 2006, and establish standards for the prosecution of police who abuse their power to hold individuals in custody beyond legal limits, coerce confessions under torture, acquire evidence through the use of force, maltreat prisoners, or retaliate against those who petition the government or file complaints against them.

The Chinese government continues to apply vague criminal and administrative provisions to justify detentions based on an individual's political opinions or membership in religious, ethnic, or social groups. These provisions allow for the targeting and punishment of activists for crimes that "endanger state security" or "disturb public order" under the Criminal Law. The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture concluded in his March 2006 report to the UN Commission on Human Rights that the vague definition of these crimes leaves their application open to abuse, particularly of the rights to freedom of religion, speech, and assembly.

Chinese authorities use reeducation through labor and other forms of administrative detention to circumvent the criminal process and imprison offenders for "minor crimes," without judicial review and the procedural protections guaranteed by the Chinese Constitution and Criminal Procedure Law. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded in 2004 that the Chinese government has made no significant progress in reforming the administrative detention system to ensure judicial review and to conform to international law. Although proposed reforms would provide some added procedural protections, they would still not provide an accused individual the opportunity to dispute the alleged misconduct and contest law enforcement accusations of guilt before an independent adjudicatory body.

Although illegal in China, torture and abuse by law enforcement officers remain widespread. Factors that perpetuate or exacerbate the problem of torture include a lack of procedural safeguards to protect criminal suspects and defendants, over reliance on confessions of guilt, the absence of lawyers at interrogations, inadequate complaint mechanisms, the lack of an independent judiciary, and the abuse of administrative detention measures. The Chinese government emphasizes its ongoing efforts to pass new laws and administrative regulations preventing, punishing, and compensating cases of torture by law enforcement officers. Both the SPP and the Ministry of Public Security have announced their support for audio and video taping of interrogations of criminal suspects accused of a limited number of crimes. The Chinese government recognizes that problems of misconduct, including physical abuse, exist within Chinese prisons and reeducation through labor centers, and it is making progress toward increasing accountability for such behavior.

In 2006, Chinese authorities increased restrictions on lawyers who work on politically sensitive cases or cases that draw attention from the foreign news media. Law enforcement officials also intimidated lawyers defending these cases by charging them, or threatening to charge them, with various crimes. Since mid-2005, local authorities have also used harassment and violent measures against those who participated in criminal or civil rights defense in sensitive matters. Beijing lawyer Zhu Jiuhu was detained during the past year. Self-trained legal advocate Chen Guangcheng was sentenced on August 24, 2006, to four years and three months' imprisonment, and Shanghai lawyer Zheng Enchong is currently under house arrest after being released from prison on June 5, 2006. Beijing lawyer Gao Zhisheng has been held incommunicado since authorities reportedly abducted him on August 15 from his sister's home in Shandong province. Guo Feixiong, who served as a legal advisor to Gao's law firm, was arrested and later released in late 2005, and is currently in detention after being taken from his home on September 14.

Chinese criminal law includes 68 capital offenses, over half of which are non-violent crimes. The Chinese government reportedly has adopted an "execute fewer, execute cautiously" policy. In 2006, the Chinese judiciary made reform of the death penalty review process a top priority and introduced new appellate court procedures for hearing death penalty cases. The Supreme People's Court announced that it would consolidate and reclaim the death penalty review power from provincial-level high courts. These reforms are designed to limit the use of death sentences, consolidate criteria used by courts to administer those sentences, and ensure constitutionally protected human rights.

The Vice Minister of Health acknowledged that the majority of human organs used in transplants in China originate from executed prisoners. Under the World Health Organization's guiding principles on human organ transplantation, organ donations by prisoners, even when reportedly voluntary, may nonetheless violate international standards if the organs are obtained through undue influence and pressure. New Ministry of Health regulations include medical standards for organ transplants, but do not provide guidance on what type of consent is required for taking organs from executed prisoners.

The Chinese government does not respect the internationally recognized right of workers to organize their own unions. The All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), a Party-led mass organization, is the only legal labor federation in China. It controls local union branches and aligns worker and union activity with government and Party policy. The ACFTU began a campaign in March 2006 to establish union branches in foreign enterprises doing business in China. Chinese workers who attempt to form independent workers' organizations, or whom the government suspects of being leaders of such organizations, risk imprisonment. The government secretly tried labor rights activist Li Wangyang and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment in September 2001 for staging a peaceful hunger strike. Li had previously served most of a 13-year sentence for organizing an independent union. In May 2003, the government sentenced labor activist Yao Fuxin to a seven-year prison term for peacefully rallying workers to demand wage and pension arrearages from a bankrupt state-owned enterprise. Both Li and Yao remain in prison.

Weak protection of worker rights has contributed to an increase in the number of labor disputes and protests. According to ACFTU figures, the number of labor disputes rose sharply in 2005. The ACFTU reports that there were 300,000 labor-related lawsuits filed, a 20.5 percent increase over 2004 and a 950 percent increase compared to 1995. Strikes, marches, demonstrations, and collective petitions increased from fewer than 1,500 in 1994 to about 11,000 in 2003, while the number of workers involved increased from nearly 53,000 in 1994 to an estimated 515,000 in 2003. Poor workplace health and safety conditions and continuing wage and pension arrearages were the most prominent issues resulting in labor disputes during the past year. Chinese industry continues to have a high accident rate, with death rates in the mining and construction industries leading other sectors. According to official statistics, 110,027 people were killed in 677,379 workplace accidents through December 2005, and more than 10,000 workers died in the mining and construction sectors during 2005.

Forced labor is an integral part of the Chinese administrative detention system. Authorities sentence some prisoners without judicial review to reeducation through labor (laojiao) centers, where they are forced to work long hours without pay to fulfill heavy production quotas, and sometimes are tortured for refusing to work. China's Labor Law prohibits forced labor practices in the workplace, and authorities have arrested employers who trap workers at forced labor sites. In 2002, the Chinese government began to cooperate with the International Labor Organization on broad issues of concern regarding forced labor, including on potential reforms to the reeducation through labor system, and on improving institutional capacity to combat human trafficking for labor exploitation.

The use of child labor in some regions of China is reportedly on the rise. Labor shortages in the economically developed southern and eastern coastal provinces are causing employers to turn to child laborers, according to NGO reports. This development coincides with intensified efforts by the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Labor and Social Security to fight the illegal employment of children, suggesting that the government is more concerned about such abuses than before. Government authorities consider statistics on child labor that have not been officially approved for release to be state secrets, and this policy thwarts efforts to understand the extent and causes of the problem.

Chinese government restrictions on the practice of religion violate international human rights standards. Freedom of religious belief is protected by the Chinese Constitution and laws, but government implementation of Party policy on religion, and restrictions elsewhere in domestic law, violate these guarantees. The Chinese government tolerates some aspects of religious belief and practice, but only under a strict regulatory framework that represses religious and spiritual activities falling outside the scope of Party-sanctioned practice. Religious organizations are required to register with the government and submit to the leadership of "patriotic religious associations" created by the Party to lead each of China's five recognized religions: Buddhism, Catholicism, Daoism, Islam, and Protestantism. Those who choose not to register with the government, or groups that the government refuses to register, operate outside the zone of protected religious activity and risk harassment, detention, imprisonment, and other abuses. Registered communities also risk such abuse if they engage in religious activities that authorities deem a threat to Party authority or legitimacy.

The 2004 Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA) has not afforded greater religious freedom to Chinese citizens, despite government claims that it represented a "paradigm shift" by limiting state control over religion. Like earlier local and national regulations on religion, the RRA emphasizes government control and restrictions on religion. The RRA articulates general protection only for freedom of "religious belief," but not for expressions of religious belief. Like earlier regulations, it also protects only those religious activities deemed "normal," without defining this term. Although the RRA includes provisions that permit registered religious organizations to select leaders, publish materials, and engage in other affairs, many provisions are conditioned on government approval and oversight of religious activities.

Chinese government enforcement of Party policy on religion creates a repressive environment for the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. Party policies toward the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, the second-ranking Tibetan spiritual leader, seek to control the fundamental religious convictions of Tibetan Buddhists. Government actions to implement Party policies caused further deterioration in some aspects of religious freedom for Tibetan Buddhists in the past year. Officials began a patriotic education campaign in Lhasa-area monasteries and nunneries in April 2005. Expressions of resentment by Tibetan monks and nuns against the continuing campaign resulted in detentions, expulsions, and an apparent suicide. Chinese officials continue to hold Gedun Choekyi Nyima, the boy the Dalai Lama recognized as the Panchen Lama in May 1995, in incommunicado custody along with his parents.

Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns constituted 21 of the 24 known political detentions of Tibetans by Chinese authorities in 2005, compared to 8 of the 15 such known detentions in 2004, based on data available in the Commission's Political Prisoner Database. None of the known detentions of monks and nuns in 2005 took place in Sichuan province, a shift from the previous three years, but known detentions of monks and nuns in Qinghai and Gansu provinces increased during the same period. Based on data available for 50 currently imprisoned Tibetan monks and nuns, their average sentence length is approximately nine years and six months. In one positive development, the government permitted the resumption of a centuries-old Tibetan Buddhist tradition of advanced study that leads to the highest level of scholarly attainment in the Gelug tradition.

Government repression of unregistered Catholic clerics increased in the past year. Based on NGO reports, officials in Hebei and Zhejiang provinces detained a total of 38 unregistered clerics in 13 incidents in the last year, while in the previous year officials detained 11 clerics in 5 incidents. The government targets Catholic bishops who lead large unregistered communities for the most severe punishment. Bishop Jia Zhiguo, the unregistered bishop of Zhengding diocese in Hebei province, has spent most of the past year in detention. Bishop Jia has been detained at least eight times since 2004.

Government harassment and abuse of registered Catholic clerics also increased in the past year. In November and December 2005, three incidents were reported in which officials or unidentified assailants beat registered Catholic nuns or priests after they demanded the return of church property. In April and May 2006, officials began a campaign to increase control over registered Catholic bishops. Officials detained, sequestered, threatened, or exerted pressure on dozens of registered Catholic clerics to coerce them into participating in the consecration of bishops selected by the state-controlled Catholic Patriotic Association but not approved by the Holy See. Government authorities also restricted contact between registered clergy and the Holy See, denying bishops permission to travel to Rome in September 2005 to participate in a meeting of Catholic bishops. Authorities continued to permit some registered priests and nuns to study abroad.

The Chinese government also strictly controls the practice of Islam. Muslims face the same rigorous registration requirements as other religious groups. The state-controlled Islamic Association of China aligns Islamic practice to Party goals by directing the training and confirmation of religious leaders, the publication of religious materials, the content of sermons, and the organization of Hajj pilgrimages, as well as by indoctrinating religious leaders and adherents in Party ideology and government policy.

The government severely represses Islamic practice in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), especially among the Uighur ethnic group. Local regulations in the XUAR impose restrictions on religion that are not found in other parts of China. The government's religious repression in the XUAR is part of a broader policy aimed at diluting expressions of Uighur identity and tightening government control in the region. The government continues to imprison Uighurs who engage in peaceful expressions of dissent and other non-violent activities. Writer Nurmemet Yasin and historian Tohti Tunyaz remain in prison for writing a short story and conducting research on the XUAR.

The Chinese government continues to repress Chinese Protestants who worship in house churches. From May 2005 to May 2006, the government detained nearly 2,000 house church members, according to one U.S. NGO. Almost 50 percent of the reported detentions of Protestant house church members and leaders took place in Henan province, where the house church movement is particularly strong. In June 2006, Pastor Zhang Rongliang, the leader of one of China's largest house churches, was sentenced to seven years and six months in prison for "illegally crossing the national border" and "fraudulently obtaining a passport." Authorities have detained or imprisoned Pastor Zhang multiple times since 1976. Pastor Gong Shengliang is serving a life sentence in declining health, and was beaten in prison during the past year.

The Chinese government continues to maintain strict control over the registered Protestant church. The RRA requires that all Protestants worship at registered churches, regardless of their differences in doctrine and liturgy. The state-controlled Three-Self Patriotic Movement, which leads the registered Protestant church in China, continues to impose a Party-defined theology, called "theological construction," on registered seminaries that is intended to "weaken those aspects within Christian faith that do not conform with the socialist society." In the past year, authorities detained a registered Protestant pastor in Henan province for conducting a Bible study meeting at a registered Protestant church outside his designated geographic area.

The Chinese government continues to disrupt the relationships that many house churches maintain with co-religionists outside China, including raiding meetings between house church leaders and overseas Protestants, and preventing foreign travel by house church leaders. The Chinese government also continues to restrict and monitor the ties between the registered Protestant Church and foreign denominations.

Government persecution of the Falun Gong spiritual movement continued during the past year. Authorities use both criminal and administrative punishments to punish Falun Gong practitioners for peacefully exercising their spiritual beliefs. The state-controlled press has reported on at least 149 cases of Falun Gong practitioners currently in prison, but Falun Gong sources estimate that up to 100,000 practitioners have been detained since 1999. Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, reported after his November 2005 visit to China that Falun Gong practitioners account for two-thirds of victims of alleged torture by Chinese law enforcement officers. Tsinghua University student Wang Xin was sentenced to nine years' imprisonment in 2001 for downloading Falun Gong materials from the Internet and printing leaflets.

Despite strict government controls on the practice of religion, Chinese authorities accommodate the social programs of Buddhist, Catholic, Daoist, Muslim, and Protestant communities when these programs support Party goals. For example, domestic Muslim civil society organizations carry out social welfare projects, and international Muslim charities have supported projects in Gansu and Shaanxi provinces, as well as in the XUAR. The Amity Foundation, affiliated with the registered Protestant Church, sponsors projects in social services and development aid, including education, health care, and care for the elderly.

The Chinese Constitution and national laws provide that men and women should enjoy equal rights and list protections for the economic and social rights of women, but vague language and inadequate implementation hinder the effectiveness of these legal protections. Some provincial and municipal governments have passed regulations to strengthen the implementation of national laws. A 2005 amendment to the Law on the Protection of Rights and Interests of Women prohibits sexual harassment and domestic violence, promotes a greater voice for women in the government, and charges several government organizations with responsibility for preventing human trafficking and rehabilitating victims.

Civil society groups in China advocate on behalf of women's rights within the confines of government and Party policy. The All-China Women's Federation, a Party-led mass organization, works with the Chinese government to support women's rights, implement programs for disadvantaged women, and provide a limited measure of legal counseling and training for women. Women, however, have limited earning power compared to men, despite government policies that guarantee women non-discrimination in employment and occupation.

The Chinese government strictly controls the reproductive lives of Chinese women. Since the early 1980s, the government's population planning policy has limited most women in urban areas to bearing one child, while permitting many women in rural China to bear a second child if their first child is female. Officials have coerced compliance with the policy through a system marked by pervasive propaganda, mandatory monitoring of women's reproductive cycles, mandatory contraception, mandatory birth permits, coercive fines for failure to comply, and, in some cases, forced sterilization and abortion. The Chinese government's population planning laws and regulations contravene international human rights standards by limiting the number of children that women may bear, by coercing compliance with population targets through heavy fines, and by discriminating against "out-of-plan" children. Local officials have violated Chinese law by punishing citizens, such as legal advocate Chen Guangcheng, who have drawn attention to population planning abuses by government officials.

Human trafficking remains pervasive in China despite efforts by government agencies to combat trafficking, a framework of domestic laws to address the problem, and ongoing cooperation with international anti-trafficking programs. The government's population planning policy has created a severe imbalance in the male-female birth ratio, and this imbalance exacerbates trafficking of women and girls for sale as brides. Between 10,000 and 20,000 men, women, and children are victims of trafficking within China each year, and NGOs estimate that 90 percent of those victims are women and children trafficked for sexual exploitation. Authorities are working with the International Labor Organization to build anti-trafficking capacity and raise domestic awareness of the problem.

The Chinese government acknowledges the severity of China's environmental problems and has taken steps to curb pollution and environmental degradation. Since 2001, it has formulated or revised environmental protection laws, administrative regulations, and standards, and has worked to strengthen enforcement of anti-pollution rules. The Chinese government has also welcomed international technical assistance to combat environmental degradation, and has increased cooperation with the U.S. government on environmental protection over the past year.

Despite these initiatives, local enforcement of environmental laws and regulations is poor, and under funding of environmental protection activities continues to hinder official efforts to prevent environmental degradation. A lack of transparency hampers the Chinese government's ability to respond to civil emergencies, including environmental disasters. Government efforts to impose greater control over environmental civil society groups during the past year have stifled citizen activism.

The central government strengthened its commitment during the past year to address the severe shortage of affordable health care in rural China. Since the collapse of the rural public health infrastructure in the 1980s, the disparity in the availability and affordability of health care between urban and rural areas has increased. As a result, the medical needs of China's rural poor, including the diagnosis and treatment of infectious diseases, often go unaddressed. The government, however, has pledged to accelerate the establishment of rural health cooperatives and invest more than 20 billion yuan (US$2.5 billion) over the next five years to modernize hospitals, clinics, and medical equipment at the village, township, and county levels.

The central government continued to take steps over the past year to prevent and control the spread of HIV/AIDS. Although the estimated number of HIV/AIDS cases nationwide has decreased, health officials still consider the disease to be a grave problem. Government efforts to prevent and control the transmission of HIV/AIDS continue to face serious challenges, as local implementation of national policy lags far behind central government attention to the problem. Victims of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases also continue to face harassment and discrimination, despite legal protections.

Since its implementation in the 1950s, the Chinese household registration (hukou) system has limited the rights of ordinary Chinese citizens to choose their permanent place of residence, receive equal access to social services, and enjoy equal protection of the law. Economic changes and relaxation of some hukou controls have eroded previously strict limits on citizens' freedom of movement, but these changes have also exported a discriminatory urban-rural social division to China's cities. Migrants who lack a local hukou for their new city of residence face legal discrimination in employment, education, and social services.

Chinese leaders called for reforms to the hukou system during the past year. Central government interest in reform stems not only from concern over migrant rights and economic inequality, but also from concern over growing social instability and a desire for stronger government control over China's internal migrant population. New national goals for hukou reform, like similar proposals implemented periodically since the late 1990s, call for streamlined hukou categories, elimination of discriminatory regulations on employment, and improved migrant access to social services. Local governments and urban residents have resisted reforms to the hukou system because of the potential budgetary impact, fears of increasing population pressure in cities, and discriminatory attitudes toward migrants. Local opposition has limited the ability of central government authorities to achieve national reform goals.

Central authorities seek to maintain control over civil society groups, halt the emergence of independent organizations, and prevent what they have called the "Westernization" of China. While recognizing the utility of civil society organizations to address social problems, Chinese authorities use strict regulations to limit the growth of an independent civil society. Some Chinese citizens who attempt to organize groups outside of state control have been imprisoned. These include individuals who have attempted to establish independent labor unions and political associations, such as China Free Trade Union Preparatory Committee member Hu Shigen, and China Democracy Party member Qin Yongmin; or young intellectuals who organize informal discussion groups, such as New Youth Study Group members Jin Haike, Xu Wei, Yang Zili, and Zhang Honghai.

Chinese officials have taken additional steps to curtail civil society organizations in the past year, but authorities are undecided on how to proceed. Since early 2005, Ministry of Civil Affairs (MOCA) officials have been researching a new administrative system to monitor and control civil society organizations. Many details of the new system are undetermined, such as who will conduct the required evaluations of civil society groups, how the evaluation results will be used, and who will fund the evaluations. At the same time, Chinese authorities have supported limited reforms to the status of civil society organizations. MOCA officials are advocating changes to the tax code to encourage private donations to civil society organizations. Central Party officials have expressed support for the creation of rural farmer cooperatives in annual policy guidelines issued each year since 2004.

International human rights standards require effective remedies for official violations of citizen rights. Despite these guarantees, Chinese citizens face formidable obstacles in seeking remedies to government actions that violate their legal rights and constitutionally protected freedoms. External government and Party controls continue to limit the independence of the Chinese judiciary. Party officials control the selection of top judicial personnel in all courts, including the Supreme People's Court, China's highest judicial authority. Since 2005, the government has restricted the efforts of private lawyers and human rights defenders who challenge government abuses. The All China Lawyers Association issued a guiding opinion that restricts the ability of lawyers to handle cases involving large groups of people. Local Chinese authorities have imposed additional restrictions on lawyer advocacy efforts.

The constitutional and administrative mechanisms in Chinese law that allow citizens to challenge government actions do not provide effective legal remedies, and Chinese citizens seldom use them. Chinese citizens rarely submit proposals to the National People's Congress for constitutional and legal review because the review process lacks transparency and citizens cannot compel review. Administrative court challenges to government actions have not increased since 1998. Provincial authorities report an overall decline between 2003 and 2005 in applications for administrative reconsideration, and the total numbers of such applications in major Chinese municipalities is a few hundred per year.

Chinese law also permits citizens to petition government officials directly to redress their grievances through the "letters and visits" (xinfang) system. Official news media report that Chinese citizens presented 12.7 million petitions to county-level and higher xinfang bureaus during 2005, in contrast to the 8 million total court cases handled by the Chinese judiciary during the same period. Local officials are disciplined more severely for high incidences of petitioning. Absent alternative political or legal channels to check the power of local officials and obtain redress, this punishment structure provides an incentive for Chinese citizens to take their grievances to the streets in order to force local officials to act. But this punishment structure also gives local authorities an interest in suppressing mass petitions and preventing petitioners from approaching higher authorities. A December 2005 study of the xinfang system by a U.S. NGO found that some local authorities have resorted to "rampant violence and intimidation" to abduct or detain petitioners in Beijing and force them to return home.

The Supreme People's Court 2004-2008 court reform program imposes stronger external and internal controls that may further weaken the independence of courts and judges. The court reform program, however, also sets some positive long-term goals for judicial reform in the areas of court financing, adjudication, retrial procedures, and juvenile justice. Party efforts to address growing social unrest have resulted in new government programs to strengthen institutions that assist citizens with legal claims and disputes. Official Chinese statistics show that the number of government legal aid centers rose from 2,774 in 2003 to 3,081 in 2005. The total number of cases handled by these centers rose from about 166,000 in 2003 to an estimated 250,000 in 2005, or roughly 3 percent of all cases handled by the Chinese courts in 2005.

In 2005, the Dalai Lama increased his efforts to explain that he does not seek Tibetan independence from China. The Dalai Lama's envoys traveled to China for a fifth round of dialogue with Chinese officials in February 2006, relaying a request to Chinese leaders to permit the Dalai Lama to visit China as a religious pilgrim. Tibetans could benefit from full implementation of the Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law, but the lack of local self-government in Tibetan autonomous areas of China creates mistrust in the dialogue and demonstrates that authorities are not implementing this law.

The Chinese government favors accelerating implementation of development initiatives, especially the Great Western Development program, that already erode Tibetan culture and heritage. The Qinghai-Tibet railway began passenger service in July 2006, increasing Tibetan concerns about the railway's potential effects on Tibetan culture and the environment. Education levels among Tibetans are much lower than those of ethnic Han Chinese, undermining the ability of Tibetans to compete for employment and other economic advantages in an emerging market economy that attracts an increasing number of Han.

The Chinese government strictly limits the rights of Tibetans to exercise the constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of religion, speech, and assembly. Communist Party political campaigns promote atheism and strengthen government efforts to discourage Tibetan aspirations to foster their unique culture and religion. Chinese authorities have punished Tibetans, such as Jigme Gyatso, a former monk imprisoned in 1996 who is serving a 17-year sentence and Choeying Khedrub, a monk serving a life sentence since 2000, for peaceful expressions and non-violent actions that officials believe could undermine Party rule. The Commission's Political Prisoner Database listed 103 known cases of current Tibetan political detention or imprisonment as of August 2006, a figure that is likely to be lower than the actual number of Tibetan political prisoners. Based on sentence information available for 70 of the current prisoners, the average sentence is approximately 10 years and 11 months.

The Chinese government forcibly repatriates North Korean refugees facing starvation and political and religious persecution in their homeland, contravening its obligations under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. Chinese authorities detained and returned to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) thousands of North Koreans in 2005. The government classifies all North Koreans who enter China without documents as illegal economic migrants and claims it must return them to the DPRK, even though North Korean defectors meet the definition of refugees under international law. Repatriated North Koreans face long prison sentences, torture, and execution.

Without legal status, North Korean refugees in China are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. There are an estimated 20,000 to 50,000 North Koreans currently hiding in northeastern China, and some NGOs estimate that the number of refugees is much higher. The government refuses the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) access to North Korean refugees, and fines and imprisons humanitarian workers who assist North Koreans in China. Officials in Beijing met with UNHCR Antonio Guterres in March 2006 during the first UNHCR visit to China since 1997. In July 2006, the Chinese government for the first time allowed three North Korean refugees to travel directly from the U.S. Consulate in Shenyang, Liaoning province, to the United States to seek asylum.

The people of Hong Kong continue to enjoy the benefits of an independent judiciary and an open society in which the freedoms of religion, speech, and assembly are respected. The Commission strongly supports the provisions of the Basic Law that provide for the election of the chief executive and the entire Legislative Council through universal suffrage, and highlights the importance of the central government's obligation to give Hong Kong the "high degree of autonomy" promised in the Basic Law. The Commission notes, however, that during the past year, no steps were taken that would move Hong Kong closer to the "ultimate aim" of universal suffrage as specified in the Basic Law.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's Constitutional Development Task Force issued its fifth report in October 2005, which proposed modest measures to expand citizen participation in selecting the chief executive in 2007 and forming the Legislative Council in 2008. A vigorous public debate on the merits of the Task Force proposals, and their lack of a timetable for universal suffrage, culminated in a December 2005 march by tens of thousands to protest the slow pace of democratization. Twenty-four Legislative Council members voted against the report in late December, blocking its passage. A last-minute package of adjustments offered by the government did not meet the lawmakers' demand for a specific timetable to realize universal suffrage.

The Chinese government has made progress in bringing its laws and regulations into compliance with its World Trade Organization (WTO) commitments. Although significant flaws remain, the new body of commercial laws has improved the business climate for foreign companies in China. With new, more transparent rules, the Chinese trade bureaucracy has reduced regulatory and licensing delays in many sectors. The Chinese commercial regulatory regime remains, however, largely opaque to both domestic and foreign businesses. When China joined the WTO in December 2001, the government committed to establishing an official journal that would publish drafts of trade-related measures for notice and comment, and to publish trade-related measures no later than 90 days after they become effective. Although the government has acted to improve transparency, some central government agencies and many local governments are not consistent in publishing trade-related measures in the official journal.

The Chinese government tolerates intellectual property rights (IPR) infringement rates that are among the highest in the world. The Chinese government has not introduced criminal penalties sufficient to deter IPR infringement, and steps taken by Chinese government agencies to improve the protection of foreign intellectual property have not produced any significant decrease in infringement activity. The Chinese government's failure to provide effective criminal enforcement of IPR has led foreign companies to turn to civil litigation to obtain monetary damages or injunctive relief. Civil litigants continue to find, however, that most judges lack the necessary training and experience to handle IPR cases, and damage awards are too low to be an effective deterrent.

Since acceding to the WTO, the Chinese government has used technical, regulatory, and industrial policies, some of which appear to conflict with its WTO commitments, to discriminate against foreign producers and investors and limit their access to the domestic market. U.S. rights holders and industry groups have complained that the government's censorship regime serves as a barrier to entry and encourages IPR violations. In 2005, the American Chamber of Commerce in China wrote that censorship clearance procedures severely restrict the ability to distribute CD, VCD, and DVD products in China and provide an "unfair and unnecessary advantage to pirate producers who bring their products to market long before legitimate copies are available for sale."

III. List of Recommendations

Human Rights for China's Citizens | Freedom for Religious Believers in China | Labor Rights for China's Workers | Free Flow of Information for China's Citizens | Rule of Law and the Development of Civil Society

The Commission is working to implement the recommendations made in its 2002-2005 Annual Reports. Based on the information presented in this report and the Commission's belief that the United States must continue to pursue a dual policy of high-level advocacy on human rights issues and support for legal reform efforts, the Commission makes the following additional recommendations to the President and the Congress for 2006:

Human Rights for China's Citizens

The UN Human Rights Council held its first session from June 19 to June 30 in Geneva. As a responsible member of the international community and one of the 47 members of the new Council, China must abide by the international norms of behavior articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international covenants, and submit to peer review of its human rights record. The President and the Congress should continue to urge the Chinese government to ratify the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and to adopt such legislative and other measures as may be necessary to give effect to the rights recognized in the Covenant. The President and the Congress should also encourage the Council to fight human rights abuses and to speak on behalf of Chinese prisoners of conscience who have had their voices silenced, including: democracy and labor activist Hu Shigen (imprisoned for helping to establish an independent political party and trade union), members Jin Haike, Xu Wei, Yang Zili, and Zhang Honghai of the New Youth Study Group (imprisoned for participating in a university discussion group), former monk Jigme Gyatso (imprisoned for printing leaflets and distributing posters), Uighur publisher Korash Huseyin (imprisoned for publishing a short story), Uighur writer Nurmemet Yasin (imprisoned for writing a short story), democracy activist Qin Yongmin (imprisoned for serving as a China Democracy Party spokesman), poet and journalist Shi Tao (imprisoned for investigative journalism), Uighur historian Tohti Tunyaz (imprisoned for historical research), U.S. permanent resident and democracy activist Yang Jianli (whose detention was found to be arbitrary by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention), freelance writer Yang Tianshui (imprisoned for writing articles critical of authoritarian rule), labor rights activist Yao Fuxin (imprisoned for rallying workers to seek back wages), and New York Times researcher Zhao Yan (imprisoned for investigative journalism).
China's leaders say they are committed to building a fair and just society based on the rule of law, and, in an effort to control social unrest, have moved toward strengthening government institutions that assist citizens with legal claims. Over the past year, however, prominent Chinese criminal and civil rights defense lawyers who have worked to advance the development of the rule of law under the rubric of "rights defenders" have met with government intimidation, harassment, and imprisonment. The President and the Congress should continue to discuss with China's leaders the importance of an effective, robust, and transparent legal defense in protecting civil and political rights, and recall the 1998 UN General Assembly declaration calling for the protection of human rights defenders worldwide. The President and the Congress should also continue to emphasize that continued detention and imprisonment of rights defenders such as Chen Guangcheng (sentenced in August for speaking out against population planning abuses) will only undermine the legitimacy of government actions and of China's developing legal system. A full commitment to the rule of law will also require the Chinese government to cease its harassment, surveillance, and abuse of citizens such as legal advocates Guo Feixiong and Zhao Xin, who have suffered repeated violence for working peacefully to defend citizen rights, and to allow courageous lawyers such as Gao Zhisheng and Zheng Enchong to resume their important legal advocacy.
The future of Tibetans and their religion, language, and culture depends on fair and equitable decisions about future policies that can only be achieved through dialogue. The Dalai Lama is essential to this dialogue. To help the parties build on dialogue held during visits by the Dalai Lama's representatives each year since 2002, the President and the Congress should continue to urge the Chinese government to invite the Dalai Lama to visit China, so that he can see for himself the changes and developments in China, and so that he can seek to build trust through direct contact with the Chinese leadership.
Rapid economic development without effective environmental safeguards has resulted in severe environmental degradation throughout China, poor air and water quality in many areas, and increased risk of disease. The Chinese government has acknowledged the severity of China's environmental problems and has taken steps to curb pollution. The United States and China share a common interest in protecting the environment, and the Chinese government has welcomed international technical assistance to combat environmental degradation. The President and the Congress should discuss with China's leaders the importance of citizen activism in protecting the environment and in challenging governments to provide clean air and drinking water. The President and the Congress should also provide funding to support the full range of activities envisioned in new Sino-U.S. bilateral and international efforts to protect the environment like the Joint Committee on Environmental Cooperation and the Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate.
The Chinese government continues to apply vague criminal and administrative provisions to justify detentions based on an individual's political opinions or membership in religious, ethnic, or social groups. These provisions allow for the targeting and punishment of activists for crimes that "endanger state security" or "disturb public order" under the Criminal Law. They also allow for administrative detention for "minor crimes" in centers where prisoners can be subjected to forced labor without judicial review and the procedural protections guaranteed by the Constitution and Criminal Procedure Law. The President and the Congress should raise these issues in discussions with UN oversight agencies and the Chinese government, and recommend that the Criminal Law be amended to define these crimes in precise terms, and to create exceptions for the peaceful exercise of fundamental rights guaranteed under the Chinese Constitution and international declarations and treaties. The President and the Congress should also recommend that the administrative detention system be reformed to conform to international law, including the abolition of forced labor practices. Reforms should ensure that Chinese citizens have the opportunity to dispute any alleged misconduct and contest law enforcement accusations of guilt before an independent adjudicatory body.

Freedom for Religious Believers in China

Freedom of religion is a fundamental human right. The freedom to believe and to practice one's religion includes the right of religious adherents to interact freely with their co-religionists abroad, and to choose where they worship, who will teach them, the texts they study, and whom they accept as their leaders. The President and the Congress should continue to foster the development of freedom of religion in China by encouraging the Chinese government to recognize that this freedom includes the right of Tibetan Buddhists to freely express their religious devotion to the Dalai Lama, of Chinese Catholics to worship with bishops selected by the Holy See, of Muslims to participate in religious pilgrimages without government interference, of Protestants to worship in house churches, and of adherents of spiritual belief systems, like Falun Gong, to freely practice their beliefs. In addition, the President and the Congress should continue to encourage the Chinese government to end the harassment, detention, and abuse of leaders and members of unregistered religious organizations; raise cases of religious imprisonment with the Chinese government; and call for the immediate release of religious prisoners of conscience, including house church pastor Cai Zhuohua (imprisoned for printing and giving away Bibles), Tibetan monk Choeying Khedrub (sentenced to life imprisonment for printing leaflets), South China Church leader Gong Shengliang (sentenced to life imprisonment based on tortured confessions), Catholic bishop Jia Zhiguo (detained for unauthorized Catholic ministry), Catholic bishop Su Zhimin (held incommunicado since 1997), and Tsinghua University student and Falun Gong practitioner Wang Xin (imprisoned for downloading Internet materials). The President and the Congress should also continue to urge the Chinese government to allow the UN Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance to visit China without conditions, as the Chinese government has committed to the U.S. government and to the Special Rapporteur.
Chinese central government policy, and some local regulations, only recognize five government-defined religions. This restriction is neither contained in national law nor in China's new Regulation on Religious Affairs. In some parts of China, Protestant communities that are not affiliated with the state-controlled patriotic religious association have been allowed to register with the government. Although the government does not recognize Orthodox Christianity as a religion, some Orthodox communities in China have registered with a local government. These are welcome developments, but they have been limited in scope. The President and the Congress should continue to encourage the Chinese government to eliminate its policy restrictions on religion and to guarantee citizens freedom of thought, conscience, religion, and belief in accordance with Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; to allow all religious and spiritual groups to form independent organizations and practice their faith free from interference by the government and state-controlled religious associations; to remove registration requirements or amend them so that the government does not have the discretion to deny registration to certain groups; and to provide protections for individuals who choose to worship outside the framework of organized religion.

Labor Rights for China's Workers

Working conditions in China remain poor, and Chinese workers are often unaware of the national laws that protect their rights. The U.S. Department of Labor has been working with the Chinese Ministry of Labor and Social Security and the State Administration of Work Safety to implement activities that focus on such labor issues as occupational and mine safety and health, wage and hour law administration, and education for Chinese workers about national labor laws. The President and the Congress should support expansion of these cooperative activities to improve labor conditions for Chinese workers. The President and the Congress should also raise with Chinese leaders the critical role that independent unions can play in achieving safer workplaces, pressing factory owners to pay workers fully and on time, and reducing accidents and countering official corruption in the mining sector.
Human trafficking is a serious problem in China. The government is cooperating with the International Labor Organization's (ILO) Special Action Program to Combat Forced Labor to strengthen the law enforcement aspects of the trafficking cycle, but government institutions lack the knowledge and capacity to combat these practices effectively. China's Criminal Law does not specifically address the issue of human trafficking as it relates to forced labor, and although the Labor Law outlaws forced labor practices in the workplace, it only provides light penalties for violators. The President should continue to support, and the Congress should continue to fund, U.S. assistance to the ILO's cooperative programs with China on forced labor and trafficking; should urge the Chinese government to ratify the two protocols to the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime concerning trafficking in persons and smuggling of migrants; and should encourage bilateral discussions on ways that government agencies, domestic law, and employers and business groups can deter human trafficking more effectively.

Free Flow of Information for China's Citizens

The National People's Congress is considering a draft "Law on the Handling of Sudden Incidents" that, in its current form, restricts domestic and foreign news media reporting on natural and man-made disasters. If passed, this law would not only impose a prior restraint on the press that is inconsistent with international human rights standards, but also impede the efficiency of the Global Public Health Intelligence Network, an electronic surveillance system used by the World Health Organization to monitor the Internet for reports of communicable diseases and communicable disease syndromes. The President and the Congress should continue to raise with China's leaders the global nature of public health emergencies, the importance of complete transparency in the administration of public health, and the importance of an unimpeded press in monitoring government performance on public health and providing critical information to the public in a timely manner.
The Chinese government uses technology, prior restraints, intimidation, detention, imprisonment, and vague and arbitrarily applied censorship regulations to suppress free expression and control the news media. Because the government restricts the free flow of information, many Chinese citizens are unaware that official censorship policies violate their rights to freedom of speech and freedom of the press. The President and the Congress should urge the Chinese government to eliminate prior restraints on publishing, cease detaining journalists and writers, stop blocking foreign news broadcasts and Web sites, and specify precisely what kind of political content is illegal to publish. The President should propose, and the Congress should appropriate, funds to support U.S. programs to develop technologies that would help Chinese citizens access Internet-based information currently unavailable to them, as well as educational materials about their rights under international law to freedom of speech and freedom of the press.

Rule of Law and the Development of Civil Society

Chinese officials have taken additional steps in the past year to curb the growth of China's emerging civil society. Ministry of Civil Affairs officials are currently researching a new administrative system to supervise, control, and "rate" civil society organizations. Many details of the plan, such as who will conduct the evaluations and how the results will be used, are not yet determined. The President and the Congress should encourage bilateral discussion on the issue of official control over civil society organizations; reiterate statements made by Chinese officials and scholars regarding the important role independent civil society organizations can play in resolving conflict, protecting citizen rights, and maintaining social stability; and encourage the Chinese government to take steps that would promote the development of an independent civil society, such as removing the sponsor organization requirement.
The Chinese government forcibly repatriates North Koreans seeking refuge in China and denies the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) access to this vulnerable population, contravening its obligations under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol, as well as the Chinese government's 1995 Agreement with the UN. The State Council is currently considering new Regulations on the Administration of Refugees. These regulations could provide new protections for the vulnerable North Korean refugee population, but little is known about their contents. The President and the Congress should continue to press the Chinese government to immediately cease repatriation of North Korean refugees and grant the UNHCR unimpeded access to screen North Korean refugee petitions. The President and the Congress should also encourage the Chinese government to be transparent as it progresses in drafting and adopting its new regulations on refugees, and to work closely with the UNHCR to ensure that this legislation will protect North Korean refugees in full accordance with international law.
Abuse of power by local police forces remains a serious problem throughout China. The Supreme People's Procuratorate has acknowledged the existence of continuing and widespread abuses in law enforcement, including illegal extended detentions and torture. The President and the Congress should work to expand programs, such as funding a permanent Resident Legal Advisor at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, that will help foster dialogue between Chinese and U.S. counterparts, and encourage Chinese procuratorates to exercise greater oversight over police abuses. These programs should encourage the Chinese government to continue reform efforts such as providing criminal defense lawyers with greater access to their clients and case files, audio and video taping law enforcement interrogations of criminal suspects, and excluding evidence at trial that was obtained through torture or other illegal means.
Upon joining the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Chinese government committed to increasing regulatory transparency, improving the protection of intellectual property rights, and ensuring non-discrimination in administering trade-related measures. The government has achieved incremental improvements in regulatory transparency since WTO accession, but continues to tolerate rampant infringement of intellectual property rights. In addition, government industrial policies promote and protect many domestic industries, in some cases in a manner that appears to contravene China's WTO commitments. The President and the Congress should continue to urge the Chinese government to ensure that relevant authorities publish all measures affecting trade in a timely manner; to enact and impose criminal and civil penalties severe enough to deter intellectual property infringement; and to remove all non-prudential barriers to U.S. and other foreign participation in those market sectors governed by WTO commitments.

The Commission's Executive Branch members have participated in and supported the work of the Commission, including the preparation of this report. The views and recommendations expressed in this report, however, do not necessarily reflect the views of individual Executive Branch members or the Administration.

This report was approved by a vote of 22 to 1.†

† Voted to approve: Senators Hagel, Smith, DeMint, Martinez, Baucus, Levin, Feinstein, and Dorgan; Representatives Leach, Dreier, Wolf, Pitts, Aderholt, Levin, Kaptur, Brown, and Honda; Deputy Secretary Law, Under Secretary Dobriansky, Under Secretary Lavin, Assistant Secretary Hill, and Assistant Secretary Lowenkron.
Voted not to approve: Senator Brownback.

IV. Introduction

Domestic Challenges Growing Out of Economic Restructuring | Rural Inequality and Social Unrest | Political and Religious Repression and Social Unrest

Domestic Challenges Growing Out of Economic Restructuring

Since the beginning of the "reform and opening up" period in 1978, Chinese government policies have raised the national standard of living and lifted more than 400 million citizens out of extreme poverty, according to Chinese and World Bank statistics. This is an impressive achievement. But as incomes have risen, so too have inequalities created by economic restructuring policies that have favored urban over rural development. In 2005, the average income of China's urban residents was more than three times that of rural residents, an increase from two and one-half times in 1978. China's ethnic minorities, who live primarily in rural areas, constitute less than 10 percent of China's population, but represent more than 40 percent of the nation's poorest citizens. The government also faces a growing population of new urban poor. Millions of Chinese citizens who lost their jobs and pensions because of the collapse of state-owned enterprises have not found new jobs. In addition, many rural to urban migrants survive in the low-wage informal economy without access to public services of any kind.

Chinese leaders face enormous domestic challenges. The government estimated that it needs to create 25 million new urban jobs in 2006 just to keep unemployment levels in check. The dual problems of urban unemployment and growing rural-urban inequality have created diverse and competing societal interests that increasingly clash, fueling social unrest throughout China, and complicating the government's efforts to find solutions. Officials reported that "disturbances of public order" rose to a total of 87,000 in 2005, a 6.6 percent increase over the figure in 2004. Citizen protests broke out in several provinces during the past year over land expropriations, official corruption and abuse, low wages and poor working conditions in factories, and environmental degradation. In September 2005, police clashed with hundreds of residents in Taishi village, Guangdong province, over citizen attempts to remove a local official from office for embezzling land compensation funds. In October, police in Chongqing municipality broke up one of the largest worker protests in China in more than a decade. In December, forces from the paramilitary People's Armed Police shot at thousands of villagers and killed as many as 20 in Shanwei city, Guangdong province, in response to protests against the pollution and displacement caused by construction of a power plant. In July 2006, hundreds of citizens rioted in Guiyang city, Guizhou province, after officials beat a migrant worker lacking a temporary residence permit.

Rural Inequality and Social Unrest

Concerns about mounting social unrest because of rural-urban inequality have reached the top levels of the Chinese leadership. In late 2005, Premier Wen Jiabao warned senior rural bureaucrats that more violence would result if they continued to commit the "historic mistake" of failing to protect farmers and their lands. Party and government leaders used the first major policy document of 2006 to announce a campaign for "construction of a new socialist countryside." This campaign seeks to address the growing inequalities between rural and urban residents and commits the central government to increasing services to rural areas in health, education, and employment. In March, Wen told the National People's Congress (NPC) that the central government will invest more than 20 billion yuan (US$2.5 billion) over the next five years to modernize hospitals, clinics, and medical equipment at the village, township, and county levels. Chinese officials also promised to spend 218 billion yuan (US$27.25 billion) over the next five years to improve rural education. In January, the central government stopped levying agricultural and livestock taxes on farmers in an effort to boost rural incomes. Although Chinese authorities remain sensitive to farmers' efforts to organize collectively to protect their interests, central policy documents issued each year since 2004 have given a limited degree of support to establishing farmer cooperatives, and the 2006 legislative calendar for the NPC contains a proposal for a national law on these organizations.

The central government has also called for increased protections for the rights of migrant workers as part of its effort to increase social stability. The Central Party Committee and State Council issued a joint circular on social stability in October 2005 calling, in part, for greater protections of migrant rights and the creation of a permanent mechanism to address worker claims for unpaid wages, a problem that disproportionately affects migrants. China's Communist Party-led labor union federation responded to the new central government mandate by creating programs to help migrants avoid abuse and exploitation by employers. In the past year, the labor union federation has announced new programs to assist migrants in signing labor contracts with employers, recovering unpaid wages, improving work safety, and securing legal aid and job training. Concerns over social unrest growing out of rural-urban inequality also have compelled the government to consider reforming some of the political tools it has used to control society. Chinese authorities announced in October 2005 that they were considering national reforms to the Chinese household registration (hukou) system, and have taken steps to remove restrictions on migrant employment in urban areas.

Political and Religious Repression and Social Unrest

The largely positive government response to social unrest growing out of rural inequality stands in sharp contrast to the government response to citizen grievances over political and religious repression. The Chinese government has punished citizens who press for change and challenge government abuses, in disregard of the peaceful nature of their activities and in contravention of international human rights standards. The same October joint circular that detailed positive measures to help migrants and the rural poor also called for stronger controls over society. The central government has imposed countermeasures to rein in the Chinese press and to exercise greater control over the Internet. Officials are currently evaluating new measures to control civil society organizations. Party officials have warned about foreign "hostile forces" that push for "color revolutions" and "infiltrate" the press, civil society, the legal profession, and the Uighur and Tibetan autonomous areas of China.

In the absence of a free press, civil society, democratic governance, and other mechanisms to allow citizens to press for change, Chinese human rights defenders have used legal advocacy and civil disobedience to promote democracy and the development of the rule of law. Wang Yi, a Chinese law professor and rights defender, said at a May 3 Congressional Human Rights Caucus roundtable, "If even the rights defense movement cannot succeed, then there is really no hope for China." In February, Beijing lawyer and rights defender Gao Zhisheng began a hunger strike relay following months of government violence against large numbers of Chinese citizens. The hunger strike called attention to the illegal persecution and violent beatings of many groups in China, including workers, farmers, intellectuals, religious believers, petitioners, activists, and journalists. These groups suffered from government repression despite having maintained a strict policy of peaceful protest against government abuses. In response to his citizen activism and peaceful defense of basic human rights, authorities stripped Gao Zhisheng of his ability to practice law, targeted him for government intimidation and harassment, and accused him of criminal activity.

The Chinese government's repressive measures threaten the Party's goal of maintaining social stability. The failure to provide effective mechanisms for citizens to voice their grievances and protect their civil and political rights fuels citizen anger and ultimately unrest, the very condition that China's leaders are seeking to prevent. Such a result can only undermine China's progress. Freedom of the press, a vibrant civil society, and democratic governance are the primary means for keeping officials accountable to the citizens they serve. They are also the essential building blocks for any long-term and successful system of government.

国会及行政当局中国委员会

2006 年年度报告

一. 委员会的调查结果

本委员会深感关切的是，中国政府为解决日益加剧的社会动荡和加强共产党权威所采取的某些政策，正在导致中国进入一个公民人权状况逐步恶化的时期。本委员会曾指出，中国政府在2004年在人权问题上取得了有限的改善，但中国政府在2005年和2006年作出的具有倒退性的决定促使本委员会重新评价中国领导人关于在近期内进一步改善人权状况所作的承诺。本委员会在2005年度报告中曾强调指出，中国政府不断加强限制在政府控制场所进行宗教活动或为政府控制的出版物撰文，这些限制依然存在，甚至在一些案子上更严格地实施了这些限制。

在过去一年里，中国共产党对社会动荡的日趋关注充份显示在中国的政策声明中，并把这种关注作为理由来对那些在它看来可能会威胁其权威和合法地位的个人和团体加强干预、恐吓和骚扰，政府将在社会、政治和法律领域活跃的人和那些违反政府对宗教活动严格限制的宗教信徒作为目标。在过去一年里，政府为维持社会稳定所作的努力使它更多地依靠警察的强制权力来压制对共产党统治的潜在威胁。中国官员去年还采取更多措施来限制中国新兴的公民社会的发展。政府和党强加于法院和法官的新的控制有可能进一步削弱中国司法系统的独立性。此外，中国政府还继续利用它的各种规章条例对互联网和新闻出版加以控制，以监控在政治和宗教方面的言论表达，关押新闻工作者和作家，以及阻止中国公民接触独立新闻来源。

本委员会注意到，在过去25年里，中国政府开始在建设一个基于法治和尊重基本人权的政治制度方面取得了进展。既要做到社会稳定，又要持续发展经济，这双重目标促使中国进行法制改革，这种改革以后有可能成为约束武断行使国家权利的主要力量。中国政府经常与国际伙伴进行合作，继续进行司法和刑事改革，这有可能使公民权利进一步得到保护。政府在经济领域取得的成就令人印象深刻，特别是20世纪80年代以来有 4亿多中国公民摆脱了极端贫困。经济改革也造就了越来越多的中产阶级，估计到2010年其总人数将达到1.7亿。中国为加入世贸组织所作的承诺增加了各级政府的透明度。村一级选举已遍及全国，在其他各级政府中，有限公民参与的试验仍在继续进行中。普通中国公民能够自由地讨论敏感的话题，而这在二十年前是不可想象的。

尽管这些变化十分重要，但是前瞻性经济自由和向后看的政治制度之间差距仍然非常大。目前，中国有些领导人认识到有必要实行改革，他们知道僵化、不透明和缺乏民主监督是持续发展的最大挑战。这些领导人需要相当大的勇气才能克服障碍，继续推动改革。这种改革不会一夜成就，而是应该在中国社会、文化、基础设施和体制有所准备的情况下和以愿意接受的方式来进行。

二. 行政总结

中国实行由共产党控制的独裁政治体制。共产党各委员会制定所有重大的国家政策，再交由政府实施。党控制了像全国人民代表大会（全国人大）这样的立法机关，并通过内部挑选的程序任命行政和司法机构中所有重要的政府职位。党的控制延伸到地方各级政府机构。中国当局排除了通过建设代议制民主机构的途径来解决公民关于贪污和滥用权力的投诉的可能性。相反地，当局将政府职务的权利进一步集中在少数共产党书记的手中。对党的官员的行为缺乏群众和法律的约束而导致贪污横行，人民怨声载道。共产党通过加强内部责任制来控制官员的行为，但这些制度却使得地方上某些党的官员变本加厉地滥用权力、封锁消息。2005年，中央领导呼吁要加强对社会的控制，以便对付日益严重的社会动荡和压制不同政见。

自20世纪80年代以来，各级官员实行了有限的改革，让人民参加村一级的选举。这些改革在允许公民在地方一级参政方面向前迈出了一步，但改革的目的是加强共产党的统治，并不代表共产党接受代议制政府。自20世纪90年代后期以来，共产党开始试行改革，让公民在有限的程度上参与选举党的地方干部，但共产党仍然牢牢把持着推选侯选人和挑选过程。2000年以来，中国当局开始尝试通过立法听证会的方式征求公众对正在审议中的立法的意见。2005年9月，全国人民代表大会举行了第一次有控制的公众听证会。2005年3月，中央政府宣布了新的关于地方政府在政务方面加强透明度的要求。这些规定要求省和县一级政府增加透明度和增进群众对政府决策的参与。执行有关 "政务公开" 各种要求的情况，各级政府表现不一，但一些地方政府为增加透明度采取了步骤。

中国政府继续就人权和法治问题与国际社会进行不同程度的接触。中国政府2006年宣布，它有计划修订中国的《刑事诉讼法》、《民事诉讼法》和《行政诉讼法》，同时改革司法制度，为批准《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》做好准备。中国政府2005年底接待了联合国酷刑问题特别报告员，并于2006年3月接待了联合国难民事务高级专员公署。两名联合国官员都称赞中国政府对于增加对话所持的开放态度，但联合国酷刑问题特别报告员曼弗雷德 •诺瓦克同时也报告说，他的工作受到了中国当局的监视和阻挠。2006年5月，中国当选为联合国新成立的人权理事会成员，任期三年。中国政府在要求加入理事会的申请中指出，中国现已加入22项国际人权公约。作为新的理事会成员，中国政府保证履行这些公约规定的义务，并有义务依照理事会的规定将其人权记录提交同行审查。

2005年后期和2006年，中国的学者和官员继续与外国政府和法律专家就一系列刑事司法问题进行接触。中国的执法机构表示了越来越多的兴趣，愿意与其他国家合作打击跨国犯罪，愿意在洗钱、打击恐怖主义和其他问题上扩大与美国执法机构的合作。中国同西方国家的非政府组织、法官和法律专家一道举行了一系列的国际会议和法律交流，包括关于公共问责制、审前调查、排除证据，刑事审判及程序、保释、死刑和监狱改革等项目。2006年，美中两国政府就工资和工时法、职业安全和健康、采矿安全和健康以及退休金计划的监督等问题开展了一系列双边合作活动。

政府虽然没有全面实施新闻检查，但其检查已经非常普遍和有效，剥夺了中国宪法赋予中国公民的言论和出版自由。中国政府关押向外国人提供消息的新闻工作者，例如赵岩、师涛和程翔。批评政府政策的出版物编辑遭到撤职，例如《新京报》的杨宾和《中国青年报》的李大同。政府封锁了外国新闻组织的网站，电台和电视广播，例如英国广播公司、自由亚洲电台和美国之音。2005年，政府取缔了几十家报纸，没收了近100万份政治性"非法"出版物。2005年5月起，中国政府封锁了本委员会的网站，不让人们在中国浏览。

互联网、手机和卫星广播等现代化通讯技术让中国公民能够更多接触新闻来源，包括政府控制的和非政府控制的。但政府对新闻和信息媒体的限制，包括对上述新的信息来源的限制，都不符合关于言论自由的国际人权标准。中国政府对新闻和信息媒体实行严格的许可证制度，这种制度包括政府机构对它们的监督，并根据政治和经济方面的标准有权发给、拒发和撤消许可证。中国政府对政治见解和宗教印刷品做不符合法律的限制，主要目的是维护共产党在思想和政治上的统治地位。

中国政府对宗教印刷品所做的限制不符合国际人权标准。只有那些经政府批准的印刷企业才能印制宗教资料，而且还必须得到省一级宗教事务管理局和新闻出版署的批准。中国政府除了没收宗教刊物外，还处罚、拘留和关押没有得到政府许可而出版、印制和散发宗教印刷品的公民。2005年，北京一家庭教会的牧师蔡卓华及其两名家人因印制和分送圣经和其他基督教印刷品而被捕入狱。2006年5月，安徽省的家庭教会牧师王在庆因同样的指控而被捕。

共产党对日益加剧的社会不稳定的关切充满了过去一年的政策文件，为政府加强监督可能威胁共产党合法性的活动和团体制造理由。共产党、法院和执法部门的高级官员一再将政府定期开展打击犯罪运动－又称"严打" －的政策与维持社会稳定的目标联系起来。政府维持社会稳定的努力导致在更大程度上依赖警察的强制权力，以压制对共产党统治的潜在威胁。

地方警察滥用职权的问题仍然十分严重。最高人民检察院承认在执法过程中存在持续和广泛滥用职权的现象，包括非法超期羁押和施加酷刑。最高人民检察院新的规定自2006年7月起施行，这些规定详细拟定了关于起诉滥用职权的官员的标准，这些警察的罪行包括非法拘留、刑讯逼供、武力取证、虐待被监管人员，或对那些检举政府官员或者上访的人进行报复。

中国政府继续利用含混不清的刑事和行政规定作为根据来拘留政见异己、宗教、种族和社会团体的成员。这些规定允许当局利用《刑事法》规定的"危害国家安全" 和"扰乱公共秩序"的罪名来针对政治活跃人士，并对他们进行惩罚。联合国酷刑问题特别报告员在2006年3月提交联合国人权委员会的报告中得出的结论认为，这些罪行的定义含混不清，致使在如何定罪上出现滥用权力的情况，特别是在宗教、言论和结社自由方面。

中国当局使用劳动教养和其他形式的行政拘留来廻避刑事诉讼程序，关押犯了"轻罪"的人，没有给予中国《宪法》和《刑事诉讼法》所保证的司法审查和程序性保护。联合国任意拘留问题工作组2004年得出结论认为，在改革行政拘留制度以便确保实行司法审查和遵守国际法方面，中国政府并没有取得重大的进展。尽管拟议的改革会提供某些程序性保护，但仍然不能让被指控的个人有机会在独立的审判机关面前证明被指控的违法行为并不成立和对执法官员的指控提出争辩。

尽管酷刑和滥用职权在中国属非法，但执法官员使用酷刑和滥用职权的情况仍然十分普遍。酷刑问题得以长期存在，甚至有所加剧的各种因素有：没有程序性保障措施让嫌犯和被告得到保护，过分依赖有罪口供，讯问时没有律师在场，投诉机制不够完善，缺乏独立的司法机构以及滥用行政拘留措施。中国政府强调它目前正在努力通过新的法律和行政法规来防止和惩处执法官员使用酷刑的行为和令其作出赔偿。最高人民检察院和公安部都表示支持在对被控犯有少数罪行的嫌犯进行讯问时录音录像。中国政府承认，在中国的监狱和劳教场所内存在着违法行为，包括体罚，并表示在对这种行为加强问责制方面正在取得进展。

2006年，中国当局对受理政治上敏感的案件或为外国新闻传媒所关注的案件的律师加紧限制。执法官员还对这类案件的辩护律师进行恫吓，指控他们或者威胁要指控他们犯有各种罪行。2005年中以来，地方当局还使用骚扰和暴力措施对付那些在敏感事件中参与维护刑事或民权的人。北京律师朱久虎去年被拘留。自学成才的法律辩护人陈光诚，2006年8月24日被判刑4年零3个月，上海律师郑恩宠2006年6月5日被释放后一直被软禁在家。据报导，北京律师高智晟8月 15日在山东的姐姐家被强行带走后，当局一直禁止他与外界接触。在高智晟律师事务所担任法律顾问的郭飞雄, 2005年底被捕，后被释放。他9月14日从家中被带走，目前仍在被拘留中。

中国的刑法有68条可以处死的罪行，其中一半以上属非暴力罪行。据说中国政府通过了一项"少杀慎杀"的政策。 2006 年，中国司法机构将改革死刑复核程序确定为重要的优先事项，并实行新的二审程序以审理死刑案件。最高人民法院宣布，它将统一死刑复核权，并从省级法院收回这一权力。这些改革的目的是限制使用死刑，统一法院死刑适用标准，确保宪法所保障的人权。

卫生部副部长承认，中国大多数用于移植的人体器官来自死刑犯。根据世界卫生组织关于人体器官移植指导原则，犯人捐献的器官，如果是通过不当影响和压力获得器官，即便说是出于自愿，也可能违反国际标准。卫生部的新规定包括器官移植的医学标准，但并没有就摘取死刑犯的器官需要哪种形式的同意一事提出标准。

中国政府不尊重国际公认的工人有自行组织公会的权利。中华全国总工会这一由共产党领导的群众组织是中国唯一的合法劳工联盟。中华全国总工会控制着地方的工会分会，确保工人和工会依照政府和共产党的政策进行活动。中华全国总工会2006年3月起着手在中国经商的外国企业中建立工会分会。企图组织独立工人组织或被政府怀疑是这些工会的领袖的中国工人有被捕入狱的危险。2001年9月，政府秘密审判了劳工权利活跃分子李旺阳，他因发动和平绝食被判处有期徒刑10 年。李旺阳在此之前曾因组织独立工会而被判有期徒刑13年，并在狱中服了大部分刑期。2003年5月，劳工运动活跃分子姚福信因和平地领导工人集会，要求破产的国营企业发放拖欠工资和养老金，被政府判处有期徒刑7年。李和姚现仍在狱中。

对工人权利的保护无力，导致劳资纠纷和抗议活动的增加。根据中华全国总工会的数字，2005年劳资纠纷数目激增。中华全国总工会报告称，2005年与劳工有关的诉讼案达30万件，比2004年增加了20.5％，和1995年相比增加了950％。罢工、游行、示威和集体请愿的次数由1994年将近1,500 起，增加到2003年的大约11,000起，参加的工人数目由1994年的将近53,000人增加到2003年的大约515,000人。工作场所的保健和安全状况恶劣，长期拖欠工资和退休金现像成为导致去年劳资纠纷的最突出问题。中国工业的事故率继续居高不下，其中采矿和建筑业的死亡率在各行业中名列前茅。根据官方的统计数字，至2005年12月底为止，共发生了677,379起工伤事故，造成110,027人死亡，而采矿和建筑业2005年工人死亡人数目超过了1万人。

强迫劳动是中国行政拘留制度中的重要一部分。当局在未经司法审查的情况下就判处某些犯人劳动教养(劳教中心)，这些犯人为完成很高的生产定额而被迫从事长时间的无偿工作，有时候还因拒绝工作遭受酷刑。中国的《劳动法》禁止工作场所采取强迫劳动的做法，当局逮捕了将工人囚禁在工作场所内的雇主。2002年，中国政府开始与国际劳工组织合作，讨论涉及强迫劳动的许多问题，其中包括可能对劳动教养实行改革，同时还讨论了改善有关部门体制能力以便打击为了剥削劳工而进行人口贩卖。

据报道，中国某些地方使用童工的情况有所加剧。根据非政府组织的报告，经济发达的南部和东部沿海各省劳力不足，导致雇主转而雇用童工。在此同时，司法部和劳动和社会保障部正在加紧打击非法雇用儿童的行为，这说明政府比以往更关注这种虐待儿童的行为。政府当局将未正式批准发表的童工数字视为国家机密，这一政策阻碍了了解这一问题的影响程度和它的根源。

中国政府对宗教活动的限制违反了国际人权标准。宗教信仰自由受中国宪法和法律的保护，然而，政府在执行共产党的宗教政策以及国内法律方面的种种限制都违背了这些保证。中国政府容忍某些宗教信仰与活动，但也只是在严格的管制框架下允许进行活动，超出共产党认可的宗教和信仰框架外的活动都被压制。宗教组织必须向政府登记，并服从共产党建立的"爱国教会"的领导，该组织领导中国的佛教、天主教、道教、伊斯兰教和基督教等五个得到承认的宗教。不向政府登记的，或政府不予登记的宗教团体，都属于受到保护的宗教活动范围之外行事，因而有受到骚扰、拘留、关押和其他虐待的危险。已登记的宗教团体如果参加被当局认为是威胁到共产党的权威或合法性的宗教活动，也可能受到这种虐待。

2004年发布的《宗教事务条例》并没有给中国公民带来更多的宗教自由，尽管政府声称《条例》在限制国家对宗教的管制方面"迈出了重大的一步"。同以往国家和地方性宗教管理规定一样，《宗教事务条例》强调政府对于宗教的管制和约束。《宗教事务条例》阐述了仅仅对 "宗教信仰"的一般性保护，但是没有对宗教信仰言论自由的保护。同以往的条例一样，《宗教事务条例》也仅仅保护那些被视为"正常"的宗教活动，而没有对何谓正常确定定义。尽管《宗教事务条例》包含允许已登记的宗教团体任命自己的领导人，出版材料，参加其他的活动，但很多规定还是以政府对宗教活动的批准和监督为条件。

中国政府执行党的宗教政策给藏传佛教传播造成了束缚性的环境。党对达赖喇嘛和西藏第二号精神领袖班禅喇嘛实行的政策，是要控制西藏佛教徒的根本宗教信仰。过去一年里，政府为贯彻党的政策所采取的行动，使得西藏佛教徒的宗教自由在某些方面有进一步的恶化。负责官员2005年4月在拉萨地区的寺院和尼姑庵开展爱国教育运动。对持续的运动表示反感的西藏僧尼遭到拘禁和驱逐，有一人似乎以自杀抗议。中国官员继续软禁达赖喇嘛1995年认定为班禅喇嘛的男童更登确吉 *尼玛（Gedun Choekyi Nyima），禁止他和他的父母与外界接触。

根据本委员会的政治犯数据库的数据，在2005年被中国当局拘留的已知24名西藏政治犯中，西藏的佛教僧尼占了21人，相比之下，在2004年的已知15 名被拘留的政治犯中，佛教僧尼只有8人。2005年已知被拘留的僧尼中没有一人是在四川省，这与过去三年截然不同，但同期内青海和甘肃省已知的被拘留僧尼却有增加。根据有关50名目前监狱在押的西藏僧尼的数据统计，他们被判刑期平均为9年零6个月。在这方面唯一正面的进步，就是政府允许恢复具有几百年历史的藏传佛教格鲁派传统的最高学术造诣的进一步传授。

过去一年政府压制未登记的天主教教职人员的程度有所加强。根据非政府组织的报告，河北和浙江省官员在去年发生的13起事件中，共拘留了38名未登记的教职人员，而前一年官员在5起事件中只拘留了11名教职人员。政府最严厉惩罚的对象集中在那些领导规模较大的未登记教区的天主教主教。河北省正定教区的未登记主教贾治国过去一年大部分时间被羁押。2004年以来，贾治国主教至少被拘留过8次。

过去一年，政府对已登记天主教教职人员的骚扰和虐待也有所增加。据报道，2005年11月和12月发生过3起由一些官员或身份不明的袭击者殴打要求归还教会财产的已登记天主教修女或神父的事件。2006年4月和5月，官员着手采取行动加强对已登记天主教主教的控制。官员还拘留了几十名已登记天主教教职人员，没收他们的财产，对他们进行威胁或施压，逼迫他们参加由国家控制的天主教爱国会挑选的、但未得到罗马教廷认可的几名主教的祝圣仪式。政府当局还限制已登记教职人员与罗马教廷的接触，拒不批准一些主教于2005年9月前往罗马参加天主教主教的会议。但当局继续允许一些已登记牧师和修女到国外学习。

中国政府还严格控制信奉伊斯兰教的宗教活动。穆斯林和其他宗教团体同样面临必须进行登记的严格规定。政府控制的中国伊斯兰教协会按照共产党的目标来培训和认定宗教领袖、出版宗教材料、限制布道的内容以及组织教徒前往麦加朝觐等，同时还向宗教领袖和信徒们灌输党的思想意识和政府的政策。

中国政府严厉压制新疆维吾尔自治区的伊斯兰宗教活动，特别是维吾尔族宗教团体的活动。对新疆维吾尔自治区宗教活动的种种限制是其他地方所没有的。政府在新疆维吾尔自治区对宗教的压制是整体政策的一部分，目的是淡化维吾尔族表达民族特点的愿望和加强政府对宗教的控制。政府继续关押以和平方式表达不同政见的和参加其他非暴力活动的维吾尔族人。作家努尔买买提*亚森和历史学家拖乎提*吐尼牙孜被关押至今，因为他们撰写了短篇故事和对新疆维吾尔族自治区进行研究。

中国政府继续压制在家庭教会做礼拜的中国基督教徒。根据美国一非政府组织的消息，政府从2005年5月到2006年5月拘留了将近2,000名家庭教会成员。在据说被拘留的基督教家庭教会成员和领袖中，有近50％发生在家庭教会运动特别活跃的河南省。2006年6月，中国最大的家庭教会之一的领导人张荣亮牧师被以"非法偷越国境"和"骗取护照" 的罪名被判处7年零6个月的有期徒刑。1976年以来，当局已多次拘留和关押张荣亮牧师。被判无期徒刑的龚圣亮牧师现在仍在服刑中，他的健康状况日益恶化，过去一年在狱中曾遭到殴打。

中国政府继续对已登记的基督教教会进行严格的控制。《宗教事务条例》规定所有基督教徒必须在经过登过教会做礼拜，不论其教义和仪式有何不同。国家控制下的三自爱国运动领导中国已登记的基督教会，继续强迫已登记的神学院接受共产党规定的所谓 "神学建设"，以期"削弱基督教信仰中那些与社会主义社会格格不入的方面"。去年，当局拘留了河南省一名已登记的基督教牧师，理由是他在指定地区外的已登记基督教会主持学习圣经的活动。

中国政府继续干扰很多家庭教会与中国境外教友所保持的关系，包括对基督教会领袖和海外基督教徒的会面进行突然搜查，以及不让家庭教会的领袖出国。中国政府还继续限制并监视已登记基督教会与国外教派的关系。

政府去年继续迫害法轮功精神运动。当局采取刑事和行政两种惩罚方式对法轮功修练者和平开展信仰活动加以惩治。据国家控制的新闻媒体的报道，目前有至少149个因修练法轮功而被关押的案件，但法轮功的消息来源估计，1999年以来有将近10万人因练法轮功而被拘留。联合国酷刑问题特别报告员曼弗雷德 •诺瓦克2005年11月访问中国后报告称，在据说遭受中国执法官员施行的酷刑的受害者中，修练法轮功的人占了三分之二。清华大学学生王欣2001年因从互联网上下载法轮功材料并印制传单而被判处9年有期徒刑。

尽管政府对信奉宗教实行严格的限制，但当佛教、天主教、道教、穆斯林和基督教的社会项目在支持共产党的目标时，中国当局还是为这些计划提供了方便。例如，中国国内的穆斯林公民社会组织开展了社会福利项目，国际穆斯林慈善机构支持甘肃、陕西和新疆维吾尔族自治区的项目。已登记基督教会挂靠的爱德基金会资助了社会服务和发展援助项目，包括教育、卫生保健和照顾老年人等项目。

中国的《宪法》和国家法律规定男女享有平等的权利，并列出了对妇女在经济和社会权利方面的保护条款，然而，措辞上的模糊不清和没有充分落实影响了这些保护的有效性。一些省市政府通过立法加强落实国家法律。《妇女权益保障法》2005年的修正案禁止对妇女进行性骚扰和家庭暴力，促进妇女在政府中有更多的发言权，并责成几个政府组织负责防止贩卖人口的现象和帮助受害者恢复正常生活。

中国的民间组织在政府和党的政策允许范畴内维护妇女的权利。中华全国妇女联合会是共产党领导的群众组织，它与中国政府一道致力于支持妇女权利，实施支持弱势妇女的计划，并为妇女提供一定程度的法律咨询和培训。尽管政府政策规定保障妇女在就业和职业中不被歧视，但与男子相比妇女挣钱的能力有限。

中国政府严格控制中国妇女的生殖情况。20世纪80年代初以来，政府的计划生育政策限制城市妇女只生一名子女，允许农村妇女在头胎为女孩的情况下可生第二胎。中国官员强令妇女遵守这一政策，他们大力进行宣传，强行监测妇女的生殖周期，强制实行避孕，强制实行生育必须得到许可，如不遵守规定则强行罚款，以及在某些情况下实行强制绝育和堕胎。中国政府限制妇女生育孩子的数目、通过严厉处罚的方法强令实现人口目标、并歧视"超生"儿童的计划生育法规违反了国际人权标准。中国地方官员违反法律，对引起人们关注政府官员滥用计划生育权利的人们加以惩罚，如惩罚声张法律的陈光诚。

尽管中国政府机构在努力打击贩卖人口的行为，为解决这一问题通过了国内的法律框架，并正与国际打击贩卖人口的一些项目进行合作，但贩卖人口情况在中国依然十分普遍。政府的计划生育政策造成了婴员鸨壤难现厥У鳎饩图泳缌私九团魑履锝蟹仿舻那榭觥Ｖ泄磕暧?0,000到20,000男女和儿童被贩卖。据非政府组织估计，90％被贩卖的人口是妇女和女童，贩卖目的是为了要对她们进行性剥削。中国当局正与国际劳工组织合作建立打击贩卖人口的能力，提高中国国内对这一问题的认识。

中国政府承认中国的环境问题十分严重，并采取了遏制污染和环境恶化的各项措施。2001年以来，中国政府制定或修订了环境保护法律、行政法规和标准，并致力于加强反污染法规的执法工作。中国政府还欢迎国际社会在治理环境恶化方面提供技术援助，并在过去一年内加强了与美国政府在环境保护问题上的合作。

尽管有了这些举措，但地方政府在执行环境法规方面的情况很差，而环境保护活动资金不足也继续影响各级官员防治环境恶化的努力取得成效。缺乏透明度限制了中国政府对在民间发生的紧急情况包括环境灾难时作出反应的能力。过去一年，政府竭力对环境方面的民间组织施加限制，从而压制了公民的积极性。

中央政府在过去一年里加大力度，试图解决农村地区缺乏人们能够承担的卫生保健的严重问题。自20世纪80年代农村公共医疗制度崩溃以来，城市与农村地区在提供卫生保健和承担费用能力方面差距有所扩大。因此中国农村穷苦大众的医疗需要，包括传染性疾病的诊治，常常得不到满足。但政府做出了承诺要在今后5年内投入200多亿元人民币（25亿美元），用于乡、镇、县各级医院、诊所和医疗设施的现代化。

中央政府过去一年继续采取措施预防和控制艾滋病毒/艾滋病的蔓延。虽然估计全国感染艾滋病毒/艾滋病的病例有所减少，但卫生官员仍然认为艾滋病毒/艾滋病是一项严重的问题。政府在预防和控制艾滋病毒/艾滋病传播方面所作的努力继续遇到严重的挑战，这是因为各地方政府在执行国家政策方面远远落后于中央政府对问题的重视。感染艾滋病毒/艾滋病和其他传染性疾病的患者虽然有法律上的保护，但仍然受到骚扰和歧视。

中国的公共卫生官员在努力预防和控制禽流感方面显示了更大的决心和做出了更积极的反应，并在2003年对 "非典"流行病处理不当的事件后，采取了措施增进政府的透明度。但是，国际卫生专家仍然认为中国最有可能成为人类潜在流感的温床之一。中央政府在与国际卫生组织合作分享信息和病毒标本方面缺乏连贯性，而国际卫生组织和中央政府官员对于地方报告人类和禽类发病情况的速度和准确性继续表示关切。

中国自20世纪50年代起实施户籍（户口）制度以来，普通中国公民选择永久居住地、平等获得社会福利和享有同等法律保护的权利受到了限制。经济上的变化和户口管制的放松缓解了以往对公民行动自由的严格限制，但这些变化也将城乡社会区别歧视带到了中国各城市。在当地没有户口的流动人口，在就业、教育和社会福利方面受到法律歧视。

中国领导人过去一年呼吁改革户籍制度。中央政府对改革感兴趣不仅是因为对流动人口的权利和经济上的不平等感到关切，而且也是对日益增长的社会不稳定感到关切，并希望加强对中国国内流动人口的控制。同20世纪90年代末不时推行的类似建议一样，国家在户籍制度改革上的新目标是要求减少户口类别，消除歧视性就业规定，方便流动人口获得社会福利。地方政府和城市居民则抵制改革户籍制度，因为担心预算带来的压力，担心城市人口的压力增加以及歧视流动人口的态度。地方上的反对限制了中央政府实现全国改革目标的能力。

中国民间组织的数目正在增加，很多组织开展了不同的项目，如扶贫、基于信仰的社会工作和为保护公民权利而在法律方面作出努力。这些组织包括由党建立和资助的全国性群众组织、根据国家法规登记的小规模公民协会以及松散的未登记的基层组织。2006年2月，中国扶贫基金会选择了6个团体，作为第一批接受中国政府资助开展实验性脱贫计划的民间组织，其中之一是总部设在美国的农村发展组织在中国的办公室。

中央政府设法保持对民间社会团体的控制，阻止独立组织的出现，防止出现所谓的中国"西化"。中国当局一方面承认可以借助民间组织解决社会问题，另一方面却又严格限制独立的民间社会组织的发展。试图在国家控制之外组织团体的一些中国公民被投入监狱。他们有的试图成立独立工会和政治性协会，例如中国自由工会筹备委员会的成员胡石根和中国民主党成员秦永敏；还有组织非正式讨论团体的年轻知识分子，例如新青年学会成员靳海科、徐伟、杨子立和张宏海。

中国官员在过去一年内还采取了更多的措施约束民间社会组织，但当局在如何实施上还犹豫不决。自2005年初以来，民政部官员一直在研究制定一种新的监视和控制民间组织的行政制度。这一新制度的很多细节还有待确定，例如由谁对民间团体进行必要的评价，如何利用评价的结果，以及由谁为评价提供资金。与此同时，中国当局还支持对民间社会组织的地位作有限的改革。民政部官员还主张改变税法，以鼓励私人向民间社会组织捐款。中央官员还支持在2004年以来发表的年度政策指南中增加农村农民合作社的章节。

国际人权标准规定政府官员必须对违反公民权利的行为作出有效的纠正办法。尽管有这些保证，中国公民在寻求纠正政府侵犯其法律权利和宪法保障的自由的行动时仍面临很大的阻力。来自政府和党的外来控制限制了司法机构的独立性。党的官员控制着各级法院最高层司法人员的遴选、包括中国最高司法机关最高人民法院的人选。2005年以来，政府对那些指责政府滥用权力的私人律师和维权人士所作的努力加以种种限制。中华全国律师协会发布了一项指导意见，限制律师办理群体性案件。地方官员则对律师的维权努力施加了更多的限制。

中国法律中包含的宪法和行政机制允许公民能够对政府行为提出挑战，但这没有能提供有效的法律纠正办法，中国公民也很少使用这些措施。中国公民很少向全国人民代表大会提出有关进行宪法和法律审查的要求，原因是审查程序没有透明性，而公民无法强制进行审查。1998年以来，在行政法庭上对政府行动提出指责的案件数量并没有增加。根据各省政府的报告，2003年至2005年期间，提出行政复议申请的数量全面下降，而中国各主要城市的此种申请数目每年不过几百件。

中国法律还允许公民通过"书信和上访"(信访)制度直接向政府官员提出投诉请求，以解决他们不满之处。官方新闻媒体报道，2005年期间，中国公民向县以及县以上各级信访局总共提出了1,270万件投诉请求，而同一时期内中国司法机关受理的法院案件总共只有800 万件。被投诉太多的当地官员会受到严厉的处罚。由于没有其他可替代的政治或法律渠道约束地方官员的权利和得到纠正，这种惩罚机制促使中国公民由于不满而走上街头，迫使地方官员采取行动。然而，这种惩罚机制也使得地方当局压制群众提出投诉和阻止投诉请求上达更高层当局。美国一非政府组织2005年12月在关于信访制度的研究报告中指出，一些地方官员"肆无忌惮地使用暴力和恐吓"，阻截或拘禁在北京的上访人员，并逼他们回家。

最高人民法院的2004-2008年法院改革纲要对法院和法官加强了外部和内部的控制，从而有可能进一步削弱他们的独立性。但《改革纲要》也在法院的资金、裁决、复审程序和少年司法等方面提出了某些积极的长期司法改革目标。党为解决日益加剧的社会动荡所作的努力，促使政府制定了新的计划，加强那些协助公民办理法律投诉和解决争端的机构。中国官方的统计数字显示，政府法律援助中心的数目由2003年的2,774个增加到2005年的3,081个。这些中心受理案件的总数由2003年的16.6万件增加到了2005年的25万件，大约相当于中国各法院2005年办案总数的3％。

2005年，达赖喇嘛进一步说明他并不寻求西藏从中国独立出去。达赖喇嘛的特使2006年2月第五次前往中国与官员进行对话，转达了允许达赖喇嘛以宗教朝圣者身份访问中国的请求。《民族区域自治法》付诸全面的实施能给藏人带来惠益，但在中国西藏自治地区没有地方自治，给对话带来不信任，也显示当局并未落实这一法律。

中国政府主张加快推行各项开发举措，特别是"西部大开发计划"，但这一计划损害了西藏的文化和遗产。2006年 7月青藏铁路开始为旅客服务，增加了藏人对这一铁路可能影响西藏文化和环境的关切。藏人的教育水平远远低于汉人，使得藏人在新兴市场经济中争取就业和获得其他经济惠益的能力受到影响，而这一新兴市场经济吸引了越来越多的汉人。

中国政府严格限制藏人享有宪法所保障的宗教、言论和集会自由的权利。共产党开展的政治运动提倡无神论，同时加强政府在促使藏人放弃发展自身独特文化和宗教方面的努力。中国当局惩罚诉诸和平表达意见和采取非暴力行动的藏人，例如前僧侣晋美加措于1996年被关押，现正在服17年徒刑，以及自2000年以来一直在服终身监禁的僧侣曲因克珠，中国官员认为藏人和平表达意见和非暴力行动会影响党的统治。据本委员会的政治犯数据库的资料，到2006年8月为止，已知的因政治原因被拘留或关押的藏人有103名，这一数字很有可能低于西藏政治犯的实际人数。根据现有对70名在押犯判刑的资料，他们的平均刑期大约为10年零11个月。

中国政府强行遣返会面临饥饿和政治及宗教迫害的北朝鲜难民，这违反了中国对1951年《难民地位公约》及其1967年《议定书》所承担的义务。中国当局 2005年拘禁并向朝鲜民主人民共和国遣返了几千名北朝鲜人。中国政府将所有无证进入中国的北朝鲜人定为非法经济移民，称中国必须将他们遣返回朝鲜民主人民共和国，尽管这些逃离北朝鲜的人根据国际法符合难民的定义。被遣返的北朝鲜人面临长期监禁、酷刑以至被处决的命运。

在中国的北朝鲜难民由于没有法律地位而容易受到虐待和剥削。目前估计有2至5万名北朝鲜人藏匿在中国东北，一些非政府组织估计难民的数字还要高。政府拒绝联合国难民事务高级专员 (难民专员) 和北朝鲜难民接触，并对协助在中国的北朝鲜人的人道主义工作者加以处罚和监禁。在北京的中国官员在2006年3月会见了联合国难民事务高级专员安东尼奥 •古特雷斯。这是1997年联合国难民事务专员访华后第一次访问中国。2006年7月，中国政府第一次允许3名北朝鲜难民由辽宁沈阳的美国领事馆直接前往美国寻求避难。

香港人民继续受惠于一个有独立司法机构和开放的社会，在这样的社会里，宗教、言论和结社自由得到尊重。本委员会坚决支持《基本法》中关于经由普选产生首席行政长官和整个立法局的条款，并强调《基本法》所承诺的中央政府有义务给予香港"高度自治"的重要性。但本委员会注意到，在过去的一年里没有采取任何措施使香港更接近于《基本法》规定的普选这一"最终目标"。

香港特别行政区宪制发展专责小组2005年10月发布了第五号报告，提议采取适度的措施扩大民众参与2007年选举产生首席行政长官和2008年选举产生立法局的程度。公众对专责小组提议的价值以及提议没有定出普选的时间表等问题开展了激烈辩论，最终导致数万人于2005年12月举行游行，抗议民主化的缓慢进程。12月底，24名立法局成员投票反对该报告，致使报告没有获得通过。香港政府在最后一刻提出了一揽子的调整计划，但未能满足立法者在为实现普选确定具体时间表这问题上的要求。

中国政府在确保中国法律和规章遵守中国加入世界贸易组织（世贸组织）的承诺方面取得了进展。尽管还存在着很大的缺陷，但新的商业法体系改善了外国公司在中国做生意的环境。随着新的、透明度较大的法规的制定，中国的贸易管理机构对很多行业减少了在管理和发放许可证方面的拖延。但是，中国的商业管理制度对国内外商业界来说仍然不甚透明。2001年12月中国加入世贸组织时承诺要建立一官方公报系统，发表与贸易相关的各项措施草案，提请人们的注意和对此发表评论，同时在与贸易相关的各项措施生效后90天内公布这些措施。尽管政府采取措施增加透明度，但一些中央政府机构和很多地方政府在官方公报上公布与贸易相关措施方面缺乏一致性。

中国政府是世界上对侵犯知识产权的容忍程度最高的政府之一。中国政府没有制定足以遏制知识产权侵权行为的刑事处罚条例，中国政府机构为加强对外国知识产权的保护而采取的步骤也没有大幅度地减少侵权活动。中国政府无法在知识产权方面实施有成效的刑事执法导致外国公司转而诉诸民事诉讼，以期获得资金补偿或强制性救济。然而，民事诉讼的当事人发现大多数法官没有处理知识产权案件的必要培训和经验，而赔偿金也过低，不足以构成有效的威慑。

自加入世贸组织以来，中国政府借助技术、管制和行业性政策来歧视外国产家和投资者，并限制他们进入中国国内市场，有些政策看来违背了中国对世贸组织的承诺。美国的知识产权持有者和业界团体抱怨说，中国政府的检查制度是对他们进入中国的一种障碍，同时也鼓励了违反知识产权的行为。2005年，中国美国商会写道，检查放行手续严格限制了在中国营销CD、VCD和DVD产品的能力，给"那些在合法版本上市出售前早早地就将其制作品投入市场的盗版制作者提供了不公平和不必要的有利条件"。

三. 建议

本委员会正在着力落实2002-2005年度报告中提出的各项建议。根据本报告提供的资料，并从美国必须继续奉行强调和倡导人权的同时支持法律改革的双轨政策出发，本委员会向总统和国会提出2006年的补充建议如下：

中国公民的人权

联合国人权理事会首届会议于6月19日至6月30日在日内瓦举行。中国作为国际社会中负责任的一员和新人权理事会47个成员国之一，必须遵守《世界人权宣言》及其他国际公约所规定的国际行为准则，将中国的人权记录提交理事会其它成员审查。总统和国会应继续敦促中国政府批准《公民权利及政治权利国际公约》，并为有效实施公约承认的权利通过必要的立法和措施。总统和国会还应鼓励联合国人权理事会与侵犯人权行为作斗争，并站出来为中国那些受到压制的良心犯发言，他们包括：民主工运积极分子胡石根（因帮助建立独立的政党和工会被关押）、新青年学会成员靳海科、徐伟、杨子立和张宏海（因参加大学的学习小组被关押）、前僧侣晋美加措（因印制传单和散发海报被关押）、维吾尔族出版家库来西*侯赛因（因发表一短篇小说被关押）、维吾尔族作家努尔买买提*亚森(因撰写一短篇小说被关押)、民运人士秦永敏（因担任中国民主党发言人被关押）、诗人兼新闻工作者师涛（因从事调查性新闻报道被关押）、维吾尔族历史学家拖乎提*吐尼牙孜（因从事历史研究被关押），美国永久居民、民运人士杨建利（联合国任意拘留问题工作组调查认为，他是被任意拘留）、自由撰稿人杨天水（因撰写批评专制统治的文章被关押）、劳工权利活跃分子姚福信（因领导工人追索拖欠工资被关押）以及纽约时报研究员赵岩（因从事调查性新闻被关押）。
中国领导人说，他们决心建立一个公平和正义的法治社会，同时，为了控制社会动荡，他们加强了那些协助公民提出合法诉求的政府机构的运作。在过去一年里，根据"维权人士" 规则致力于推动法治的中国知名刑事和民权辩护律师，却遭到了政府的恐吓、骚扰和关押。总统和国会应继续同中国领导人讨论有效、有活力和透明的法律辩护在保护公民和政治权利方面的重要性，并重申1998年呼吁保护全球维权人士的联合国大会宣言。总统和国会还应继续强调，继续拘留和关押象陈光诚（因发表言论反对计划生育于8月被关押）等维权人士只能破坏中国政府行动的合法性和正在发展的中国法律制度。全面致力于法治还需要中国政府停止对类似郭飞雄和赵昕等人士进行骚扰、监视和虐待，他们为维护公民权利以和平方式进行工作，但多次遇到暴力；还应该让象高智晟和郑恩宠这种勇敢的律师继续从事他们维护法律权利的重要工作。
藏人及其宗教、语言和文化的未来，取决于能否对未来的政策作出公正和公平的决定，而这只能通过对话来实现。达赖喇嘛对于这一对话来说极其重要。为了帮助各方在2002年以来达赖喇嘛每年派遣的代表和中国领导人开展对话的基础上继续发展，总统和国会应继续敦促中国政府邀请达赖喇嘛访华，以便让他亲眼目睹中国发生的变化和发展，使他在同中国领导人的直接接触中建立起信任。
缺乏有效的环境保护的经济快速发展，导致整个中国的环境严重恶化，很多地区的空气和水质量很差，因而增加了发生疾病的危险。中国政府承认中国环境问题的严重性，并已经采取措施来遏制污染。美中两国在保护环境方面有着共同的利益，中国政府欢迎国际上提供同环境恶化作斗争的技术援助。总统和国会应同中国领导人讨论公民积极参与保护环境和要求政府提供清洁的空气和饮水的重要性。总统和国会还应提供资金，支持在美中两国双边和国际新努力中，如美中环境合作联合委员会和亚太地区清洁发展和气候变化伙伴计划中所包含的所有活动。
中国政府继续用含糊的刑事和行政规定作为理由，对持个人政治观点或者参与宗教、种族和社会团体的个人进行拘留。这些规定允许当局针对和惩处那些触犯《刑法》中"危害国家安全"和"扰乱公共秩序"罪行的活跃人士。这些规定还允许当局以犯有"轻罪"的名义在各场所进行行政拘留、强迫犯人从事劳动，而使他们得不到《宪法》和《刑事诉讼法》所保障的司法审查和程序性保护。总统和国会应在与联合国监督机构和中国政府的讨论中提出这些问题，建议对《刑法》作出修正，以便用精确的措辞确定这些罪行的定义，并对中国宪法和国际宣言和条约所保障的和平行使基本权利作出例外规定。总统和国会还应建议对行政拘留制度进行改革，使之与国际法保持一致，包括废除强迫劳动的做法。改革应确保中国公民能有机会在独立的司法机构对被指控的违法行为提出争辩和对执法部门的有罪指控提出辩驳。

中国教徒的自由

宗教自由是一项基本人权。宗教信仰自由和进行宗教活动包括信徒们有权与国外教友自由交往和选择在何处做礼拜，由谁做导师，学习的课本，以及选择谁作领袖。总统和国会应继续促进中国宗教自由的发展，鼓励中国政府认识到：这种自由包括西藏佛教徒有表达对达赖喇嘛虔诚追随的自由，中国天主教徒有在罗马教廷挑选的主教的主持下做礼拜的自由，穆斯林有在没有政府干预的情况下参加朝圣的自由，基督教徒有在家庭教会做礼拜的自由，以及法轮功等精神信仰体系的追随者有在不受干扰的情况下信奉自己信仰的自由。此外，总统和国会还应继续鼓励中国政府停止对未登记的宗教组织领袖和成员的骚扰、拘禁和虐待；提请中国政府注意因信教而被关押人士的案件；同时呼吁立即释放信奉宗教的良心犯，包括家庭教会牧师蔡卓华（因印发《圣经》被监禁）、西藏僧侣曲因克珠（因印制传单被终身监禁）、华南基督教会领袖龚圣亮（因遭刑讯后供认而被终生监禁）、天主教会的賈治国主教（因从事未经授权的天主教工作而被拘留）、天主教会的苏志民主教（1997年以来一直被单独监禁）以及清华大学学生、法轮功修炼者王欣（因自互联网上下载材料被监禁）。总统和国会还应继续敦促中国政府让联合国关于宗教不容忍问题特别报告员在不附加任何条件的情况下访华，中国政府曾向美国政府和特别报告员作出过这样的承诺。
中国中央政府的政策和某些地方性法规都只承认政府规定的五种宗教。这种限制既不载于国家的法律中，也不载于中国新通过的《宗教事务条例》中。中国的一些地方允许未加入国家控制的爱国教会的基督教团体向政府进行登记。尽管政府不承认东正教为宗教，但中国的一些东正教团体向地方政府进行了登记。这些都是令人欢迎的发展，但其范围还很有限。总统和国会应继续鼓励中国政府取消对宗教的政策限制，并依照《世界人权宣言》第18条的规定保障公民的思想、良心、宗教和信仰自由；允许所有宗教和精神团体成立独立的组织和在没有国家和受国家控制的教会干预的情况下从事宗教活动；废除或修订登记规定，使政府不再掌握拒绝某些团体登记的大权；并对选择在有组织宗教框架之外进行宗教活动的个人提供保护。

中国工人的劳工权利

中国的工作条件仍然很差，中国工人常常不知道有哪些保护他们权利的国家法律。美国劳工部正在与中国劳动和社会保障部和国家安全生产监督管理总局一道努力开展活动，重点是职业和采矿安全和健康、工资法和工时法的管理以及教育中国工人了解国家的劳工法律。总统和国会应支持扩展这些合作活动，以便改善中国工人的劳动条件。总统和国会还应向中国领导人提出，独立工会在实现安全生产、迫使厂主全部和及时发给工人工资以及减少采矿行业事故率和遏止官员腐败等方面有着非常重要的作用。
人口贩运在中国是一个严重的问题。中国政府正与国际劳工组织打击强迫劳动特别行动计划进行合作，加强对贩运周期的执法控制，但政府机构缺乏有效打击这些行为的知识和能力。中国的《刑法》并未具体地将人口贩运问题与强迫劳动问题联系起来加以解决。尽管《劳动法》禁止工作场所的强迫劳动行为，但该法对违法者仅仅作出了轻微处罚的规定。总统应继续支持、国会应继续为美国支援国际劳工组织就中国的强迫劳动和人口贩运开展的合作计划提供资金；应敦促中国政府批准《联合国打击跨国有组织犯罪公约》关于人口贩运和偷运移民的两项议定书；并应鼓励双方就政府机构、国内法和雇主及商业团体如何能更有效地遏制人口贩运开展讨论。

中国公民的自由信息流动

全国人民代表大会正在审议《突发事件应对法（草案）》，而目前形式的法案限制国内外新闻媒体对于自然灾害和人为灾害进行报道。如果获得通过，该法将不仅对新闻施加不符合国际人权标准的出版前约束，而且也影响 "全球公共卫生情报网络"的效率。世界卫生组织使用这一电子监视系统跟踪和查看互联网上关于传染性疾病和传染性疾病症状的报道。总统和国会应继续向中国领导人说明公共卫生紧急情况具有全球性性质、在管理公共卫生方面具有充份透明度的重要性、以及不受干预的新闻报道在监督政府在公共卫生方面的运作和及时向公众提供重要信息方面的重要性。
中国政府利用技术、出版前限制、恐吓、拘留、监禁和强制实行的含糊审查规定来压制言论自由和控制新闻媒体。由于政府限制信息的自由流通，很多中国公民不知道官方的检查政策违反公民的言论自由和新闻出版自由。总统和国会应敦促中国政府取消出版前限制的规定，停止羁押新闻工作者和作家，停止封锁外国新闻广播和网站，并确切说明哪种政治内容的出版属于非法。总统应提议、并由国会拨款，支持美国研发技术，帮助中国公民能够得到他们目前无法获得的互联网信息，以及提供教育资料，让他们了解根据国际法他们所应享有的言论自由和新闻出版自由的权利。

法治和公民社会的发展

中国官员过去一年采取了更多的措施限制中国新兴公民社会的发展。民政部官员目前正在研究用一种新的行政体制，监督和控制公民社会，并对它们加以"评估"。这一计划的许多细节都还没有确定，诸如由谁进行评估和如何使用评估的结果等。总统和国会应鼓励对一些问题展开双边讨论，其中包括官方对公民社会组织的控制；重申中国官员和学者关于独立的公民社会组织能够在解决冲突、保护公民权利和维护社会稳定方面发挥重要作用的讲话；同时鼓励中国政府采取措施，推动独立的公民社会的发展，例如取消要有赞助组织的规定。
中国政府强行遣返在中国寻求庇护的北朝鲜人，并且不让联合国难民事务高级专员办事处和这些无助人群接触，从而违反了中国对 1951年《难民地位公约》及其 1967年《议定书》所承担的义务，也违反了中国政府1995年同联合国签署的协定。国务院目前正在审议〈监狱管理条理难民管理条理〉。这些规定可能对无助的北朝鲜难民提供新的保护，但规定的内容还不得而知。总统和国会应继续敦促中国政府立即停止遣返北朝鲜难民，并让难民专员办事处不受阻拦地接触北朝鲜难民，以便对他们的请求进行甄别。总统和国会还应鼓励中国政府在草拟和通过关于难民的新规定的过程中采取具有透明度的方式，并与难民专员办事处密切合作，确保这一立法能够完全根据国际法对北朝鲜难民给予保护。
地方警察滥用职权的现象在整个中国仍然严重。最高人民检察院承认在执法方面继续存在广泛滥用职权的情况，包括非法超期羁押和实行酷刑。总统和国会应致力于加强各项计划，例如为在美国驻华使馆设置常驻法律顾问一职拨款，这将有助于促进中国和美国相应机构进行对话，鼓励中国检察机关加大对警察滥用职权进行监督的力度。这些计划应鼓励中国政府继续进行改革，例如允许刑事辩护律师能够更多接触当事人和涉案卷宗、执法部门讯问嫌犯时进行录音录像、以及在审判时排除通过酷刑或其他非法手段获取的证据。
中国政府加入世界贸易组织（世贸组织）时承诺将提高管制的透明度，加强对知识产权的保护和确保实施贸易相关措施时不采取歧视做法。自加入世贸组织以来，中国政府在管制的透明性方面逐步有所改善，但继续容忍猖狂侵犯知识产权的行为。此外，政府的行业政策鼓励和保护国内的很多行业，某些情况其做法看来违背了中国的入世承诺。总统和国会应继续敦促中国政府确保中国各相关当局及时发布影响贸易的各项措施；颁布并施行足以能够遏制知识产权侵权行为的各种刑事和民事处罚条例；并为美国和其他国家消除遵守世贸市场承诺的领域的非慎慎性壁垒。

本委员会的行政当局成员参与并支持本委员会的这项工作，包括本报告的编写。但本报告内的观点和建议不一定反映行政部门个别成员或行政当局的意见。

本报告以22票赞成、1票反对获得通过。

四. 导言

经济结构调整带来的国内挑战

根据中国和世界银行的统计数字，中国自1978年开始 "改革开放"期以来，政府的政策实施提高了人民的生活水平，让4亿多人脱离了极端贫困。这个成就令人印象深刻。但随着收入的提高，经济结构调整所造成的城市发展优先于农村发展的不平等现像也随之出现。2005年中国城市居民的平均收入是农村居民收入的3倍以上，而在1978年时是2.5倍。主要居住在农村地区的中国少数民族只占中国人口的10％，但却占了国家最贫穷人口的40％以上。中国政府还面临城市新贫民人口增加的问题。千百万在国有企业倒闭后失去工作和退休金的中国公民还没有找到新的工作。此外，很多从农村进入城市的流动居民只能靠低收入的非正规经济过活，享受不到任何公共福利。

中国领导人在国内面临巨大的挑战。据政府估计，为控制失业人数的增加，2006年就需要新增2,500万个城市就业机会。城市失业人口和日益加剧的城乡不平等这双重问题，造成多种社会利益的竞争，它们之间不断发生冲突，加剧了整个中国的社会动荡，也使政府在寻求解决办法方面更为复杂化。据官员报告， 2005年总共发生87,000起"扰乱公共秩序" 的案件，比 2004年增加了6.6％。过去一年里，由于人们对强征土地、官员腐败和滥用职权、工厂工资过低，劳动条件恶劣以及环境恶化感到不满而在好几个省内发生群众抗议活动。2005年9月，警察与广东省太石村几百名抗议的居民发生冲突，起因是当地居民试图罢免一名挪用土地赔偿基金的地方官员。10月，重庆市警察驱散了十多年来中国发生的最大一起工人抗议活动。12月，广东省汕尾市居民因建设发电厂造成污染和被迫拆迁而举行抗议，人民武装警察准军事人员向几千名村民开枪，打死20多人。2006年7月，贵州省贵阳市官员殴打一名没有临时居住证的民工，引发了几百名市民的骚乱。

农村的不平等和社会动荡

城乡不平等而导致的日益加剧的社会动荡已经引起中国最高领导层的关注。2005年底，温家宝总理警告农村高层官员，如果他们继续犯不能保护农民和他们土地的"历史性错误"，更多的暴力事件就会发生。党和政府领导人使用2006年的第一份重要政策文件，宣布要开展 "建设社会主义新农村"的运动。这一运动的目的是要解决城乡居民之间日益扩大的不平等现像。同时，中央政府承诺向农村地区增加医疗、教育和就业服务。3月份，温家宝在全国人民代表大会（全国人大）上表示，中央政府在今后5年内将投资200亿人民币（25亿美元），用于村、镇和县各级医院、诊所和医疗设施的现代化，中国政府还同时承诺在今后5年内为改善农村教育提供2,180亿人民币（27.25亿美元）。1月份，中央政府停止向农民征收农业税和牧业税，以试图提高农村的收入。尽管中国当局对于农民尝试集体组织起来保护自身利益的做法仍然十分敏感，但在2004年后每年发布的中央政策文件中都对建立农民专业合作社一事表示了一定的支持，全国人大2006年立法年度计划中也有关于这些组织的国家法律的提案。

中央政府还呼吁加强对流动民工权益的保护，这是政府为增进社会稳定做出的一方面努力。党中央委员会和国务院2005年10月就社会稳定的问题发布联合通告，要求加强保护流动民工的权益和建立一个常设机制来解决工人关于补发工资的要求，这一问题对民工的影响非常大。中国共产党领导的总工会响应中央政府提出的新的呼吁，制定了帮助民工免遭雇主虐待和剥削的项目。去年，总工会颁布新的计划，协助民工与雇主签订合同追讨及拖欠工资、改善劳动安全和获得法律援助及就业培训的劳工合同。政府对城乡之间不平等引起社会动荡感到的关切促使它考虑改革它用以控制社会的一些政治性工具。2005年10月，中国当局宣布正在考虑对中国的户籍（户口）制度进行全国性的改革，并已经采取措施取消对民工在城市地区就业的限制。

政治及宗教压制和社会动荡

中国政府对由于农村不平等造成的社会动荡所采取的大体上积极的反应，与其对公民对政治和宗教压制的不满作出的回应大相径庭。中国政府对于力主变革和指责政府滥用权力的公民加以惩罚，不顾他们所从事活动的和平性质，这种做法违背了国际人权标准。10月份的联合通告详细列出了帮助民工和穷苦农民的积极措施，在这同一通告里，政府也呼吁对社会进行更严格的控制。中央政府为控制中国新闻出版业而采取对策，并加紧对互联网的控制。中国官员正在对控制公民社会组织的新措施进行评估。共产党官员提出要警惕外国"敌对势力" 推行"颜色革命"和"渗透"新闻媒体、公民社会、法律界和维吾尔族及西藏自治地区。

在缺乏新闻出版自由、公民社会、民主施政和其他允许公民推进变革的机制的情况下，中国的维权人士借助法律辩护和非暴力反抗来促进民主及发展法治。中国法律教授和维权人士王怡在国会人权连线5月3日的一次圆桌会议上说，"如果连维权运动也不能成功，中国就没有希望。"在政府几个月坚持对大批中国公民施用暴力后，北京律师和维权人士高智晟在今年2月开始了接力绝食活动。绝食活动要求人们对中国很多团体遭到非法迫害和殴打引起注意，受迫害的人包括工人、农民、知识分子、宗教信仰者、上访者、活跃分子和新闻工作者。虽然这些团体一直秉承对政府滥用权力进行和平抗议的严格政策，但是它们却仍然遭到政府的压制。当局对高智晟采取的公民积极行动以及和平维护基本人权的做法的反应就是剥夺他从事律师业务的权利，并把他作为政府恐吓与骚扰的对象，还指控他有犯罪活动。

中国政府的压制措施威胁到共产党要保持社会稳定的这一目标。不能提供让公民申诉冤屈和保护自身公民和政治权利的有效机制，激起了群众的愤怒，并最终导致动乱，而这正是中国领导人要竭力避免的。这种结果只能破坏中国的进步。新闻出版自由、充满活力的公民社会和民主施政是保持官员对他们所服务的公民负责任的主要手段。它们也是一个政府的制度能够持久和获得成功的基本组成部份。

V. Monitoring Compliance with Human Rights

V(a) SPECIAL FOCUS FOR 2006: FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION

FINDINGS

Government censorship, while not total, is pervasive and highly effective, and denies Chinese citizens the freedoms of speech and of the press guaranteed to them in the Chinese Constitution. The government has imprisoned journalists who provide news to foreigners, such as Zhao Yan, Shi Tao, and Ching Cheong. Editors of publications that criticize government policies, such as Yang Bin of the Beijing News and Li Datong of the China Youth Daily, have been dismissed. The government blocks the Web sites and radio and television broadcasts of foreign news organizations, such as those of the British Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Free Asia, and the Voice of America. In 2005, the government banned dozens of newspapers and confiscated almost one million "illegal" political publications. Beginning in May 2005, the government blocked the Commission's Web site from being viewed in China.
Modern telecommunications technologies such as the Internet, cell phones, and satellite broadcasts allow Chinese citizens access to more information sources, both state-controlled and non-state-controlled. But government restrictions on news and information media, including on these new information sources, do not conform to international human rights standards for freedom of expression. The Chinese government imposes a strict licensing scheme on news and information media that includes oversight by government agencies with discretion to grant, deny, and rescind licenses based on political and economic criteria. The Chinese government's content-based restrictions include controls on political opinion and religious literature that are not prescribed by law, and whose primary purpose is to protect the ideological and political dominance of the Communist Party.
The government's restrictions on religious literature do not conform to international human rights standards. Only government-licensed printing enterprises may print religious materials, and then only with approval from both the provincial-level religious affairs bureau and the press and publication administration. In addition to confiscating religious publications, the Chinese government also has fined, detained, and imprisoned citizens for publishing, printing, and distributing religious literature without government permission. Cai Zhuohua, a house church pastor in Beijing, and two of his family members were imprisoned in 2005 for printing and giving away Bibles and other Christian literature. In Anhui province, house church pastor Wang Zaiqing was arrested in May 2006 on the same charges.

Government Censorship in China

Government censorship in China, while not total, is pervasive and highly effective, and denies Chinese citizens the freedom of the press guaranteed to them in the Chinese Constitution.1 As 13 Chinese scholars, lawyers, and editors wrote in a letter to Chinese President Hu Jintao after the Communist Party's Central Propaganda Department (CPD) shut down a popular news weekly in February 2006, the CPD "manipulates and controls the range of speech, and it has become the sole criterion for measuring truth."2 Another group, composed of 13 former senior government, Party, and news media officials, wrote in an open letter regarding the same event that the CPD has "stripped away freedom of speech in order to quash public opinion."3

The Chinese government has imprisoned journalists who provide news to foreigners, such as Zhao Yan, Shi Tao, and Ching Cheong. Editors of publications that criticize government policies, such as Yang Bin of the Beijing News and Li Datong of the China Youth Daily, have been dismissed. The government blocks the Web sites and radio and television broadcasts of foreign news organizations, such as those of the British Broadcasting Corporation, Radio Free Asia, and the Voice of America. In 2005, the government banned dozens of newspapers and confiscated almost one million "illegal" political publications. Beginning in May 2005, the government blocked the Commission's Web site from being viewed in China. The heads of government and Party agencies responsible for enforcing China's media regulations emphasize press control, not press freedom:

Liu Yunshan, director of the CPD, told attendees at the National Propaganda Directors Seminar in August 2005 that they should increase their supervision of the media, impose content controls earlier in the editorial process, and coordinate the application of administrative, economic, legal, ideological, and other controls.4 In a speech to the same group the previous year, Liu said that no change to the role of the news media as the mouthpiece of the Party, or the Party's supervision of the media, would be tolerated.5
Long Xinmin, Director of the General Administration of Press and Publication (GAPP), said in a speech to the National Press and Publication Directors Conference in December 2005 that Party leaders had ordered press and publication officials to increase their administration of press and publishing. Long said that the key was to strengthen the leadership of the Party and establish a "grand cadre" of "politically strong" press and publication workers.6
Liu Yuzhu, head of the Ministry of Culture's Market Department, wrote in the January 2005 edition of Seeking Truth, the official journal of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, that Web sites located in foreign countries such as the United States represent a threat to China's political structure. He encouraged increased censorship of foreign Web sites and called on domestic Web site operators to step up their self-censorship.7

Despite pervasive censorship, state control of domestic news media is now less severe than before the "reform and opening up" period began in the late 1970s. Modern telecommunications technologies such as the Internet, cell phones, and satellite broadcasts allow Chinese citizens access to more information sources, both state-controlled and non-state-controlled. More information is also available as a result of a dynamic domestic newspaper and book publishing industry. China also has a thriving underground publishing industry, and citizens may easily purchase many banned books from unlicensed publishers and retailers.8 By forcing unlicensed publishers to break the law, however, the government erodes respect for intellectual property rights and the rule of law because illegal publishers are also de facto copyright violators (the illegal works are "pirated," and authors cannot collect royalties on them) and must bribe officials to keep operating.

Chinese leaders and officials maintain that citizens enjoy freedom of the press, and that government restrictions on that freedom conform to international standards.9 While the Party does not screen content before publication to the same degree as in the past, the government continues to impose administrative restrictions on who may publish and what they may publish ("prior restraints") that do not conform to the international human rights standards set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights10 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).11 These standards require the elimination of registration systems for the print media that grant government agencies the discretion to approve, deny, or rescind licenses based on the political and financial qualifications of the applicant ("licensing schemes").12 These standards also prohibit government restrictions on the publication of political and religious ideas and information, other than restrictions that are both prescribed by law and necessary to protect an important state interest ("content-based restrictions"). As two Chinese legal scholars noted in their study of the ICCPR:

This principle [that the ICCPR prohibits prior restraints] requires that government power may not be employed to suppress expressive activities before they are carried out, and no licensing measures or ideological content restrictions may be imposed on speech, books, periodicals, or radio or television programs prior to their dissemination, publication, distribution, or broadcast.13

The Chinese government imposes a strict licensing scheme on all newspaper, magazine, and book publishing and printing (public and private, for-profit and non-profit). The government uses this licensing scheme, as well as post-publication punishments, to enforce content-based restrictions that include prohibitions on the publication of political opinion and religious literature. These content-based restrictions on political opinion and religious literature are neither prescribed by law nor necessary to protect a legitimate state interest. Government and Party leaders state that these restrictions are intended to protect the ideological and political dominance of the Party.

Government Licensing for Print Media

Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provide that people enjoy the right to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. The Chinese government's licensing scheme for print media does not conform to international standards for freedom of the press. Although no absolute international standard prescribes what constitutes freedom of the press, international human rights standards set forth a minimum prerequisite: no legal system can be said to respect freedom of the press if it subjects the print media to any prior restraint through a licensing scheme. In 2003, the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Representative on Freedom of the Media, and the Organization of American States (OAS) Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression issued a joint declaration saying that licensing schemes are unnecessary and subject to abuse.14 Many nations, both developed and developing, have abolished licensing schemes for the print media. For example, the constitutions of many countries, including those of Brazil and South Korea, explicitly prohibit licensing schemes.15 In other countries, such as the United States and India, the right to publish without first having to obtain government authorization is protected through a combination of constitutional and court-made law.16 In those countries with registration requirements, such as Sweden and the United Kingdom, the government does not have the discretion to refuse registration.17

The Chinese government, like a number of governments in other countries, including Ethiopia,18 Iran,19 Jordan,20 Syria,21 Uzbekistan,22 and Yemen,23 imposes a strict licensing scheme on the print media.24 No one may legally publish a book, newspaper, or magazine in China unless they have a license from the General Administration of Press and Publication (GAPP).25 Chinese law requires that every book, newspaper, and magazine have a unique serial number, and the GAPP maintains exclusive control over the distribution of these numbers.26 GAPP officials have explicitly linked the allotment of book numbers to the political orientation of publishers.27 The Chinese government's licensing scheme includes substantive conditions on who may publish. To obtain a license to publish news, applicants must have a government sponsor.28 Although the average annual income in China is less than 10,000 yuan (US$1,250),29 the government also restricts the right to publish to those who can afford to invest at least 300,000 yuan (US$37,500) in registered capital.30 The Chinese government says that its licensing scheme is necessary to regulate the publishing market,31 but such reasoning does not conform to international human rights standards.32

Chinese authorities banned 79 newspapers and periodicals and seized 169 million publications in 2005.33 From 2003 to 2005, the government canceled the registrations of 202 news bureaus and shut down 73 others.34 Other examples of the government using its licensing authority to violate citizens' freedom of the press in the past year include:

In August 2005, GAPP officials in Luliang city, Shanxi province, banned the Luliang Weekly, shut down its editorial department, and dismissed its staff. Officials imposed these sanctions because the weekly had been published without government authorization, and "the articles it carried were mostly negative reports, which severely violated relevant national regulations, and which had an adverse effect on society."35
In September 2005, the Hunan provincial government shut down the news bureaus of four publications established without government permission.36
Also in September 2005, the Chinese government reported that no illegal political materials had been published in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region city of Wuhai since 2002.37 The report attributed the city government's "success" in part to a rigorous training regime for publishers and printers and the fact that authorities had closed 12 illegal printing enterprises. The report said officials conducted daily inspection tours and surprise raids to stop unauthorized publications from entering or leaving the city.

In addition to these administrative measures, Chinese authorities have used Article 225 of the Criminal Law, which defines operating a publishing business without government permission as an illegal business activity,38 to fine and imprison publishers:

In January 2004, authorities in Anhui province sentenced two men to prison terms of nine and seven years for publishing collections of love poems.39
In September 2004, a court in Xinxiang county, Henan province sentenced Wang Lelan, a farmer who had purchased two printing presses, to five years' imprisonment and an 8,000 yuan (US$1,000) fine for publishing "illegal books" such as "China's Top Level" and "Confidential Exclusive News."40
In August 2005, a court in Beijing sentenced the head of the Beijing representative office of Hong Kong's Credit China International Media Group Limited to three years' imprisonment for publishing the magazine "Credit China" without government authorization.41

New rules governing the publication of newspapers and magazines in China went into effect in December 2005.42 In addition to restricting the right to publish newspapers and magazines to government licensees, the rules also establish post-publication content screening and review systems. The rules require provincial-level GAPP offices to submit regular written reports to the GAPP and conduct annual "verification and examination" reviews. The rules stipulate that publishing, printing, and distribution enterprises may not provide services to any newspaper or magazine unless they have passed the previous year's inspection. The rules also require each newspaper and magazine publisher to submit regular reports to the GAPP, as well as annual "self-examination reports" with copies of its most recently published editions. The rules require the GAPP to assess the "publishing quality" of newspapers and magazines, and empower it to take the following actions against any publisher whose contents it deems incorrect or in violation of regulations:

order it to cease publication and distribution;
order it to retract entire editions;
order supervising and sponsoring government agencies to "rectify" the publisher;
revoke its publishing license.

The Chinese government's press licensing scheme also extends to the Internet. According to the state-run media:

Since 1996, 14 agencies, including the Central Propaganda Department, State Council Information Office, Ministry of Public Security, Ministry of Culture, and the General Administration of Press and Publication have participated in the administration of the Internet, have promulgated nearly 50 laws and regulations, and have put together the world's most extensive and comprehensive regulatory system for Internet administration. One scholar who specializes in researching Internet Law [said] China's emphasis on, and effectiveness of administration over, the problem of Internet security is "rare in this world."43

The government requires all Web sites in China to be either licensed by, or registered with, the Ministry of Information Industry (MII).44 Web sites that fail to register or obtain a license may be shut down and their operators fined.45 As part of the registration process, the MII requires anyone who posts news on a Web site to confirm that the Chinese government has authorized him or her to do so.46 According to the OpenNet Initiative, "In large measure, the registration regulation is designed to induce website owners to forego potentially sensitive or prohibited content, such as political criticism, by linking their identities to that content. The regulation operates through a chilling effect."47 In August 2005, the state-controlled news media reported that over 700,000 Web sites had registered,48 and that authorities had shut down a "large number of Web sites," using "specialized software to render them inaccessible."49 In December 2005, the MII issued a notice to Internet service providers saying, "The campaign to rectify unregistered Web sites has entered a period of severe sanctions," and demanded they shut down all unregistered Web sites.50

In September 2005, the MII and the State Council Information Office promulgated new rules tightening the government's control over Internet news services.51 These rules prohibit anyone from using the Internet to post or transmit news reports or commentary relating to politics and economics, or military, foreign, and public affairs, without a government license. Chinese authorities used these rules to shut down at least five Web sites before the annual plenary sessions of the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, which concluded in March 2006.52

The MII crackdown coincided with a similar crackdown on the Internet by branches of China's Ministry of Public Security (MPS) in major cities.53 Throughout 2005 and 2006, public security bureaus in cities such as Beijing, Guangzhou, and Chongqing ordered Web sites to register with public security authorities or be shut down. In addition, in December 2005, the MPS promulgated new rules54 requiring Internet portals, Web sites, Web logs ("blogs"), and hosting services to record and retain any content that news providers post on their Web sites, as well as the time it was posted.

Finally, the Chinese government instituted a licensing scheme for journalists in 2005,55 even though such schemes are incompatible with international human rights standards for freedom of the press.56 In January 2005, the GAPP issued two new regulations limiting "lawful" news gathering and editorial activities to government-licensed journalists.57 In March 2005, the GAPP, Central Propaganda Department, and State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT) jointly issued new rules specifying that journalists and editors must "support the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, support the socialist system . . ., respect the Party's news propaganda discipline, [and] protect the interests of the Party and the government."58 SARFT used its authority to accredit television hosts to shut down the television show of well-known economist Lang Xianping (also known as Larry Lang) in February 2006 on the grounds that he lacked required government certification.59

Restrictions on Political and Religious Publishing

The Chinese government's restrictions on the publication of political opinion and religious literature do not conform to international human rights standards for freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the same article of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provide that people enjoy the right to publish "information and ideas," and the ICCPR adds "of all kinds." International human rights standards permit restrictions on the press, provided they are prescribed by law and are necessary to prevent the dissemination of speech that is obscene or defamatory, or that poses a realistic threat to national security, or that is false and threatens public order.60 The Chinese government's restrictions on the press are not clearly prescribed in national law. In addition, the government uses discretionary and extralegal powers to restrict the publication of information and ideas that conflict with the Party's political and religious orthodoxy or that threaten its control over political and religious ideology.

Not Prescribed by Law

National media regulations include vague and sweeping prohibitions on the publication of material that "harms the honor or the interests of the nation,"61 "spreads rumors,"62 or "harms the credibility of a government agency."63 The Criminal Law punishes acts said to constitute "rumor mongering" to incite subversion or the overthrow of the socialist system with sentences of up to five years' imprisonment.64 Nothing in Chinese law specifies what constitutes the "interests of the nation," a "rumor," or "harming credibility." Chinese laws and regulations provide lists of what may be deemed a state secret, but these lists are broad and vague, encompassing essentially all matters of public concern.65 Moreover, Chinese law does not require the government to show that anyone committing any of these acts knew that the materials they published fell into one of these categories.66 Finally, Chinese courts do not require the government to show that the publication of the materials in question caused, or could have caused, any negative effect on the national interest.67

Government agencies responsible for implementing and interpreting national security do not balance government interests against a citizen's right to freedom of the press, and instead consistently interpret laws in favor of the government. In recent years, more than 70 percent of all cases of criminal disclosure of state secrets were the result of a "faulty understanding of state secrets."68 None of the 17 or more central government and Party agencies responsible for enforcing and interpreting national security and state secrets laws as they relate to freedom of the press has provided any public guidance about when it will or will not censor publications or pursue criminal complaints against publishers.69 In 2004, the Chinese government shut down 338 publications for publishing "internal" information.70 In addition, the Chinese judiciary is not independent from Party control and does not issue instructive opinions in criminal trials (see discussion of Huang Qi below). [For more information on the Chinese judiciary, see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice.]

The Chinese government does not articulate content-based restrictions in statutes and court judgments, but instead relies upon detaining writers, indoctrinating journalists, and banning publications to encourage companies, institutions, and individuals to "choose" not to publicize views that a government official might deem politically unacceptable.71 An example of the Chinese government's indifference to freedom of the press is the case of Huang Qi. The Chengdu Intermediate People's Court sentenced Huang to five years' imprisonment in May 2003 for inciting subversion by operating a Web site that included articles on democracy and the 1989 Tiananmen democracy protests. The court's decision did not provide examples of any subversive language, and made no attempt to show that the articles on the Web site had caused, or were likely to cause, a threat to China's national security. Moreover, the court did not place any constitutional limitations on the authority of the government to criminalize certain types of speech, or balance the need to protect national security with Huang Qi's right to freedom of expression.72

Another example of the Chinese government's opaque national security content-based restrictions occurred in October 2003, when a Shanghai court sentenced Zheng Enchong to three years' imprisonment for "illegally providing state secrets to an entity or individual outside China." Zheng faxed a copy of a Xinhua news report to a U.S. NGO to get it published abroad.73 In rejecting Zheng's appeal, the Shanghai High People's Court said that, while the document in question included no markings indicating it was a "state secret," Zheng "should have known" that it was a state secret because it had been published in a Xinhua publication called "Internal Selections." Xinhua is a government agency that reports directly to the State Council, and if an article included information that was a state secret, Xinhua had both the authority and the legal obligation to have it classified.74 Instead, Xinhua officials labeled the article "internal," and according to the Shanghai High People's Court, officials with the local state secrets bureau had it "certified" as a state secret after Zheng was detained.75 Stories from "Internal Selections," however, are freely available on Party Web sites, including those of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee and the Chongqing Municipal Party Committee.76

The case of Zhao Yan, a researcher for the New York Times, is a more recent example. Authorities detained Zhao in September 2004 for "illegally providing state secrets to an entity or individual outside China." Sources said the "state secret" was information that former President and Party General Secretary Jiang Zemin had offered to resign as Chairman of the Central Military Commission. His resignation was later reported in the official press.77 [See Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants, for a discussion of Zhao's arbitrary and extended detention.]

Chinese courts cannot consider Chinese citizens' constitutional right to freedom of the press in subversion and state secrets trials [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice--Constitutional Review]. Some cases have been reported, however, in which a court found insufficient evidence to hold a trial on the charges brought against a defendant. Such decisions are the result of international pressure rather than an interest in upholding the rights of the accused. For example, Chinese authorities detained Liu Di (also known as the "Stainless Steel Mouse") in November 2002 after she posted a series of essays on the Internet discussing political reform and criticizing the Party. They released her in November 2003 without charges following widespread international pressure.

The Chinese government also uses indoctrination as an extralegal means of restricting publishing of political opinions and religious literature. A January 2006 General Administration of Press and Publication (GAPP) report described an example of press indoctrination, saying that in 2005 the government carried out on-the-job training of Party officials holding leadership positions at news publishers, and "deeply and meticulously performed worker and staff ideological and political work" in order to "safeguard stability and unity."78 Xinhua reported in May 2006 that the government and the Party expect Chinese journalists to be "politically strong" and "strictly disciplined."79 The All China Journalists Association held a conference in April 2006 to study and implement the Party's propaganda campaign on "Socialist Glory and Shame."80 The state-run news media reported that conference participants expressed a desire to reject "capitalist liberalism" and to accept "serving the general work of the Party and the nation" as the "sacred mission" of journalists.81 Western news media have reported that the Beijing Municipal Information Office, an agency that reports to the Central Propaganda Department, summons executives from a dozen Internet news Web sites every Friday morning to attend a meeting. Chen Hua, Director of the Internet Propaganda Management Department, usually runs this meeting. According to one Western news report, "[Chen] or one of his colleagues tells the executives what news they should keep off their sites and what items they should highlight in the week ahead."82

The Chinese government and the Party often carry out censorship through informal and opaque procedures that are not subject to legal oversight or restraint. For example, according to Wang Yi, a law professor in Sichuan province, public security officials in Beijing had his Web site shut down by calling an employee of the Chinese Internet company Blogchina at home and ordering him to do it.83

Chinese authorities used similar extralegal measures to censor two of China's most popular publications. The first incident occurred in December 2005, when the Party removed editor-in-chief Yang Bin and two deputy editors at the Beijing News, as part of an effort to curb that newspaper's aggressive reporting style.84 Central Propaganda Department director Liu Yunshan had told officials at an April 2005 meeting that "[t]he South has a newspaper that disgusts a lot of officials in the North, and the North has a paper that disgusts a lot of officials in the South."85 An unnamed source told a Western news magazine that the "northern paper" was the Beijing News, and a Beijing News editor noted that so many cadres had traveled to Beijing to complain about the paper that it was under "heavy" pressure to conform to new restrictions on "extra-territorial" investigative reporting.86 In December 2005, propaganda officials singled out the Beijing News for criticism at a meeting where it was decided that "metropolitan newspapers" such as the Beijing News should "strengthen Party control" and obey propaganda officials.87 Officials have said that the Beijing News "committed errors in the orientation of opinion," and Liu Yunshan concluded that the Beijing News' "problems" must be "fundamentally resolved."

A second example of official circumvention of the law to silence critics occurred in January 2006, when Party officials ordered the China Youth Daily (CYD) to suspend publication of its Freezing Point weekly because it had published an essay on Chinese history textbooks that officials claimed contradicted historical facts, violated news propaganda discipline, harmed the national sentiments of the Chinese people, harmed the image of the CYD, and had a detrimental social influence.88 The officials also ordered the CYD Publishing House to submit a report criticizing Li Erliang, CYD editor-in-chief, and Li Datong, editor-in-chief of the Freezing Point weekly. On February 16, Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson Qin Gang defended the Party's decision.89 On the same day, the Communist Party Youth League Publishing House Party Committee announced the conditions under which Freezing Point would resume publication. The CYD was required to dismiss Li Datong from his position as editor-in-chief, and Lu Yuegang from his position as deputy editor. In addition, it had to publish an essay in the first issue of the re-launched Freezing Point weekly that would refute the earlier objectionable essay.90

Government and Party intimidation, harassment, and imprisonment of writers and journalists create a chilling effect on freedom of speech that results in self-censorship. For instance, Internet and software companies in China must either employ censorship technologies in their products or risk a government order to close. Although no Chinese law or regulation forbids specific words, companies such as Tencent and MSN embed a list of banned words and phrases in their Internet applications, including "freedom" and "democracy."91 Chinese search engines such as Baidu, and the China-based search engines of Yahoo!, MSN, and Google filter search results, including those relating to the Voice of America, Radio Free Asia, and human rights. A senior corporate official from Google testified to the House Committee on International Relations in February 2006 that one of the factors leading to the company's decision to filter search results for its China-based service was:

Many queries, especially politically sensitive queries, were not making it through to Google's servers. And access became often slow and unreliable, meaning that our service in China was not something we felt proud of. Even though we weren't doing any self-censorship, our results were being filtered anyway, and our service was being actively degraded on top of that. Indeed, at some times users were even being redirected to local Chinese search engines.92

Google designed its Chinese-language news aggregation service so that users in China cannot view materials from dissident news Web sites that Chinese authorities have blocked. Google has said that it will not deploy e-mail and blogging services in China because the company cannot meet its own standards for the privacy and security of users' sensitive information.93

The Party and the government are seeking to expand self-censorship by instituting "industry self-discipline." During an August 2005 speech, Liu Yunshan called on propaganda officials to "merge propaganda work into the self-supervision of mass groups and professional organizations," and said that requiring professional organizations to "tightly integrate professional discipline and restraint with professional moral restraint" will allow employees to "voluntarily" accept government supervision. In April 2006, 14 major Internet portals, including Sina.com, Sohu.com, Baidu.com, and Yahoo!'s Chinese Web site, issued a joint proposal calling for the Chinese Internet industry to censor harmful information, spread the ideas of President Hu Jintao, and voluntarily accept government supervision.94 Shortly after the Internet portals issued their proposal, Internet information providers and industry groups throughout China made similar announcements.

The state-run media portrayed the Internet portals' participation as spontaneous and voluntary, but both the GAPP and State Administration for Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT) have either used or advocated the use of "self-discipline" agreements and other informal methods to control the press in China. For example, in April 2006, GAPP Director Long Xinmin wrote that the government should establish an administrative system for newspapers and magazines characterized by Party leadership, government administration, and industry self-discipline.95 In September 2005, SARFT issued a notice saying that radio announcers and television hosts would "voluntarily" obey professional ethical standards that SARFT had issued in December 2004.96

Political Speech

International human rights standards obligate the Chinese government to respect the rights of its citizens to publish political ideas or opinions, even when they are critical of the government.97 Chinese government and Party officials have said, however, that they will not tolerate the publication of political ideas or opinions with which they disagree:

Liu Binjie, a deputy director of the General Administration of Press and Publication (GAPP), has said that political publications are the highest priority target for the Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications Task Force.98
Shi Feng, another GAPP deputy director, complained in an October 2005 speech that some newspapers and periodicals in China have exhibited "political orientation problems," by "denying the leading position of Marxism," "violating the Party line," and "openly smearing the Party's leaders."99
Officials have said that it is necessary to "strike hard at" and "tightly seal up and investigate" political publications that "spread political rumors and create ideological chaos."100

The State Administration for Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT) issued "propaganda priorities" in 2005 that said broadcasters should "refuse all incorrect ideological and political perspectives and expression."101 The GAPP has said that it will shut down publications with "severe political errors,"102 and in 2005, the Chinese government confiscated 996,000 publications because of their political content.103 Regulations require that everything published in China must adhere to Marxism, Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, and Deng Xiaoping Theory104 and prohibit the publication of anything that violates the propaganda discipline of the Party105 or contradicts the guiding policies of the Party.106 In addition, Chinese law requires that books and essays about Party and national government leaders must be "solemn and discreet," and their point of view must conform to the spirit of various Party documents.107

To enforce these ideological restrictions, Chinese regulations require that publishers submit to the GAPP and the Central Propaganda Department a list of any "important topic selections" that they plan to publish.108 Only publishing houses that the GAPP specifically approves may publish works about government and Party leaders, foreign relations, religion, the history of the People's Republic of China, and the history of the People's Liberation Army.109 In February 2005, a GAPP official warned in a report:

If publishers are careless about strictly screening topic selection, then serious orientation and quality problems will occur. . . . Therefore, publishers' screening of the selection of topics is not merely a professional matter, but rather is a serious political responsibility. Therefore, topic selection screening is a political system.110

The GAPP report also said that publishers must carry out registration procedures for all selections relating to politics, the military, security, foreign affairs, religion, ethnicities, and "other sensitive issues." In addition, the report also noted that it is illegal to publish anything on these topics that has not been reported to, and approved by, authorities.

New rules governing the publication of newspapers and periodicals that went into effect in December 2005111 include requirements that these publications must "adhere to Marxism-Leninism," "follow correct guidelines of public opinion and publication orientation," and foster a "good atmosphere for building socialism with Chinese characteristics." The rules also require newspapers and periodicals to obey unspecified "relevant regulations" when publishing articles that relate to "important state policies" and ethnic and religious affairs.

SARFT requires screenplays that depict major historic events and important leaders and their families to be approved by both the government and the Party.112 SARFT issued regulations in April 2006113 that removed the previous requirement that television producers obtain government approval for dramas, but programs relating to modern Chinese history must still have government approval.114 In addition, anyone wishing to film television programs with content relating to "important or sensitive political issues, the military, foreign affairs, the Party's United Front, religion, ethnicities, the administration of justice, public security, education, and famous people" must first request an "opinion" from the relevant department at the provincial level or higher.

Government and Party intolerance of the independent political views of citizens is particularly apparent before and during government and Party plenary meetings and some national holidays. In the weeks before the annual plenary sessions of the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, which concluded in March 2006, Chinese officials took the following measures (in addition to the Web site closings that were described previously):

The Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications Task Force held a teleconference in January 2006 and notified relevant agencies that they should "purify the publishing market" and be on duty 24 hours per day during the plenary sessions.115
Officials in Zhongshan city, Guangdong province, issued a circular calling on local customs, traffic, press and publications officials, and commercial agencies, to step up their enforcement measures against "harmful information," including illegal political publications.116
Officials in Henan province launched a crackdown on political publications and Falun Gong materials to "ensure the health and stability of the publications market" during the plenary sessions.117

During the last year Chinese authorities have continued to silence writers, journalists, and Web sites for expressing political ideas or opinions with which they disagree. In October, an Anhui court upheld Zhang Lin's sentence of five years' imprisonment for subverting state power in connection with articles he posted on the Internet and a radio interview he gave.118 Chinese authorities detained and imprisoned several others, including Yang Tianshui, Guo Qizhen, and Li Yuanlong for publishing articles on foreign Web sites criticizing the government and the Party.119 During the run-up to the annual plenary sessions, Chinese authorities shut down the Aegean Sea [Aiqinhai] Web site, as well as four other sites that had complained on behalf of local workers.120 In June, authorities shut down two of China's major Internet portals, Sina.com and Sohu.com, for several days to allow the Internet portals to upgrade their censorship capabilities after authorities found that the Internet portals failed to filter certain key words deemed politically harmful.121 In July, the Beijing Communications Administration shut down the "Century China" Web site, a popular Internet discussion forum for commentary on political, historical, and cultural issues.122 In August, authorities shut down the "Polls" Web site and revoked its license after the Web site posted a poll asking visitors whether the General Secretary of the Communist Party should be chosen from among several candidates in differential voting.123

Religious Speech

International human rights standards protect the printing and distribution of religious literature as a fundamental human right.124 The Chinese government asserts that its protection of freedom of religious belief "is basically in accordance with the main contents of [relevant] international documents and conventions," and that everyone in China "should have the freedom to compile and distribute printed materials pertaining to religion or belief."125 Only government-licensed printing enterprises may print such materials, however, and then only with approval from the provincial-level religious affairs bureau and a certificate of approval from the press and publication administration.126 Printing enterprises in China may print religious publications for in-house use by customers, but the printing enterprise must first receive approval from provincial-level religious and publishing authorities.127 Non-religious publications only require printing approval from publishing authorities at the county level.128 Publishing regulations mandate government authorization and screening of books and news reports that mention religious issues.129 [See Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion.]

Chinese authorities confiscated 4.62 million items of Falun Gong and "other cult organization propaganda material" in 2005.130 This included the confiscation of 9,860 printed materials in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region that were either illegal publications of a religious nature, Falun Gong materials, or publications related to "feudal superstitions."131 In addition, authorities in the Tibet Autonomous Region confiscated 54 "Dalai Lama splittist group reactionary publications."132

In addition to confiscating religious publications, the Chinese government also has fined, detained, and imprisoned citizens for publishing, printing, and distributing religious literature without government permission. In November and December 1999, officials detained and arrested Jiang Sunian, an unregistered Catholic priest from Wenzhou diocese in Zhejiang province who had published hymnals.133 Officials charged Jiang with illegal publishing.134 In April 2000, a court convicted Jiang under Article 225 of the Criminal Law, assessed a fine of 270,000 yuan (US$32,000), and sentenced him to six years' imprisonment. Officials released Jiang in December 2003.135 In November 2005, a Beijing court sent Cai Zhuohua, a pastor of six house churches in Beijing, and two of his family members to prison under Article 225 of the Criminal Law for printing and giving away Bibles and other Christian literature without government permission.136 In Anhui province, house church pastor Wang Zaiqing was arrested in May 2006 on the same charges.

During the last year Chinese authorities have continued to detain people who express religious ideas or opinions which they consider incorrect. Chinese authorities detained documentary filmmaker Hao Wu for 140 days after they discovered him shooting a documentary about China's unregistered house churches.137 In July 2006, authorities shut down two blogs maintained by the popular Tibetan poet and writer Oezer, which she believed was a response to her posting a photograph of the Dalai Lama.138 In August 2006, authorities detained journalist Zan Aizong for one week after he posted reports on foreign Web sites about detentions of Protestants who were protesting the destruction of a church in Xiaoshan city, Zhejiang province.139

Ideological Uniformity

International human rights standards prohibit content-based restrictions on the press except those necessary to protect the rights and reputations of others and to meet the requirements for morality, national security, and public order in a democratic society.140 The Chinese government and the Communist Party exceed these allowances, however, and control and censor the press to impose ideological uniformity. In one of his first speeches as head of the General Administration of Press and Publication (GAPP), Long Xinmin told officials attending a national conference in December 2005 to "maintain a high degree of uniformity with the political ideology of the Party Central Committee under Comrade Hu Jintao as Secretary, and insist on never wavering from Marxism as the guiding principle of press and publication work."141 Liu Yunshan called on propaganda officials to leverage the advantage provided by the large circulation and distribution of the state-run news media to guide public opinion in an "intimate, natural, quiet, and unobtrusive manner."142 Shi Feng has said that investigative reporting must "serve the work of the Party and the government."143 In September 2005, the Guangming Daily published an editorial saying:

[I]rresponsible expression online easily brings with it ideological confusion, and creates a severe challenge for college students' political ideological education. An important and pressing question for university political ideological education is how to use positive and healthy ideological culture to capture the Internet battlefield and prevent people with ulterior motives from using the Internet to disseminate incorrect ideology and information, and resist infiltration by enemy forces and cult organizations.144

Government and Party leaders also have said that they intend to co-opt modern communications technologies such as the Internet and mobile communications, and have called on officials to ensure that their propaganda reaches newly emerging social groups.145 Liu Yunshan noted that Chinese society is becoming increasingly complex as it shifts from one dominated by people employed in state-run enterprises to one in which more and more people work for private enterprises.146 Given this shifting demographic, Liu said that Party propagandists must "expand the targets of propaganda work" to new groups, such as young intellectuals, and "troubled" groups, such as unemployed workers, migrant workers, and farmers who have lost their land.147 The Party also focuses political propaganda on Chinese youth. In late 2005, the Party journal Seeking Truth called on Party cadres to focus on guiding the organization of college student groups,148 and the Guangming Daily published an editorial saying that schools should work to form "united and positive online public opinion" by organizing "ranks of online commentators."149 Some Chinese universities have also instituted student-run monitoring groups to remove offensive content, including political dissent, from university Internet forums.150

In December 2004, the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT) issued ethical guidelines requiring television editors, reporters, and hosts to be loyal to, and carry out the work of, the Party.151 Later the same month, SARFT announced that it would require television stations to increase control over what television interviewers say on the air, and only broadcast programs that "comply with propaganda discipline" produced by government-licensed production companies and screened by relevant officials.152 In March 2005, the Central Propaganda Department, the GAPP, and SARFT jointly issued regulations requiring news reporting and editing personnel to support the leadership of the Party, focus on "correct propaganda" as their guiding principle, and have a firm grasp of "correct guidance of public opinion."153 In April 2005, SARFT issued "Interim Implementation Rules for Administration of Those Employed as Radio and Television News Reporters and Editors," saying: "It is necessary to instruct news reporting and editing personnel to strengthen their political consciousness."154 In September 2005, SARFT issued a notice requiring television announcers and hosts to increase their study of political theory, improve their political character and political proficiency, guide people with correct public opinion, passionately love the motherland, serve the greater interests of the work of the Party and the government, and implement the Party's "line, principles, and policies."155 The same month, SARFT also issued a notice warning that reports relating to politics and government policies must be handled carefully to avoid "problems." In addition, to "ensure the correct guidance of public opinion," radio and television broadcasters must receive approval from SARFT before making any "large-scale live broadcast reports of significant events . . . especially those live broadcast reports of activities chaired by central leading cadres."156 The notice also requires all broadcasters to be sensitive to "political" issues and to screen live broadcasts to "ensure their orientation is correct."

The government and the Party remain concerned that Chinese citizens have increased access to foreign sources of information that may dilute the Party's control over public opinion. Senior officials portray the news and information media as a battlefield for the Party's propaganda work that must either be occupied or lost to Western countries. For example, Liu Yunshan has called on Party propagandists to learn how to open to the outside world but prevent "Western enemy forces" from using their "economic and technical superiority to carry out ideological infiltration and cultural expansion" in order to "Westernize and divide" China.157 Shi Feng has said the government must not abandon the battlefield of public opinion, and has complained that, despite strict government prohibitions on private and foreign investment in newspaper and periodical publishing, people continue to "illegally enter the newspaper and periodical publication domain," and that illegal publishers are a "serious threat" to the Party's ability to use propaganda to influence ideology.158

The Supreme People's Court also supports censorship to prevent Chinese citizens from having access to "foreign" political ideas. In 1998, the same year it issued a judicial interpretation expanding the scope of Article 225 of China's Criminal Law to include unauthorized publishing,159 it warned China's judges, "Foreign enemy forces are using publishing as a channel to carry out infiltration and aggravation of our ideology and culture, and there are numerous publications with political problems circulating within the country's borders."160

The Chinese government attempts to prevent its citizens from having access to uncensored political ideas and information by banning the general distribution of foreign newspapers, news magazines, and television news programs, and by restricting the ability of foreign news agencies to distribute news domestically. In November 2005, Shi Zongyuan, then Director of the GAPP, said that Chinese authorities had halted plans to allow foreign newspapers to print in China because of concerns raised by the recent "color revolutions" in former Soviet republics.161 Also in 2005, the GAPP introduced internal restrictions on foreign magazines, limiting approvals to science and technology publications.162 In October 2004, SARFT issued regulations prohibiting joint ventures from producing programs on "political news."163 In March 2005, SARFT issued an interpretive notice on these regulations that further limits foreign companies to investing in a single joint venture, saying:

[W]e must control the contents of all products of joint ventures in a practical manner, understand the political inclinations and background of foreign joint venture parties, and in this way prevent harmful foreign ideology and culture from entering the realm of our television program production through joint investment and cooperation.164

In September 2006, Xinhua issued new rules prohibiting foreign news agencies from distributing news to Chinese citizens without government permission.165 The new rules require foreign news agencies to be licensed by Xinhua and to submit all articles to a government-approved agency for distribution.166 The new rules give Xinhua the authority to select the news and information that foreign news agencies release, and to delete any information that the government has banned.167 [For information on the commercial implications of the new rules, see Section VII(d)--Commercial Rule of Law and the Impact of the WTO.]

To prevent Chinese citizens from using television and radio to access ideas and opinions that may conflict with the Party line, the government jams programming offered by the Voice of America and the British Broadcasting Corporation. The government also has enacted regulations that restrict private satellite dish ownership and only permit foreign television news from broadcasters that are "friendly" to China and that offer their programs through government-controlled channels.168 In August 2005, SARFT issued three notices restricting Chinese citizens' access to foreign television and radio content.169 In April 2006, SARFT issued a circular170 repeating the restrictions on the dissemination of foreign news reports that were first put in place in 2002.171 Both circulars prohibit local television stations from using news footage taken from foreign satellite programs and require them to use only international news reports provided by China Central Television and China Radio International. The new circular said these restrictions are required to "ensure correct orientation of public opinion," because some foreign wire services and news media have distributed international news to local television stations with "blatant political intentions." The circular calls on television regulators to "firmly establish political consciousness" and "increasingly bring the administration of international news within the administration of propaganda work."

Chinese officials attempt to prevent citizens who use the Internet from gaining access to ideas and opinions that the government and Party cannot censor. In February 2006, Liu Zhengrong, Deputy Chief of the Internet Affairs Bureau of the State Council Information Office, said Chinese citizens can access the Web freely, except for "a very few" foreign Web sites that are blocked because their contents mostly involve pornography or terrorism.172 According to one study, however, Chinese authorities operate "the most extensive, technologically sophisticated, and broad-reaching system of Internet filtering in the world" to prevent access to "sensitive" religious and political material on the Internet.173 The central government blocks the Web sites of foreign news providers such as the Voice of America, Radio Free Asia, and the British Broadcasting Corporation, and of human rights advocacy groups such as Human Rights Watch, Human Rights in China, Reporters Without Borders, and the Committee to Protect Journalists. Since May 2005, the Chinese government has prevented its citizens from accessing the Commission's Web site.

Notes to Section V(a)--Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression

1 Article 35 of China's Constitution states: "Citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration."

2 "Open Letter From 'Freezing Point' Writers to National People's Congress Standing Committee" [Bingdian zhoukan bufen zuozhe zhi zhengzhiju changwei de gongkaixin], Boxun (Online), 18 Feb 06.<"冰点"周刊部分作者致政治局常委的公开信 | www.cecc.gov> The signatories included Cui Weiping, a professor at the Beijing Film Academy; He Weifang, a law professor at Peking University; and Qin Hui, a history professor at Tsinghua University.

3 "Joint Declaration Concerning the 'Freezing Point' Incident" [Guanyu bingdian shijian de lianhe shengming], Epoch Times (Online), 14 February 06.<2006年1月24日,《冰点》终被中宣部假手团中央的宣传机关下令停刊整顿.这是中国新闻界的重大历史性事件. | www.cecc.gov> The signatories included Zhu Houze, former head of the Central Propaganda Department; Li Rui, former secretary to Mao Zedong; Li Pu, former Deputy Director of the Xinhua News Agency; Zhang Sizhi, former Vice Chair of the Beijing Lawyers Association; Hu Jiwei, former editor-in-chief of the People's Daily; and Zhong Peizhang, former head of the China Youth Daily Group.

4 Liu Yunshan, "In Accordance With the Requirements of Building a Socialist and Harmonious Society: Deepen, Broaden, and Innovate Propaganda Ideological Work" [Anzhao goujian shehuizhuyi hexie shehui yaoqiu shenhua tuozhan chuangxin xuanchuan sixiang gongzuo], Seeking Truth (Online), 1 October 05.<按照构建社会主义和谐社会要求深化拓展创新宣传思想工作 |www.qsjournal.com.cn>

5 Liu Yunshan, "Earnestly Study and Implement the Spirit of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 16th Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, Strive to Increase the Party's Ability to Lead Ideological Work" [Renzhen xuexi guanche shiliu jie si zhong quanhui jingshen nuli tigao dang lingdao yishi xingtai gongzuo de nengli], Seeking Truth (Online), 16 October 04.<认真学习贯彻十六届四中全会精神努力提高党领导意识形态工作的能力 |www.cecc.gov>

6 "Long Xinmin: Forcefully Promote the Glorious Development of the News Publishing Industry" [Long Xinmin: dali cujin xinwen chubanye fanrong fazhan], People's Daily (Online), 31 December 05;<龙新民：大力促进新闻出版业繁荣发展 |media.people.com.cn> "Censorship Agency Gets New Director, Calls for 'Uniformity' of Political Ideology," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 14.<www.cecc.gov>

7 Liu Yuzhu, "Actively Responding to the Challenge of the Internet Era" [Jiji yingdui wangluo shidai de tiaozhan], Seeking Truth (Online), 1 January 05.<积极应对网络时代的挑战 |www.qsjournal.com.cn>

8 Antoaneta Bezlova, "Big Brother's Book Ban Blues," The Hong Kong Standard (Online), 28 May 05;<www.thestandard.com.hk> "Piracy: A Page Hard to Turn for Regulators," Xinhua (Online), 23 May 05.<news.xinhuanet.com>

9 "Senior Chinese Government, Party, and Business Leaders Deny Internet Censorship," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 10;<www.cecc.gov> "Wen Jiabao: It Is Necessary to Learn How to Handle the Social Contradictions of the New Age" [Wen Jiabao: yao xuehui chuli xinshiqi de shehui maodun], Xinhua (Online), 14 March 06;< 温家宝：要学会处理新时期的社会矛盾 | news.xinhuanet.com> Zhao Huanxin, "Regulation of Internet In Line With World Norms," China Daily (Online), 15 February 06;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> "SCIO--China's Regulation of the Internet Complies With International Standards" [Guo Xinban: Zhongguo guanli hulianwang fuhe guoji tongxing zuofa], Xinhua (Online), 15 February 06;<国新办：中国管理互联网符合国际通行做法 |news.xinhuanet.com> "China Denies Arrest of Any Individual for Releasing Online Comment," Xinhua, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 15 February 06;<english.people.com.cn> "China Denies Harsh Internet Censorship," Xinhua (Online), 14 February 06;<news.xinhuanet.com> "CPPCC Delegate Zhou Jinfeng Calls for Greater Regulation of the Internet" [Zhengxie weiyuan Zhou Jinfeng: Hulianwang youxiao guanli xu youpoyouli], Beijing News, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 8 March 06.<政协委员周晋峰：互联网有效管理需有破有立 |media.people.com.cn> See also "Liu Binjie: China Is One of the World's Countries Richest in Freedom of Expression and Freedom of the Press," People's Daily (Online), 2 November 03, which states: "Currently China is one of the world's countries richest in freedom of speech and freedom of publication. Those outside of China who make claims about China's news, expression, and press are completely without support."<柳斌杰：中国是世界上言论出版自由最充分的国家之一 |www.people.com.cn> See also State Council Information Office, White Paper on China's Progress in Human Rights in 2004, People's Daily (Online), 13 April 05, which states: "Citizens' freedom of information, of speech and of the press is protected by law."<english.people.com.cn>

10 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217A(III) of 10 December 48 [hereinafter UDHR]. Article 19 of the UDHR states: "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers."

11 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted by General Assembly resolution 2200A(XXI) of 16 December 66, entry into force 23 March 76 [hereinafter ICCPR]. China has signed, but has not yet ratified, the ICCPR. The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China's top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005, statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004, speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

Article 19 of the ICCPR states: "1. Everyone shall have the right to hold opinions without interference. 2. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice."

12 Before the Chinese Communist Party came to power, Party officials, and earlier, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, wrote that requiring the news media to obtain government permission to publish is inconsistent with freedom of the press. See, e.g., "Smash Fascist Publishing Laws" [Dasui faxisi de chubanfa], Xinhua Daily, 29 June 46, reprinted in Comment-cn.net (Online), 20 February 06, which states: "Modern democratic countries like England and the United States simply have nothing like publishing laws formulated to gag freedom of the press. In a publishing law, to adopt requirements that newspapers and periodicals must not only apply and register, but must also obtain permission in order to engage in distribution under a so-called special permit system; only fascist countries have this sort of evil."<打碎法西斯式的出版法 | www.comment-cn.net> See also Mao Zedong's Government Work Report to the Seventh National People's Congress--Discussion of United Government [Mao Zedong zuo qi da zhengzhi baogao--lun lianhe zhengfu], 24 April 45, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 26 April 01,<毛泽东作七大政治报告——《论联合政府》 | past.people.com.cn> which states: "We believe that the following demands are appropriate, and furthermore represent the very minimum. . . . We demand the elimination of all reactionary laws that suppress the rights of the people to expression, the press, assembly, association, ideology, belief and personhood, and allowing the people to obtain full freedoms and rights." See also Karl Marx, "Debates on Freedom of the Press and Publication of the Proceedings of the Assembly of the Estates," Rheinische Zeitung, Nos. 135, 139, May 1842, which states: "It is the censored press that has a demoralizing effect. . . . The government hears only its own voice, it knows that it hears only its own voice, yet it harbors the illusion that it hears the voice of the people, and it demands that the people, too, should itself harbor this illusion. Freedom of the press will certainly not be achieved by a crowd of official writers being recruited by you from your ranks."<www.marxists.org> See also, "The Condition of England: II The English Constitution," Frederick Engels, written March 1844, first published in Vorworts!, No. 80, 5 October 1844, wherein Engels defines freedom of the press as "the right that any man may publish his opinion without hindrance and without the previous permission of the government."<www.marxists.org>

13 Jiao Hongchang and Yao Guojian (professors at China University of Politics and Law), "Freedom of Expression," in A Study on the Issues of Ratifying and Implementing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ["Gongmin quanli he zhengzhi quanli guoji gongyue" pizhun yu shishi wenti yanjiu], ed. Chen Guangzhong (Beijing, China Legal System Publishing, 2002), 388.<《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》批准与实施问题研究>

14 UN Press Release, UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Representative on Freedom of the Media, and the Organization of American States Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, "International Experts Condemn Curbs on Freedom of Expression and Control Over Media and Journalists," 18 December 03.<www.unhchr.ch> See also UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, "Report on the Mission to the Republic of Korea," E/CN.4/1996/39/Add.1 (1995), 8: "The Special Rapporteur considers that any system of prior restraint on freedom of expression carries with it a heavy presumption of invalidity under international human rights law. Any institutionalization of such restraint adds further weight to this presumption."<www.unhchr.ch>

15 Constitutions of Brazil, art. 5(IX), South Korea, art. 21(2). See also the constitutions of: Austria, art. 13(2), The Netherlands, art. 7(1), and Norway, art. 100.

16 The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution provides that "Congress shall make no law . . . abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press . . .," and the U.S. Supreme Court has held that: "[L]iberty of the press, historically considered and taken up by the Federal Constitution, has meant, principally although not exclusively, immunity from previous restraints or censorship." Near v. State of Minnesota Ex Rel. Olson, 283 U.S. 697 (1931).<caselaw.lp.findlaw.com> See also Talley v. California, 362 U.S. 60 (1960); Lakewood v. Plain Dealer Publishing Co., 486 U.S. 750 (1988);<caselaw.lp.findlaw.com> and Lovell v. City of Griffin, GA., 303 U.S. 444 (1938).<caselaw.lp.findlaw.com> Similarly, Article 19(1)(a) of India's Constitution states that all citizens are guaranteed the right to freedom of speech and expression, and India's Supreme Court has stated that, "It follows that a citizen for propagation of his or her ideas has a right to publish for circulation his views in periodicals, magazines and journals or through the electronic media . . . ." Supreme Court of India, L.I.C. vs. Professor Manubhai D. Shah, (1992) 3 S.C.C. 637.<judis.nic.in>

17 In Sweden, for example, prior restraints on publications are forbidden by Article 2 of Chapter 1 of the Freedom of the Press Act, which states in part that "no publication shall be subject to scrutiny before printing, nor shall the printing thereof be prohibited." Article 5 of Chapter 5 of the Act requires publishers of periodicals to provide the title and place of printing of the periodical, and its publishing schedule, but the government may only refuse registration if the title of the periodical so closely resembles the title of a periodical for which a publishing license has already been issued that the two may easily be confused. The United Kingdom's Newspaper Libel and Registration Act 1881 requires registration, but under the Companies Act of 1985, registration under the Act is not necessary if the publication is owned by a company that is incorporated under corporate law, if the publication is distributed free of charge, and if it is published at intervals exceeding 26 days.

18 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices--2005, Ethiopia, 8 March 06.

19 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices--2005, Iran, 8 March 06.

20 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices--2005, Jordan, 8 March 06.

21 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices--2005, Syria, 8 March 06.

22 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices--2005, Uzbekistan, 8 March 06.

23 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Report on Human Rights Practices--2005, Yemen, 8 March 06.

24 Regulations on the Administration of Publishing [Chuban guanli tiaoli], issued 25 December 01, ch. 2 (Establishment and Administration of Publishing Units).<出版管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

25 Notice Regarding Prohibiting the Transmission of Harmful Information and Further Regulating Publishing Order [Guanyu jinzhi zhuanbo youhai xinxi jinyibu guifan chuban zhixu de tongzhi], issued 5 November 01: "No one may establish an entity whose primary purpose is to transmit news information and engage in other news publishing activities without permission from the press and publication administration agency."<关于禁止传播有害信息进一步规范出版秩序的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

26 Regulations on the Administration of Publishing, art. 29.<出版管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

27 Guangdong Press and Publication Administration (Online), "Responsible Person at the General Administration of Press and Publication Book Office Reports on the Previous Year's National Book Publishing Administration Work" [Zongshu tushusi fuzeren tongbao qunian quanguo tushuchuban guanli gongzuo], 24 February 05 (saying that authorities should use the opinions provided when screening the selection of topics to determine the distribution of book numbers, because this "reduces the risks relating to orientation").<总署图书司负责人通报去年全国图书出版管理工作 | www.gdcopyright.org.cn>

28 Article 11(2) of the Regulations on the Administration of Publishing states that publishing work units must have a sponsoring work unit and a managing work unit recognized by the State Council's publishing administration agency.<出版管理条例 | www.cecc.gov> The "sponsoring work unit" must be a government agency of a relatively high level, and the publishing work unit must answer to its sponsoring work unit and managing work unit. Circular Regarding Issuance of the "Temporary Provisions on the Functions of the Sponsoring Work Unit and the Managing Work Unit for Publishing Work Units" [Guanyu fabu "Guanyu chuban danwei de zhuban danwei he zhuguan danwei zhize de zanxing guiding" de tongzhi], issued 29 June 93, arts. 5-6.<关于出版单位的主办单位和主管单位职责的暂行规定 | www.cecc.gov>

29 Cary Huang, "Incomes Up Over 10pc In Urban, Rural Areas," South China Morning Post (Online), 28 Apr 06.<china.scmp.com>

30 Regulations on the Administration of Publishing, art. 11(4).<出版管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

31 "China Banning Illegal Publications for Overhauling Publications Market, Official Says," Xinhua (Online), 14 May 05.<news.xinhuanet.com>

32 Communication No. 780/1997, UN Human Rights Committee, UN Doc. CCPR/C/68/D/780/1997 (2000)<www1.umn.edu>: "In the absence of any explanation justifying the registration requirements [that prior to publishing and disseminating a leaflet with a print run of 200, the publisher must register the publication with the administrative authorities to obtain index and registration numbers] and the measures taken, it is the view of the Committee that these cannot be deemed necessary for the protection of public order (ordre public) or for respect of the rights or reputations of others. The Committee therefore finds that Article 19, paragraph 2, has been violated in the present case."

33 "Officials Ban Dozens of Papers, Seize Thousands of Political Publications, in 2005," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 6;<www.cecc.gov> Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications Task Force (Online), "Inner Mongolia Wuhai City Government Suppression of Unauthorized Political Publications, Firm All-Round Line of Defense" [Neimenggu Wuhaishi jinghua chubanwu shichang si dao fangxian zhu de lao], 11 August 05.<内蒙古乌海市净化出版物市场四道防线筑得牢 | www.cecc.gov>

34 "People's Daily Publishes 2005 Censorship Numbers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 4;<www.cecc.gov> Sui Xiaofei and Qu Zhihong, "China's Publishing Sector's Glorious Development Must Move From Being a Big Country to a Great Country" [Woguo chubanye fanrong fazhan; yao cong chuban daguo zouxiang qiangguo], People's Daily (Online), 25 March 06.<我国出版业繁荣发展要从出版大国走向强国 | culture.people.com.cn>

35 Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications Task Force (Online), "Luliang City, Shandong Province Bans an Illegal Newspaper [Shandongsheng Luliangshi qudi yi feifa baozhi], 9 August 05.<山西省吕梁市取缔一非法报纸 | www.cecc.gov>

36 Hunan Provincial Government (Online), "Hunan Province Bans Three Illegal News Organizations and Two Illegal Periodicals" [Hunan sheng qudi san ge feifa xinwen jigou yiji liang jia feifa baokan], 9 September 05.<湖南省取缔三个非法新闻机构以及两家非法报刊 | www.cecc.gov>

37 Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications Task Force, "Inner Mongolia Wuhai City Government Suppression of Unauthorized Political Publications, Firm All-Round Line of Defense."<内蒙古乌海市净化出版物市场四道防线筑得牢 | www.cecc.gov>

38 Article 225 of China's Criminal Law makes it a crime for anyone to commit "illegal acts in business operation and thus disrupt market order."

39 "Writing Their Own Poems and Self-Publishing Them, Two 'Poets' Are Convicted" [Ziji xieshi ziji chuban "shiren" bei panxing], People's Daily (Online), 17 January 04.<自己写诗自己出版两"诗人"被判刑 | www.cecc.gov>

40 "Farming Woman Imprisoned for Illegally Publishing and Printing Books" [Yinzhi feifa tushu huo xing chufajin], China Court Net (Online), 13 September 04.<印制非法图书获刑并处罚金 | hnfy.chinacourt.org>

41 "Printing and Publishing an Illegal Periodical: Media Group's Chief Representative Sentenced to Three Years' Imprisonment" [Yinshua chuban feifa qikan chuanmei jituan shouxi daibiao huo xing 3 nian], Legal Evening Report, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 11 August 05.<印刷出版非法期刊传媒集团首席代表获刑3年 | www.cecc.gov>

42 "New Regulations on Newspapers and Magazines Go Into Effect December 1," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 10;<www.cecc.gov> Provisions on the Administration of Newspaper Publishing [Baozhi chuban guanli guiding], issued 30 September 05;<报纸出版管理规定 | www.cecc.gov> Provisions on the Administration of Periodical Publishing [Qikan chuban guanli guiding], issued 30 September 05.<期刊出版管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

43 "Guangdong Weekly Reports on How Chinese Authorities Have 'United to Purify the Internet'," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2005, 9;<www.cecc.gov> Li Liang and Yu Li, "14 Government and Party Agencies Unite to 'Purify' the Internet" [14 buwei lianhe "jinghua" hulianwang], Southern Weekend (Online), 18 August 05.<14部委联合“净化”互联网 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn>

44 All commercial Web sites must obtain a government license. Measures for the Administration of Internet Information Services [Hulianwang xinxi fuwu guanli banfa], issued 20 September 00.<互联网信息服务管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> All non-commercial Web site operators must register. Registration Administration Measures for Non-Commercial Internet Information Services [Fei jingyingxing hulianwang xinxi fuwu bei'an guanli banfa], issued 28 January 05.<非经营性互联网信息服务备案管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> Because the MII's registration system gives the government discretion to reject an application based on content (i.e., whether the Web site operator intends to post "news," and if so, whether it is authorized to do so), it is qualitatively different from registration which all Web site operators must undertake with a domain registrar, and constitutes a de facto licensing scheme.

45 "MII Reports China's Government Has Met its Goals in Private Web Site Crackdown," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2005, 5;<www.cecc.gov> "Ministry of Information Industry: Web Sites That Fail to Register May Be Shut Down," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2005, 3.<未经备案不得从事非经营性互联网信息服务 | www.cecc.gov> According to China's state-run media, the crackdown actually began in July 2004, when authorities launched a "special project" to shut down pornographic Web sites. In November 2004, after the Party issued a document calling for "increasing work on the administration of the Internet," the 14 departments "carried out a large-scale clean up and reorganization of the Internet, and this activity has continued until today." Li Liang and Yu Li, "14 Government and Party Agencies Unite to 'Purify' the Internet."<14部委联合“净化”互联网 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn> The MII said in a May 30, 2005, announcement posted on its Web site that its authority to launch the campaign was based on the Measures for the Administration of Internet Information Services [Hulianwang xinxi fuwu guanli banfa], issued 20 September 00;<互联网信息服务管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> Ministry of Information Industry (Online), "Ministry of Information Industry Organizes and Launches Work on Web Site Collective Registration" [Xinxi chanyebu zuzhi kaizhan wangzhan jizhong bei'an gongzuo], 30 May 05.<信息产业部组织开展网站集中备案工作 | www.mii.gov.cn> These measures became effective in 2000, however, and the MII did not explain what prompted it to issue the Registration Administration Measures for Non-Commercial Internet Information Services in February 2005 or specify how the measures should be enforced.

46 OpenNet Initiative (Online), "OpenNet Initiative: Bulletin 011--Analysis of China's Non-Commercial Web Site Registration Regulation," 22 February 06.<opennet.net>

47 Ibid.<opennet.net> The Opennet Initiative comprises researchers at the Citizen Lab at the Munk Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto, Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard Law School, the Advanced Network Research Group at the Cambridge Security Programme, University of Cambridge, and the Oxford Internet Institute, Oxford University.

48 "MII to Monitor Online Content, Sanction Web Sites That Fail to Register," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 2;<www.cecc.gov> "700,000 Web Sites Already Registered: Three Difficulties in Spotting Illegal Web Sites" [Zhongguo yi you 70 wan jia wangzhan bei'an faxian weifa wangzhan you san nandian], Xinhua (Online), 29 December 05.<中国已有70万家网站备案发现违法网站有三难点 | www.xhby.net>

49 "Authorities Begin to Sanction, Permanently Shut Down Web Sites That Failed to Register With the Government," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2005, 1;<www.cecc.gov> Li Liang and Yu Li, "14 Government and Party Agencies Unite to Purify the Internet."<14部委联合“净化”互联网 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn>

50 "Call for Unregistered Web Sites to Be Shut Down" [Yaoqiu guanbi reng wei bei'an de wangzhan], Boxun (Online), 13 December 05.<中国：要求关闭仍未备案的网站 | peacehall.com> Xinhua reported that Shanghai registered over 150,000 Web sites by October, and that "many" Web sites were shut down for failing to register. "Shanghai Shuts Down 150,000 Illegal Web Sites that Fail to Register" [Shanghai wangzhan yu 15 wan feifa wangzhan bei zanting jieru], Xinhua (Online), 29 December 05.<上海网站逾15万非法网站被暂停接入 | www.xinhuanet.com> The report also stated that an audit by the Shanghai Communications Administration (SCA) had found that the number of Web sites had increased by 22,000 by December 2005, and a "significant proportion" had not undertaken registration. In response, the SCA contacted the main Internet service providers (defined as anyone who provides "public, shared information to Internet users") in Shanghai, and demanded that they shut down the unregistered Web sites. "MII to Monitor Online Content, Sanction Web Sites That Fail to Register," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 2.<www.cecc.gov>

51 "Government Agencies Issue New Regulations Restricting News Reporting on the Internet," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 4;<www.cecc.gov> Provisions on the Administration of Internet News Information Services [Hulianwang xinwen xinxi fuwu guanli guiding], issued 25 September 05.<互联网新闻信息服务管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

52 These were: "Aegean Sea" [Aiqinhai], "China Worker Net" [Zhongguo gongren wang], "Worker, Farmer, Soldier BBS" [Gong, nong, bing BBS], and "Communist Party People Net" [Gongchandang ren wang]. "Groups Petition Government to Review Constitutionality of Internet News Rules," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 6;<www.cecc.gov> "Petition on Behalf of 'the Aegean Sea Web Site Et. Al. to Repeal Rules on the Administration of Internet News Information Services' " [Yaoqiu chedi feichu "hulianwang xinwen xinxi fuwu guanli guiding"], Signature Net (Online), 28 March 06.<要求彻底废除《互联网新闻信息服务管理规定》 | www.cecc.gov>

53 The cities included Qingdao, Guangzhou, and Beijing. "Qingdao Internet Police: 30 Percent of Web Sites in the City Are Illegal" [Shi gonganju wang jian zhidui: quanshi wangzhan sancheng shi heihu ewang pingan], Qingdao News (Online), 7 July 05;<市公安局网监支队：全市网站三成是黑户 | www.qingdaonews.com> "Guangzhou Requires Private Web Sites to Register with Police, Receive Government Permission to Post News" [Guangzhou: geren wangzhan xu dao jingfang bei'an kanzai xinwen xu pizhun], Xinhua (Online), 29 April 05;<广州:个人网站须到警方备案刊载新闻须批准 | www.cecc.gov> "Beijing Requiring Small and Medium Web Sites to Register with Public Security Office" [Beijing gonganju yaoqiu bingdu wangzhan ji zhongxiao wangzhan dao shudi bei'an], Xinhua (Online), 2 June 05.<北京公安局要求病毒网站及中小网站到属地备案 | news.xinhuanet.com> Officials cited provisions of the Measures for the Administration of Security Protection of Computer Information Networks with International Interconnections [Jisuanji xinxi wangluo guoji lianwang anquan baohu guanli banfa], issued 30 December 97,<计算机信息网络国际联网安全保护管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> as authorizing this registration requirement, but did not explain why the government had chosen to begin enforcing those provisions at that time, when the Measures were enacted in 1997. Circular Regarding Centralized Handling of Internet Web Site Registration [Guanyu jizhong banli hulian wangzhan anquan bei'an de tongzhi], issued 28 April 05, art. 1.<关于集中办理互联网站安全备案的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

54 Provisions on Internet Security Protection Technology Measures went into effect on March 1, 2006. "New Rules to Increase Government Surveillance of Internet News Go Into Effect," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 16;<www.cecc.gov> Provisions on Internet Security Protection Technology Measures [Hulian wang anquan baohu jishu cuoshi guiding], issued 28 December 05.<互联网安全保护技术措施规定 | www.cecc.gov>

55 Measures for the Administration of Journalist Accreditation Cards [Xinwen jizhezheng guanli banfa], issued 10 January 05;<新闻记者证管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> Measures for the Administration of News Bureaus [Baoshejizhezhan guanli banfa], issued 10 January 05;<报社记者站管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> Interim Provisions for the Administration of Those Employed as News Reporters and Editors [Guanyu xinwen caibian renyuan congye guanli de guiding (shixing)], issued 22 March 05;<关于新闻采编人员从业管理的规定(试行) | www.cecc.gov> Interim Implementation Rules for the Administration of Those Employed as Radio and Television News Reporters and Editors [Guangdianzongju yinfa "guangbo yingshi xinwen caipian renyuan congye guanli de shishi fangan (shixing) de tongzhi"], issued 1 April 05;<广电总局印发《广播影视新闻采编人员从业管理的实施方案（试行）》的通知 | www.cecc.gov> "China Begins To Implement Trial Internet News Editor Qualification Test Areas" [Zhongguo kaishi shixing wangluo bianji renyuan zige kaoshi shidian], Xinhua (Online), 22 October 05;<中国开始实行网络编辑员资格考试试点 | news.xinhuanet.com> "Internet Editors Can Apply For Professional Certification" [Wangluo bianji ke kao zhiye zigezheng], Beijing News (Online), 13 February 06.<网络编辑可考职业资格证 | news.thebeijingnews.com>

56 "International Experts Condemn Curbs on Freedom of Expression and Control Over Media and Journalists," UN Press Release, UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Representative on Freedom of the Media, and the Organization of American States Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, 18 December 03, stating, inter alia: " Individual journalists should not be required to be licensed or to register. Accreditation schemes for journalists are appropriate only where necessary to provide them with privileged access to certain places and/or events; such schemes should be overseen by an independent body and accreditation decisions should be taken pursuant to a fair and transparent process, based on clear and non discriminatory criteria published in advance."<www.unhchr.ch>

57 Measures for the Administration of Journalist Accreditation Cards, arts. 7, 13.<新闻记者证管理办法 | www.cecc.gov>

58 Interim Provisions for the Administration of Those Employed as News Reporters and Editors.<关于新闻采编人员从业管理的规定(试行) | www.cecc.gov>

59 Lang is a Taiwan-born professor of finance at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. According to one press account, "Lang's tirades against the sale of state assets struck a nerve in a country increasingly concerned about the corruption involved in the rapid accumulation of wealth by some entrepreneurs in recent years." "SARFT Uses Accreditation Authority to Silence Critical Television Host," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 15;<www.cecc.gov> "Should We Cautiously Execute Corrupt High Officials? " [Gai bu gai shen sha ju tan gaoguan], Defense Lawyer Net (Online), 17 May 06;<该不该慎杀巨贪高官 | www.xingbian.cn> Richard McGregor, "Chat Show Economist Forced Off China TV," Financial Times (Online), 14 March 06.<news.ft.com>

60 UDHR, art. 29;<www.un.org> ICCPR, art. 19(3).<www.ohchr.org>

61 Regulations on the Administration of Publishing, art. 26.<出版管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

62 Provisions on the Administration of Internet News Information Services, art. 19.<互联网新闻信息服务管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

63 Measures for the Administration of Security Protection of Computer Information Networks with International Interconnections, art. 5.<计算机信息网络国际联网安全保护管理办法 | www.cecc.gov>

64 PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 25 December 99<中华人民共和国刑法修正案 | www.cecc.gov>, 31 August 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（二） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 December 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 December 02<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（四） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 February 05<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（五） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 June 06, art. 105<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（六） | www.cecc.gov>.

65 See, e.g., Provisions on the Protection of Secrets in News Publishing: [Xinwen chuban baomi guiding], art. 14: "Anyone wishing to provide a foreign news publishing organization a report or publication with contents that relate to the nation's government, economy, diplomacy, technology or military shall first apply to this agency or their supervising organ or unit for examination and approval." See also PRC Law on the Protection of State Secrets [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo baoshou guojia mimi fa], issued 5 September 88, art. 8;<保守国家秘密法 | www.cecc.gov> Measures for the Implementation of the Law on the Protection of State Secrets [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo baoshou guojia mimi fa shishi banfa], issued 25 April 20, art. 4;<保守国家秘密法实施办法 | www.cecc.gov> and Article 1 of the Explanation of Certain Issues Regarding the Specific Laws to be Used in Adjudicating Cases of Stealing or Spying to Obtain, or Illegally Supplying, State Secrets or Intelligence for Foreigners [Guanyu shenli wei jingwai qiequ, citan, shoumai, feifa tigong guojia mimi, qingbao anjian juti yingyong falu ruogan wenti de jieshi], issued 20 November 00, which states: "The term 'intelligence' in Article 111 of the Criminal Law refers to items which involve the security and interests of the nation, but which are not public or which, according to relevant regulations, should not be made public."<关于审理为境外窃取、刺探、收买、非法提供国家秘密、情报案件具体应用法律若干问题的解释 | www.cecc.gov> See also "Secrets Protection Knowledge" [Baomi zhishi], posted on the Administration for the Protection of State Secrets of Guangdong province Web site, which states: " 'Relating to the security and interests of the nation,' means that, if a secret matter were known by people who do not currently know it, it would result in various kinds of harm to the security and interests of the nation."<保密知识 | www.bmj.gd.gov.cn> In September 2003, the Guangzhou Daily published a warning to readers that everyone from Internet users to garbage collectors can run afoul of China's state secrets legislation. "If a Nanny Can Disclose State Secrets, Then Average Citizens Should Raise Their Awareness of Preserving Secrets" [Baomu jingran xielou guojia jimi baixing yexu tigao baomi yishi], People's Daily (Online), 5 September 03.<保姆竟然泄露国家机密百姓也须提高保密意识 | www.people.com.cn>

66 The Supreme People's Court has extended liability for disclosing state secrets negligently. Explanation of Certain Issues Regarding the Specific Laws to be Used in Adjudicating Cases of Stealing or Spying to Obtain, or Illegally Supplying, State Secrets or Intelligence for Foreigners, art. 5, which states: "Any person who knows, or should know, that an item which is not marked secret relates to the security and interests of the nation and steals, acquires through spying or buys it for, or illegally supplies it to, a foreigner, shall be prosecuted and punished under the provisions of Article 111 of the Criminal Law for stealing, acquiring through spying or buying state secrets for, or illegally supplying state secrets to, a foreigner."<关于审理为境外窃取、刺探、收买、非法提供国家秘密、情报案件具体应用法律若干问题的解释 | www.cecc.gov>

67 Such a standard exists in many representative democracies. See, e.g., Supreme Court of India, Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting vs. Cricket Association of Bengal and Others, (1995) 2 S.C.C. 161 (stating "the burden is on the authority to justify the restrictions [on freedom of expression]").<judis.nic.in> The Chinese government appears to have begun to recognize the importance of such a requirement. Compare the statutory language discussed above with that of Article 291(a), which was added to China's Criminal Law in December 2001, which makes dissemination of "terrorist information" a crime, but which requires both that the accused knew the information was fabricated and that the dissemination actually resulted in a disturbance of public order. Third Amendment to the Criminal Law of the People's Republic of China [Zhonghua renmin gonghe guo xingfa xiuzheng an (san)], issued 29 December 01.<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov>

68 "It is Possible to Accidentally Disclose State Secrets Over Your Cell Phone" [Shouji bu kai ye neng xie "tianji" wuyi xiemi keneng panxing], Xinhua (Online), 1 May 05.<手机不开也能泄“天机” 无意泄密可能被判刑 | www.sc.xinhuanet.com>

69 The Chinese government formed an interagency group called the National Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications Task Force (sometimes translated as the "Office for Eliminating Pornography and Illegal Publications," or the "Office of the National Anti-Piracy and Pornography Working Committee"). It is responsible for investigating and prosecuting illegal publishing, and has 17 members, including the Communist Party Central Propaganda Department, Political and Legislative Affairs Commission under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, Ministry of Information Industry, Ministry of Culture, SARFT, GAPP, and the People's Liberation Army General Political Department's Propaganda Department.<全国扫黄打非工作小组办公室 | www.cecc.gov>

70 "2004 News Publishing Industry Development Report" [2004 nian xinwen chubanye fazhan baogao], People's Daily (Online), 1 February 05.<2004年新闻出版业发展报告进一步发展繁荣 | www.cecc.gov>

71 According to the editor of a major Chinese magazine noted for publishing critical articles without being shut down, "We go up to the line--we might even push it. But we never cross it." David Barboza, "Pushing (and Toeing) the Line in China," New York Times (Online), 18 April 05.<www.cecc.gov>

72 "Also, defense counsel takes the standpoint that Huang Qi has freedom of speech, and may freely express his opinion on a given matter. This court believes that freedom of speech is a political right of the citizens of China, but when exercising this right, no one may harm the interests or security of the nation, and may not use rumor mongering or defamation to incite subversion of the national regime. Therefore, the court takes note that the defense counsel takes a standpoint that only stresses the right of the accused, and ignores his duties." Sichuan, Chengdu Intermediate People's Court Criminal Judgment (2001), Chengdu Criminal First Instance Document No. 49 [Sichuan sheng Chengdu shi zhongji renmin fayuan xingshi panjue shu (2001) cheng xing chu zi di 49 hao], issued 22 February 03.<四川省成都市中级人民法院刑事判决书（２００１）成刑初字第４９号 | www.64tianwang.com>

73 Shanghai No. 2 Intermediate People's Court Criminal Judgment (2003), Shanghai Second Intermediate Document No. 136 [Shanghai shi di er zhongji renmin fayuan xingshi panjue shu (2003) hu er zhong xing chu zi di 136 hao], issued 5 November 03.<上海市第二中级人民法院刑事判决书（2003）沪二中刑初字第136号 | www.bianhu.com.cn>

74 PRC Law on the Protection of State Secrets [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo baoshou guojia mimi fa], issued 5 September 88, art. 11.<保守国家秘密法 | www.cecc.gov> In addition, Chinese regulations require all news outlets to have personnel and procedures in place to determine whether information intended for public reporting contains state secrets. See, e.g., Notice Regarding Preventing State Secrets from Being Divulged in Publications [Guanyu fangzhi zai chubanwu zhong xielu guojia mimi de tongzhi], issued 12 March 94;<关于防止在出版物中泄露国家秘密的通知 | www.cecc.gov> Provisions on the Protection of Secrets in News Publishing [Xinwen chuban baomi guiding], issued 13 June 92.<新闻出版保密规定 | www.cecc.gov>

75 Shanghai High People's Court Criminal Judgment (2003), Shanghai High Document No. 181 [Shanghai shi gaoji renmin fayuan xingshi panjue shu (2003) hu gao xing chu zi di 181 hao], issued 23 August 03.<上海市高级人民法院刑事裁定书(2003)沪高刑终字第181 | www.shanghailawyer.net>

76 CECC Staff Testing.<中外猎头抢滩国内人才市场 | www.cqdj.gov.cn><当前经济社会发展面临的主要矛盾和问题 | www.bjclt.gov.cn>

77 After holding Zhao in custody for almost two years, a Chinese court acquitted him of disclosing state secrets on August 25, 2006, but sentenced him to three years' imprisonment on an unrelated fraud charge, fined him 2,000 yuan (US$250), and ordered him to pay back 20,000 yuan (US$2,500) that it ruled he had acquired through fraud. "China Gives Times Researcher 3 Years," New York Times (Online), 25 August 06;<www.nytimes.com> "Journalist Imprisoned For Fraud," China Daily (Online), 26 August 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

78 "GAPP: Indoctrination, Prior Restraints, Political Censorship 'Highlights' of '05," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 16;<www.cecc.gov> "Looking Back on 2005: Focusing on Ten Bright Spots on the Press Battle Lines" [Hui mou 2005: xinwen chuban zhanxian shi da liang dian zhumu], General Administration for Press and Publication (Online), 4 January 06.<回眸2005：新闻出版战线十大亮点瞩目 | press.gapp.gov.cn>

79 "The 'Three Studies Education' Results Are Clear: News Personnel Develop in a Healthy Way" ["San xiang xuexi jiaoyu" chengguo xianzhu xinwen duiwu jiankang fazhan], Xinhua (Online), 1 May 06.<"三项学习教育"成果显著新闻队伍健康发展 | news.xinhuanet.com>

80 "News Industry Clarifies the Specific Ideology Underlying Propaganda and the 'Eight Glories and Eight Shames' " [Xinwenjie mingque xuanchuan he jianxing "ba rong ba chi" juti silu], Xinhua (Online), 12 April 06.<新闻界明确宣传和践行“八荣八耻”具体思路 | news.xinhuanet.com>

81 Ibid.<新闻界明确宣传和践行“八荣八耻”具体思路 | news.xinhuanet.com>

82 "Internet Operators in China Agree to Support Hu Jintao, Marxism, and the Party," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 9;<www.cecc.gov> Philip P. Pan, "The Click That Broke a Government's Grip," Washington Post, 19 February 06, A1.<www.washingtonpost.com>

83 CECC Staff Interview.

84 "Chinese Authorities Crack Down on Progressive Newspaper Publisher," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 13.<www.cecc.gov>

85 "Pressure on the Press," Newsweek (International Edition), reprinted on MSNBC (Online), 27 June 05.<msnbc.msn.com>

86 Extra-territorial (yidi) reporting refers to the practice in which a newspaper from one area publishes critical investigative reports about another area, about matters that officials in the investigated area are preventing their local news media from reporting. For additional background, see "Chinese Government Increases Censorship by Restricting 'Extra-Territorial' Reporting," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2005, 2.<www.cecc.gov>

87 "Beijing News Reporters Walk Out Over Top Editor's Removal," Reuters, reprinted in China Post (Online), 31 December 05.<www.chinapost.com.tw>

88 Decision Regarding the Handling of the China Youth Daily "Freezing Point Weekly" Mistake in Publishing Modernism and History Text Books [Zhongguo gongqingtuan zhongyang xuanchuanbu "guanyu dui zhongguo qingnianbao 'bingdian zhoukan' cuowu kanfa xiandaihua yu lishi jiaokeshu de chuli jueding"], issued 24 January 06.<中国共青团中央宣传部《关于对中国青年报《冰点周刊》错误刊发〈现代化与历史教科书〉的处理决定》 | www.cecc.gov>

89 "Yuan Weishi Welcomes Freezing Point's Resumption of Publication, Hopes He Can Respond to Criticism" [Yuan Weishi huanying bingdian fukan xi neng huiying piping], Voice of America (Online), 17 February 06.<袁伟时欢迎冰点复刊希能回应批评 | www.voanews.com>

90 Decision of the Communist Party Youth League Publishing House Communist Party Committee Regarding Handling the Rectification and Expeditious Relaunch of the "Freezing Point" Weekly [Zhongguo qingnian baoshe dangzu guanyu dui bingdian zhoukan zhengdun he zhengqu zaori fukan de chuli jueding], issued 16 February 06.<中国青年报社党组关于对冰点周刊整顿和争取早日复刊的处理决定 | www.cecc.gov>

The Freezing Point incident also exposed the role of the CPD's Critical Review Committee, which operates under the Central Propaganda Department's News Office, and comprises about 10 officials. The Committee issues on average 800 reports each year, about half of which are negative, that bypass standard reporting channels, and can go directly to senior Party officials or the propaganda offices at provincial and local news media organizations. When the Critical Review Committee celebrated its 10th anniversary in 2004, two senior Central Propaganda Department officials issued a congratulatory statement on behalf of Politburo member Li Changchun and Liu Yunshan, a Communist Party Central Committee member who also serves as Secretary of the Party Secretariat and Director of the Central Propaganda Department. Ji Bingxuan, one of the officials, emphasized that, "Establishing a news critique system was an innovation in news supervision in this new era." "Calls Within the Party To Relax Media Restrictions, The News Reading and Criticizing Group Is Exposed" [Zhonggong dangnei huyu xinwen songbang, xinwen yupingzu baoguang], Asia Weekly (Online), 4 March 06.<中共党内呼籲新闻松绑，新闻阅评组曝光 | www1.chinesenewsnet.com> In their open letter regarding the Freezing Point incident, the 13 former senior government, Party, and news media officials singled out the Critical Review Committee for criticism, saying: "They have not only engaged in stigmatizing and criticizing, but have even gone so far as to manufacture all sorts of "blacklists," carry out secret investigations, waiting for an opportunity to pounce, sometimes carrying out the process of an "execution" with instruction on a single phone call, leaving the target without any right to plead their case. Their methods are incredibly crude, and are not subject to any legal restraints whatsoever." "Joint Declaration Concerning the 'Freezing Point' Incident" [Guanyu bingdian shijian de lianhe shengming], Epoch Times (Online), 14 February 06.<2006年1月24日,《冰点》终被中宣部假手团中央的宣传机关下令停刊整顿.这是中国新闻界的重大历史性事件. | www.cecc.gov>

91 Charles Hutzler, "China Finds New Ways To Restrict Access to the Internet," Wall Street Journal, 1 September 04;<www.cecc.gov> Xiao Qiang, "The Words You Never See in Chinese Cyberspace," China Digital Times (Online), 30 August 04.<www.cecc.gov>

92 The Internet in China--A Tool of Freedom or Suppression?, Hearing of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations, Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives, 15 February 06, Written Statement Submitted by Elliot Schrage, Vice President, Global Communications and Public Affairs, Google, Inc.<www.internationalrelations.house.gov>

93 Ibid.<www.internationalrelations.house.gov>

94 "Internet Operators in China Agree to Support Hu Jintao, Marxism, and the Party," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 9;<www.cecc.gov> "14 Web Sites Sign Letter Jointly Calling on Internet to Be Operated in a Civilized Manner" [Beijing 14 jia wangzhan lianhe xiang hulianwangjie fachu wenming ban wang changyishu], People's Daily (Online), 10 April 06.<北京14家网站联合向互联网界发出文明办网倡议书 | politics.people.com.cn> The former phrase refers to President Hu Jintao's "Eight Glories and Eight Shames" propaganda slogan, and the latter phrase means, according to Liu Yunshan, head of the Central Propaganda Department, to: "carry forward a nationalist spirit whose core is patriotism . . . carry forward collectivist and socialist ideology and allow it to become the main stream of modern times and the prevailing fashion of the entire society . . . require the coordination of the lines of propaganda of ideological warfare . . . and pluck the people's heart strings to bring about their sympathetic response. . . ." Liu Yunshan, "Earnestly Study and Implement the Spirit of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 16th Chinese Communist Party Central Committee; Strive to Increase the Party's Ability to Lead Ideological Work."<认真学习贯彻十六届四中全会精神努力提高党领导意识形态工作的能力 | www.cecc.gov>

95 "GAPP Head Long Xinmin: Reform Does Not Mean Fragmentation" [Xinwen chuban zongshu shuzhang Long Xinmin: gaige budengyu jituanhua], People's Daily (Online), 6 April 06.<新闻出版总署署长龙新民：改革不等于集团化 | www.cecc.gov>

96 Circular on "Self Discipline Agreement for Chinese Radio and Television Announcers and Hosts" [Guangdianzongju guanyu pizhuan zhongguo guangbo dianshi xiehui "Zhongguo guangbo dianshi boyinyuan zhuchiren zilu gongyue" de tongzhi], issued 10 September 05.<广电总局关于批转中国广播电视协会《中国广播电视播音员主持人自律公约》的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

97 As noted above, the UDHR and ICCPR protect the right of citizens to impart information and ideas of all kinds. For examples of how this right is protected by other jurisdictions, see, e.g., Baumgartner v. U.S., 322 U.S. 665 (1944): "One of the prerogatives of American citizenship is the right to criticize public men and measures--and that means not only informed and responsible criticism but the freedom to speak foolishly and without moderation."<caselaw.lp.findlaw.com> See also Mills v. Alabama, 384 U.S. 214 (1966): "Thus the press serves and was designed to serve as a powerful antidote to any abuses of power by governmental officials and as a constitutionally chosen means for keeping officials elected by the people responsible to all the people whom they were selected to serve. Suppression of the right of the press to praise or criticize governmental agents and to clamor and contend for or against change . . . muzzles one of the very agencies the Framers of our Constitution thoughtfully and deliberately selected to improve our society and keep it free." See also European Court of Human Rights, Ekin Association v. France--39288/98 [2001] ECHR 473 (17 July 2001) <www.worldlii.org>: "Freedom of expression constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic society. Subject to paragraph 2 of Article 10, it is applicable not only to 'information' or 'ideas' that are favourably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb. Such are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no 'democratic society.' "See also European Court of Human Rights, Castells v. Spain--11798/85 [1992] ECHR 48 (23 April 1992) <www.worldlii.org>: "Freedom of the press affords the public one of the best means of discovering and forming an opinion of the ideas and attitudes of their political leaders. In particular, it gives politicians the opportunity to reflect and comment on the preoccupations of public opinion; it thus enables everyone to participate in the free political debate which is at the very core of the concept of a 'democratic society.'" See also Supreme Court of India, Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting vs. Cricket Association of Bengal and Others, (1995) 2 S.C.C. 161 <judis.nic.in>: "In a democracy, people govern themselves and they cannot govern themselves properly unless they are aware--aware of social, political, economic and other issues confronting them. To enable them to make a proper judgment on those issues, they must have the benefit of a range of opinions on those issues. Right to receive and impart information is implicit in free speech. This plurality of opinions, views and ideas is indispensable for enabling them to make an informed judgment on those issues to know what is their true interest, to make them responsible citizens, to safeguard their rights as also the interests of society and State." See also Supreme Court of India, L.I.C. vs. Professor Manubhai D. Shah, (1992) 3 S.C.C. 637: "Merely because it is critical of the State Government is no reason to deny selection and exhibition of the film."<judis.nic.in>

98 "Inter-Agency Task Force Cracks Down on Political Publications," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 13.<www.cecc.gov> Ji Yanan, "Increase the Force of the 'Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications' Campaign" [Jiada "saohuangdafei" lidu], Guangming Daily (Online), 23 Feb 06.<加大“扫黄打非”力度 | www.gmw.cn>

99 "Senior Censorship Agency Official Says Communist Party Must Control News Media," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 16;<www.cecc.gov> "Shi Feng: Create a Public Opinion Environment Conducive to a Harmonious Society" [Shi feng: wei hexie shehui jianshe yingzao lianghao yulun huanjing], People's Daily (Online), 15 October 05.<石峰：为和谐社会建设营造良好舆论环境 | media.people.com.cn>

100 Ji Yanan, "Increase the Force of the 'Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications" [Jiada "saohuangdafei" lidu], Guangming Daily (Online), 23 February 06.<www.cecc.gov>

101 Radio, Film, and Television Propaganda Priorities for 2005 [2005 nian guangbo yingshi xuanchuan gongzuo yaodian], issued 22 February 05.<2005年广播影视宣传工作要点 | www.cecc.gov>

102 Circular Regarding the Printing and Promulgation of the "Measures on the Recording of Important Topics of Books, Periodicals, Audio/Visual Productions and Electronic Publications" [Guanyu yinfa "tushu, qikan, yinxiang zhipin, dianzi chubanwu zhongda xuanti beian banfa" de tongzhi], issued 10 October 97.<关于期刊业治理工作的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

103 Sui Xiaofei and Qu Zhihong, "China's Publishing Sector's Glorious Development Must Move From Being a Big Country to a Great Country."<www.cecc.gov>

104 Regulations on the Administration of Publishing, art. 3;<出版管理条例 | www.cecc.gov> Circular Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Periodicals Relating to Current Affairs and Politics, General Lifestyle, Information Tabloids, and Scientific Theory [Guanyu jinyibu jiaqiang shishi zhengzhi lei, zonghe wenhua shenghuo lei, xinxi wenzhai lei hei xueshu lilun lei qikan guanli de tongzhi], issued 28 June 00.<关于进一步加强时事政治类、综合文化生活类、信息文摘类和学术理论类期刊管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

105 Circular Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Periodicals Relating to Current Affairs and Politics, General Lifestyle, Information Tabloids, and Scientific Theory.<关于进一步加强时事政治类、综合文化生活类、信息文摘类和学术理论类期刊管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

106 Circular Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Selection of Articles for Newspapers and Periodicals [Xinwen chuban zongshu guanyu jiaqiang baokan zhaizhuan gaojian guanli de tongzhi], issued 25 February 05.<新闻出版署关于进一步加强报刊摘转稿件管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov> See also Circular Regarding Certain Problems with Recent Publishing of Periodicals [Guanyu muqian qikan chuban youguan wenti de tongzhi], issued 16 October 98.<关于目前期刊出版有关问题的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

107 Provisions Regarding Strengthening the Administration of Publications Describing Major Party and National Leaders [Guanyu dui miaoxie dang he guojia zhuyao lingdaoren de chubanwu jiaqiang guanli de guiding], issued 5 May 90, art. 2.<关于对描写党和国家主要领导人的出版物加强管理的规定 | www.cecc.gov>

108 Circular Regarding the Printing and Promulgation of the "Measures on the Recording of Important Topics of Books, Periodicals, Audio/Visual Productions and Electronic Publications" [Guanyu yinfa "tushu, qikan, yinxiang zhipin, dianzi chubanwu zhongda xuanti beian banfa" de tongzhi], issued 10 October 97.<关于印发《图书、期刊、音像制品、电子出版物重大选题备案办法》的通知 | www.cecc.gov> Circular Regarding Strengthening and Improving the Work of Recording Important Topics [Guanyu jiaqiang he gaijin zhongda xuanti beian gongzuo de tongzhi], issued 9 March 99.<新闻出版署关于加强和改进重大选题备案工作的通知 | www.cecc.gov> Examples of "important topic selections" include the work and life of Party and the government leaders, the history of the PRC, the history of the People's Liberation Army, and foreign relations, and religion. Circular Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Relevant Publications [Guanyu jin yi bu jiaqiang dui youguan chubanwu guanli de tongzhi], issued 24 August 98.<关于进一步加强对有关出版物管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

109 Circular Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Relevant Publications, art. 1; Provisions Regarding Strengthening the Administration of Publications Describing Major Party and National Leaders, art. 3;<关于对描写党和国家主要领导人的出版物加强管理的规定 | www.cecc.gov> Urgent Circular Regarding Reaffirming the Strengthening of the Administration of Books Reflecting the Work and Life Circumstances of the Major Leaders of the Party and the Nation [Guanyu chongshen dui chuban fanying he guojia zhuyao lingdaoren gongzuo he shenghuo qingkuang tushu jiaqiang guanli de jinji tongzhi], issued 24 January 97, art. 3.<关于重申对出版反映党和国家主要领导人工作和生活情况图书加强管理的紧急通知 | www.cecc.gov>

110 Guangdong Press and Publication Administration (Online), "Responsible Person at the General Administration of Press and Publication Book Office Reports on the Previous Year's National Book Publishing Administration Work" [Zongshu tushusi fuzeren tongbao qunian quanguo tushuchuban guanli gongzuo], 24 February 05.<总署图书司负责人通报去年全国图书出版管理工作 | www.gdcopyright.org.cn>

111 Provisions on the Administration of Newspaper Publishing;<报纸出版管理规定 | www.cecc.gov> Provisions on the Administration of Periodical Publishing.<期刊出版管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

112 Circular Regarding Restructuring Inspection and Examination Measures for Important Revolution and Historical Material Movie and Television Projects and Completed Films [Guanyu tiaozheng zhongda geming he lishi ticai dianying, dianshiju lixiang ji wancheng pian shencha banfa de tongzhi], issued 28 July 03.<关于调整重大革命和历史题材电影、电视剧立项及完成片审查办法的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

113 Circular Regarding Publication of the "Interim Measures on the Administration of the Recording and Notification of Television Program Film Production" [Guangdianzongju guanyu yinfa "dianshiju paishe zhizuo bei'an gongshi guanli zanxing banfa" de tongzhi], issued 6 April 06.<广电总局关于印发《电视剧拍摄制作备案公示管理暂行办法》的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

114 Provisions on the Administration of Television Dramas [Dianshiju guanli guiding], issued 15 June 00, art. 39.<电视剧管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

115 Ding Yang, " 'Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications' Adopts Measures to Escort the Ship of the Two Holidays and Two Meetings" ["Sahuang dafei" caiqu cuoshi huhang liangjie lianghui], Guangming Daily (Online), 19 January 06;<“扫黄打非”办采取措施护航两节两会 | www.gmw.cn> "Authorities Increase News and Political Censorship in Run-Up to NPC, CPPCC Sessions," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 13.<www.cecc.gov>

116 Circular Regarding Rectifying the Publishing Market and Cultural Entertainment Market to Create a Good Atmosphere for New Year's, Spring Festival, and the "Two Meetings" [Guanyu jinghua chubanwu shichang ji wenhua yule shichang wei yuandan, chunjie he quanguo "liang hui" zhaokai chuangzao lianghao wenhua huanjing de tongzhi], issued 4 January 06.<关于净化出版物市场及文化娱乐市场为元旦、春节和全国“两会”召开创造良好文化环境的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

117 Yuan Haizhen, "Increase Supervision of Publications Market, Create a Good Atmosphere for the Two Meetings" [Jiaqiang chubanwu shichang jianguan wei "liang hui" yingzao lianghao huanjing], Henan Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online) 23 February 06.<加强出版物市场监管为"两会"营造良好环境 | www.ha.xinhuanet.com>

118 "Court Rejects Writer Zhang Lin's Appeal of Conviction For Subversive Writings," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November, 2005, 3.<www.cecc.gov>

119 "Authorities Arrest and Imprison Writers for Online Essays Criticizing Government," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 2-3;<www.cecc.gov> "Journalist Arrested For Posting Reports About Crackdown On Christians," Reporters Without Borders (Online), 11 August 06.<www.rsf.org>

120 "Groups Petition Government to Review Constitutionality Of Internet News Rules," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 6.<www.cecc.gov>

121 "Two Mainland Web Portals Blocked," South China Morning Post (Online), 20 June 06.<china.scmp.com>

122 "Government Shuts Down Web Site; Chinese Scholars and Activists Respond," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 12-13.<www.cecc.gov>

123 "Authorities Close Polls Website for Third Time in Three Months," Reporters Without Borders (Online), 3 August 06.<www.rsf.org>

124 UDHR, art. 18 (guaranteeing "freedom of thought, conscience and religion"),<www.un.org> ICCPR, art. 22,<www.ohchr.org> and ICCPR General Comment No. 22: The Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion (Art. 18), 30 July 93,<www.unhchr.ch> item 4 of which defines freedom of religion and belief to include "the freedom to prepare and distribute religious texts or publications."

125 State Council Information Office, White Paper on Freedom of Religious Belief in China [Zhongguo de zongjiao xinyang ziyou zhuangkuang], October 97.

126 Regulations on the Administration of Printing Enterprises [Yinshuaye guanli tiaoli], issued 2 August 01, art. 31.<印刷业管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

127 Ibid, art. 18.<印刷业管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

128 Ibid.<印刷业管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

129 See, e.g., Provisions on the Administration of Newspaper Publication, art. 27 (requiring all newspapers to strictly abide by "relevant regulations" when publishing or reprinting articles relating to ethnic religious affairs);<报纸出版管理规定 | www.cecc.gov> Circular Regarding the Printing and Promulgation of the "Measures on the Recording of Important Topics of Books, Periodicals, Audio/Visual Productions and Electronic Publications," art. 3(v) (requiring that anyone seeking to publish on "topics which deal with ethnic issues or religious issues" must register their intent to do so in advance with government authorities).<关于印发《图书、期刊、音像制品、电子出版物重大选题备案办法》的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

130 Sui Xiaofei and Qu Zhihong, "China's Publishing Sector's Glorious Development Must Move From Being a Big Country to a Great Country," People's Daily (Online), 25 March 06.<www.cecc.gov>

131 "Xinjiang Cracks Down on 'Illegal' Religious Publications," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 9;<www.cecc.gov> Wang Lei, "Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region Destroys 29 Tons of Illegal Books" [Xinjiang weiwu'er zizhiqu xiaohui 29 dun feifa tushu], Tianshan Net (Online), 6 March 06.<新疆维吾尔自治区销毁29吨非法图书 | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

132 "Tibet 'Sweep Away Pornography and Strike Down Illegal Publications' Campaign Has Clear Results" [Xizang "saohuang dafei" gongzuo chengxiao xianzhu], Xinhua (Online), 18 January 06.<www.cecc.gov>

133 "Church Leaders Arrested, Laypeople Forced to Join Patriotic Group," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 24 January 00.<www.ucanews.com>

134 "Suppression of Wenzhou Underground Church Continues During Holy Week and Easter," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 4 May 00.<www.ucanews.com>

135 "Two Underground Priests Arrested," Asia News (Online), 28 October 05.<www.asianews.it> UN Commission on Human Rights, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Religious Intolerance, 13 February 01.<daccessdds.un.org>

136 "Beijing Court Jails House Church Minister for Giving Away Bibles," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 1.<www.cecc.gov>

137 "Chinese Authorities Release House Church Filmmaker After 140 Days in Custody," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 9.<www.cecc.gov>

138 "Court Imprisons One Tibetan Writer, Party Officials Shut Down Another's Blogs," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 9.<www.cecc.gov>

139 "Journalist Arrested for Posting Reports About Crackdown on Christians," Reporters Without Borders (Online), 11 August 06;<www.rsf.org> "Urgent Announcement Regarding Independent Chinese Pen Center Member Zan Aizong's Administrative Detention By Hangzhou PSB" [Duli zhongwen bihui jiu huiyuan zan aizong bei Hangzhou gonganju xingzheng kouliu de jiji shengming], Independent Chinese PEN Center (Online), 11 August 06.<独立中文笔会就会员昝爱宗被杭州公安局行政拘留的紧急声明 | www.chinesepen.org>

140 UDHR, art. 29;<www.un.org> ICCPR art. 19(3).<www.ohchr.org>

141 "State Council Appoints Long Xinmin as New Head of the General Administration of Press and Publication" [Guowuyuan renmian: Long Xinmin wei xinwen chuban zongshu shuzhang tu], Xinhua (Online), 27 December 05.<国务院任免：龙新民为新闻出版总署署长 | news.xinhuanet.com>

142 Liu Yunshan, "In Accordance With the Requirements of Building a Socialist and Harmonious Society: Deepen, Broaden, and Innovate Propaganda Ideological Work" [Anzhao goujian shehuizhuyi hexie shehui yaoqiu shenhua tuozhan chuangxin xuanchuan sixiang gongzuo], Seeking Truth (Online), 1 October 05.<按照构建社会主义和谐社会要求深化拓展创新宣传思想工作 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

143 "Shi Feng: Create a Public Opinion Environment Conducive to a Harmonious Society" [Shi feng: wei hexie shehui jianshe yingzao lianghao yulun huanjing], People's Daily (Online), 15 October 05.<石峰：为和谐社会建设营造良好舆论环境 | media.people.com.cn>

144 Chi Gangyi, Yu Xianting, and Li Hui, "Comprehensively Strengthen the Establishment of University Networks and Firmly Grasp the Initiative in Online Political Ideological Education" [Quanmian jiaqiang gaoxiao xiaoyuanwang jianshe laolao zhangwo wangshang sixiang zhengzhi jiaoyu zhudongquan], Guangming Daily (Online), 12 September 05.<全面加强高校校园网建设牢牢掌握网上思想政治教育主动权 | www.cecc.gov>

145 See, e.g., "Strengthen Public Sentiment Work, Safeguard the Security of the Ruling Party's Governance" [Jiaqiang yuqing xinxi gongzuo, weihu dangde zhizheng anquan], Guangming Daily, 26 May 05, B4 (calling on Party cadres to "strengthen the supervision and monitoring of the Internet, cellular phones, and other new forms of media");<加强舆情信息工作　维护党的执政安全 | www.gmw.cn> "Party Propaganda Chief Calls for Increased Control Over the Media," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 14;<www.cecc.gov> Liu Yunshan, "In Accordance With the Requirements of Building a Socialist and Harmonious Society: Deepen, Broaden, and Innovate Propaganda Ideological Work" (noting that, while it remains necessary to continue to conduct "ideological education" of workers, farmers, intellectuals, soldiers, and cadres, Party propagandists must also "expand the targets of propaganda ideology work" to new groups).<按照构建社会主义和谐社会要求深化拓展创新宣传思想工作 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

146 Liu Yunshan, "In Accordance With the Requirements of Building a Socialist and Harmonious Society: Deepen, Broaden, and Innovate Propaganda Ideological Work."<按照构建社会主义和谐社会要求深化拓展创新宣传思想工作 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

147 Ibid.<按照构建社会主义和谐社会要求深化拓展创新宣传思想工作 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

148 Shi Fengyan, Xu Ying, and Zhou Honglei, "College Student Groups: An Effective Vehicle for Ideological and Political Education" [Daxuesheng shetuan: sixiang zhengzhi jiaoyu de youxiao zaiti], Seeking Truth (Online), 1 December 05.<大学生社团：思想政治教育的有效载体 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

149 Chi Gangyi, Yu Xianting, and Li Hui, "Firmly Grasp the Initiative in Online Political Ideological Education."<全面加强高校校园网建设牢牢掌握网上思想政治教育主动权 | www.cecc.gov> For an example of how this program was implemented, see Deng Wei, "Tsinghua University Sets Up 'Red Web Site' " [Daxuesheng hongse wangzhan: chuanbo makesizhuyi de zhongyao zhendi], Seeking Truth (Online), 16 February 06.<大学生红色网站：传播马克思主义的重要阵地 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

150 "As Chinese Students Go Online, Little Sister Is Watching," New York Times (Online), 9 May 06.<www.nytimes.com>

151 Professional Ethical Standards for China Radio and Television Announcers and Hosts [Zhongguo guangbo dianshi boyinyuan zhuchiren zhiye daode zhunze], issued 2 December 04;<中国广播电视播音员主持人职业道德准则 | www.cecc.gov> Professional Ethical Standards for China Radio and Television Editors and Reporters [Zhongguo guangbo dianshi bianji jizhe zhiye daode zhunze], issued 2 December 04.<中国广播电视编辑记者职业道德准则 | www.cecc.gov>

152 Notice Regarding Strengthening the Supervision of Radio and Television Discussion Programs [Guanyu jiaqiang guangbo dianshi tanhualei jiemu guanlide tongzhi], issued 10 December 04.<广电总局关于加强广播电视谈话类节目管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

153 Interim Provisions on the Administration of Those Employed as News Reporters and Editors;<关于新闻采编人员从业管理的规定(试行) | www.cecc.gov> "Regulating News Reporting and Editorial Personnel: Implementing a Real Name System When Publishing Articles" [Xinwen caibian renyuan congye guifan: baodao kanfa shi yao shishi shimingzhi], China News Net, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 22 March 05;<新闻采编人员从业规范:报道刊发时要实行实名制 | www.cecc.gov> "Xinhua Editorial: The Importance of Regulating the Behavior of Those Engaged in News Reporting And Editing" [Xinhua shiping: guifan xinwen caibian renyuan xingweide zhongyao zhidu], Xinhua (Online), 22 March 05.<新华时评：规范新闻采编人员行为的重要制度 | news.xinhuanet.com>

154 "Government and Communist Party Move To Increase Regulation of Reporters and Editors," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2005, 7;<www.cecc.gov> Interim Implementation Rules for the Administration of Those Employed as Radio and Television News Reporters and Editors.<广电总局印发《广播影视新闻采编人员从业管理的实施方案（试行）》的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

155 State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television, Circular Regarding Authorizing the China Radio and Television Association's "Self Discipline Agreement for Chinese Radio and Television Announcers and Hosts" [Guangdianzongju guanyu pizhuan Zhongguo guangbo dianshi xiehui "Zhongguo guangbo dianshi boyinyuan zhuchiren zilu gongyue" de tongzhi], issued 10 September 05.<广电总局关于批转中国广播电视协会《中国广播电视播音员主持人自律公约》的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

156 Notice Regarding Correctly Administering Radio and Television Live Broadcast Reports [Guangdianzongju guanyu qieshi zuo hao guangbo dianshi xianchang zhibo baodao guanli de tongzhi], issued 10 September 05.<广电总局关于切实做好广播电视现场直播报道管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

157 Liu Yunshan, "In Accordance With the Requirements of Building a Socialist and Harmonious Society: Deepen, Broaden, and Innovate Propaganda Ideological Work."<按照构建社会主义和谐社会要求深化拓展创新宣传思想工作 | www.qsjournal.com.cn>

158 "Shi Feng: Create a Public Opinion Environment Conducive to a Harmonious Society" [Shi feng: wei hexie shehui jianshe yingzao lianghao yulun huanjing], People's Daily (Online), 15 October 05.<石峰：为和谐社会建设营造良好舆论环境 | media.people.com.cn>

159 Supreme People's Court Interpretation Regarding Certain Questions About the Specific Laws to be Used in Adjudicating Criminal Cases of Illegal Publications [Zui gao renmin fayuan guanyu shenli feifa chubanwu xingshi anjian juti yingyong falu ruogan wenti de jieshi], issued 17 November 98.<高人民法院关于审理非法出版物刑事案件具体应用法律若干问题的解释 | www.cecc.gov>

160 Supreme People's Court Circular Regarding Striking Hard at Illegal Publishing Activities [Zuigao renmin fayuan guanyu yanli daji youguan feifa chubanwu fanzui huodong de tongzhi], issued 27 March 98.<最高人民法院关于严厉打击有关非法出版物犯罪活动的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

161 "Senior Official Claims Foreign Newspapers Raise Threat of Color Revolution in China," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 13;<www.cecc.gov> Mure Dickie, "Beijing Blocks Foreign Newspapers," Financial Times (Online), 16 November 05.<www.cecc.gov>

162 The rules were known to a number of major publishers, but never published. Western media outlets reported their existence in April 2006, citing an unnamed GAPP official as their source. See, e.g., "GAPP Tightens Restrictions on Foreign Publications," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 13;<www.cecc.gov> "China Curbs on Foreign Magazines Take Quiet Effect," Reuters (Online), 7 April 06;<today.reuters.com> Geoffrey A. Fowler and Juying Qin, "China Curbs Magazines from Foreign Publishers," Wall Street Journal (Online), 7 April 06.<online.wsj.com>

163 Interim Provisions on the Administration of Sino-Foreign Joint and Cooperative Ventures in Radio and Television Program Production Operating Enterprises [Zhongwai hezi, hezuo guangbo dianshi jiemu zhizuo jingying qiye guanlin zanxing guiding], issued 28 October 05, art. 12.<中外合资、合作广播电视节目制作经营企业管理暂行规定 | www.cecc.gov>

164 "New Regulations Surfaced: Foreign Invested Movie, Television, and Media Corporations Can Only Participate in Joint Ventures" [Xin guiding chutai: waizi yingshi chuanmei zhineng kai yijia hezi gongsi], Shanghai Morning Post, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 7 March 05;<新规定出台：外资影视传媒只能开一家合资公司 | media.people.com.cn> Circular Regarding Matters Relating to the Implementation of the "Interim Provisions on the Administration of Sino-Foreign Investment and Cooperative Joint Venture Television Program Production Enterprises" Regulations [Guanyu shishi "zhongwai hezi, hezuo guangbo dianshi jiemu zhizuo jingying qiye guanli zanxing guiding" youguan shiyi de tongzhi], issued 25 February 05;<关于实施《中外合资、合作广播电视节目制作经营企业管理暂行规定》有关事宜的通知 | www.cecc.gov> Measures on the Administration of Foreign Satellite Television Channel Reception [Jingwai weixing dianshi pindao luodi guanli banfa], issued 18 June 04, art. 12.<境外卫星电视频道落地管理办法 | www.cecc.gov>

165 Measures for Administering the Release of News and Information in China by Foreign News Agencies [Waiguo tongxunshe zai Zhongguo jingnei fabu xinwen xinxi guanli banfa], issued 10 September 06, art. 4.<外国通讯社在中国境内发布新闻信息管理办法 | www.cecc.gov>

166 Ibid.<外国通讯社在中国境内发布新闻信息管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> The new rules repeal rules issued in 1996 allowing licensed foreign news agencies to distribute financial information directly to licensed customers. Ibid., art. 22;<外国通讯社在中国境内发布新闻信息管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> Methods for the Exercise of Administration Over Publication in China of Economic Information by Foreign News Agencies and Their Information Subsidiaries [Waiguo tongxunshe jiqi suoshu xinxi jigou zai Zhongguo jingnei fabu jingji xinxi de guanli banfa], issued 15 April 96.<外国通讯社及其所属信息机构在中国境内发布经济信息的管理办法 | www.cecc.gov>

167 Measures for Administering the Release of News and Information in China by Foreign News Agencies, arts. 11, 12.<外国通讯社在中国境内发布新闻信息管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> Article 1 of the Measures say that the rules are intended "to promote the dissemination of news and information in a sound and orderly manner" and a GAPP official has defended the new rules saying that they would not affect the activities of foreign journalists in China. Ibid., art. 1;<外国通讯社在中国境内发布新闻信息管理办法 | www.cecc.gov> "Xinhua's Measures Won't Lead to Monopoly," Xinhua (Online), 14 September 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

168 Provisions for the Administration of Ground Satellite Television Broadcast Reception Facilities [Weixing dianshi guangbo dimian jieshou sheshi guanli guiding], issued 5 October 93;<卫星电视广播地面接收设施管理规定 | www.cecc.gov> Measures for the Administration of Foreign Satellite Television Channel Reception, issued 18 June 04.<境外卫星电视频道落地管理办法 | www.cecc.gov>

169 "Government Regulators Block Foreign Access to China's Media Market," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, October 2005, 9;<www.cecc.gov> "Six Departments Issue Regulations Restricting Imports of Cultural Products" [Liu bumen xiafa "guanyu jiaqiang wenhua chanpin jinkou guanli de banfa"], People's Daily (Online), 2 August 05 (discussing the Measures Regarding Strengthening the Administration of the Importation of Cultural Products, which froze approvals for new foreign satellite television channels, and will "increase control over content censorship" of imported television programs).<六部门下发 "关于加强文化产品进口管理的办法" | finance.people.com.cn> See also "Government Regulators Block Foreign Access to China's Media Market," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, October 2005, 12.<www.cecc.gov> "Five Government Agencies Formulate 'Certain Opinions Regarding the Introduction of Foreign Investment into the Cultural Domain' " [5 buwei zhiding "guanyu wenhua lingyu yinjin waizi de ruogan yijian"], Xinhua (Online), 4 August 05 (prohibiting foreign companies from investing in news organizations or Web sites, radio or television stations, and companies that produce or show films or radio or television programs);<5部委制定《关于文化领域引进外资的若干意见》 | www.cecc.gov> State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television Notice Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Radio and Television Channels [Guangdianzongju guanyu jin yi bu jiaqiang guangbo pindao guanli de tongzhi], issued 4 August 05 (stipulating that to preserve the government's ability "to make final decisions regarding the contents of propaganda," a controlling share in radio and television stations must be in the hands of the government, and non-government investors may not participate in editorial decisions).<广电总局关于进一步加强广播电视频道管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

170 Circular Regarding Reiterating Rules on the Administration of Television International News [Guangdianzongju guanyu chongshen dianshi guojin xinwen guanli guiding de tongzhi], issued 11 April 06;<广电总局关于重申电视国际新闻管理规定的通知 | www.cecc.gov> "SARFT Relaxes Censorship of Fiction, Retains it for History, Politics, and News," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 9.<www.cecc.gov>

171 State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television, Circular Regarding Further Regulating the Administration of Television International News [Guojia guangbo dianying dianshi zongju guanyu jin yi bu guifan dianshi guoji xinwen guanli de tongzhi], issued 3 April 02.<关于进一步规范电视国际新闻管理的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

172 Zhao Huanxin, "Regulation of Internet in Line with World Norms," China Daily (Online), 15 February 06.

173 "Internet Filtering in China in 2004--2005: A Country Study," OpenNet Initiative (Online), 14 April 05.<www.cecc.gov>

V(b) RIGHTS OF CRIMINAL SUSPECTS AND DEFENDANTS

FINDINGS

The Communist Party's concern with growing social instability dominated its policy statements over the past year, and served as justification for increased government vigilance over activities and groups that potentially threaten Party legitimacy. Top Party, court, and law enforcement officials repeatedly linked the government's policy of pursuing periodic anti-crime campaigns, referred to as "Strike Hard" campaigns, to the goal of maintaining social stability. Government efforts to maintain social stability have led to a greater reliance on the coercive powers of the police to subdue potential threats to Party rule.
Abuse of power by local police forces remains a serious problem. The Supreme People's Procuratorate (SPP) has acknowledged the existence of continuing and widespread abuses in law enforcement, including illegal extended detentions and torture. New SPP regulations that detail the criteria for prosecuting official abuses of power went into effect in July 2006, and establish standards for the prosecution of police who abuse their power to hold individuals in custody beyond legal limits, coerce confessions under torture, acquire evidence through the use of force, maltreat prisoners, or retaliate against those who petition the government or file complaints against them.
The Chinese government continues to apply vague criminal and administrative provisions to justify detentions based on an individual's political opinions or membership in religious, ethnic, or social groups. These provisions allow for the targeting and punishment of activists for crimes that "endanger state security" or "disturb public order" under the Criminal Law. The UN Special Rapporteur on Torture concluded in his March 2006 report to the UN Commission on Human Rights that the vague definition of these crimes leaves their application open to abuse, particularly of the rights to freedom of religion, speech, and assembly.
Chinese authorities use reeducation through labor and other forms of administrative detention to circumvent the criminal process and imprison offenders for "minor crimes," without judicial review and the procedural protections guaranteed by the Chinese Constitution and Criminal Procedure Law. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded in 2004 that the Chinese government has made no significant progress in reforming the administrative detention system to ensure judicial review and to conform to international law. Although proposed reforms would provide some added procedural protections, they would still not provide an accused individual the opportunity to dispute the alleged misconduct and contest law enforcement accusations of guilt before an independent adjudicatory body.
Although illegal in China, torture and abuse by law enforcement officers remain widespread. Factors that perpetuate or exacerbate the problem of torture include a lack of procedural safeguards to protect criminal suspects and defendants, over reliance on confessions of guilt, the absence of lawyers at interrogations, inadequate complaint mechanisms, the lack of an independent judiciary, and the abuse of administrative detention measures. The Chinese government emphasizes its ongoing efforts to pass new laws and administrative regulations preventing, punishing, and compensating cases of torture by law enforcement officers. Both the SPP and the Ministry of Public Security have announced their support for audio and video taping of interrogations of criminal suspects accused of a limited number of crimes. The Chinese government recognizes that problems of misconduct, including physical abuse, exist within Chinese prisons and reeducation through labor centers, and it is making progress toward increasing accountability for such behavior.
In 2006, Chinese authorities increased restrictions on lawyers who work on politically sensitive cases or cases that draw attention from the foreign news media. Law enforcement officials intimidated lawyers defending these cases by charging them, or threatening to charge them, with various crimes. Since mid-2005, local authorities have also used harassment and violent measures against those who participated in criminal or civil rights defense in sensitive matters. Beijing lawyer Zhu Jiuhu was detained during the past year. Self-trained legal advocate Chen Guangcheng was sentenced on August 24, 2006, to four years and three months' imprisonment, and Shanghai lawyer Zheng Enchong is currently under house arrest after being released from prison on June 5, 2006. Beijing lawyer Gao Zhisheng has been held incommunicado since authorities reportedly abducted him on August 15 from his sister's home in Shandong province. Guo Feixiong, who served as a legal advisor to Gao's law firm, was arrested and later released in late 2005, and is currently in detention after being taken from his home on September 14.
Chinese criminal law includes 68 capital offenses, over half of which are non-violent crimes. The Chinese government reportedly has adopted an "execute fewer, execute cautiously" policy. In 2006, the Chinese judiciary made reform of the death penalty review process a top priority and introduced new appellate court procedures for hearing death penalty cases. The Supreme People's Court announced that it would consolidate and reclaim the death penalty review power from provincial-level high courts. These reforms are designed to limit the use of death sentences, consolidate criteria used by courts to administer those sentences, and ensure constitutionally protected human rights.
The Vice Minister of Health acknowledged that the majority of human organs used in transplants in China originate from executed prisoners. Under the World Health Organization's guiding principles on human organ transplantation, organ donations by prisoners, even when reportedly voluntary, may nonetheless violate international standards if the organs are obtained through undue influence and pressure. New Ministry of Health regulations include medical standards for organ transplants, but do not provide guidance on what type of consent is required for taking organs from executed prisoners.
The Chinese government continues to engage the international community on human rights and rule of law issues, including those related to the criminal justice system. The government's application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council noted that it has acceded to 22 international human rights accords, and that it plans to amend its Criminal, Civil, and Administrative Procedure Laws and reform the judiciary to prepare for ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. As a member of the new Council, the government has pledged to fulfill its obligations under the terms of these accords, and is obligated under the rules of the Council to submit to peer review of its human rights record.

Public Security and Coercive Use of Police Power

The Communist Party's concern with growing social instability dominated its policy statements over the past year, and served as justification for increased government vigilance over activities and groups that potentially threaten Party legitimacy. Top Party, court, and law enforcement officials repeatedly linked the government's policy of pursuing periodic anti-crime campaigns, referred to as "Strike Hard" campaigns, to the goal of maintaining social stability.1 On a national level, the government's "Strike Hard" campaigns included crackdowns on the publication of materials, including Falun Gong literature, that the government deemed to be "illegal political publications" or that allegedly "spread political rumors and create ideological chaos"2 [see Section V(a)--Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression]. Regionally, provincial-level officials used "Strike Hard" campaigns to justify crackdowns on "ethnic separatist forces" in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region3 and those who might threaten the operation of the new Qinghai-Tibet railroad,4 among other groups. [See Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion--Religious Freedom for China's Muslims; Section VIII--Tibet for additional information.]

Government efforts to maintain social stability have led to a greater reliance on the coercive powers of the police to subdue potential threats to Party rule.5 In late 2005, a land dispute between local government officials and villagers in Shanwei city, Guangdong province, escalated into a mass protest and then a violent confrontation between villagers and the paramilitary People's Armed Police (PAP).6 Both domestic and international human rights activists condemned the coercive use of police power to subdue the Shanwei villagers, and called for an investigation into the PAP's decision to open fire on the crowd.7 Shanwei authorities detained Deputy Director Wu Sheng of the local public security bureau for mishandling the situation,8 but one month later, Public Security Minister Zhou Yongkang and the PAP's top two officials reaffirmed the role of the PAP as a prominent force in guarding against threats to public order, particularly large-scale mass incidents.9 In May 2006, domestic news media reported that Party officials delivered a "stern internal warning" to Wu and fired him from office.10 No criminal charges were filed against Wu, but 13 of the villagers who participated in the protest received sentences ranging from three to seven years' imprisonment for allegedly "gathering people to disturb public order," among other crimes.11

Party concerns over the type of unrest that occurred in Shanwei have prompted new government measures that allow for greater discretion by local police in responding to "disturbances of public order."12 In late 2005, Premier Wen Jiabao warned senior rural bureaucrats that more violence would result if they continued to commit the "historic mistake" of failing to protect farmers and their lands.13 In April 2006, the Ministry of Public Security (MPS) denied the existence of conflict between police and villagers.14 Instead, MPS officials maintained that China faces "conflicts among the people," high crime rates, and struggles against unnamed "enemies."15 The MPS reported that crimes of "disturbing public order" rose to a total of 87,000 in 2005, a 6.6 percent increase over the figure in 2004.16 Officials declined to provide a figure for mass incidents in 2005, but previously reported a rise from 58,000 mass incidents in 2003 to 74,000 in 2004.17 In March, a new Public Security Administration Punishment Law went into effect nationwide and added 165 new offenses that are subject to administrative punishments at the discretion of public security agencies, rather than according to the procedures required under the criminal justice system.18 In a press conference about the new law, MPS officials explained that the law entrusts public security agencies and the police with greater powers and means for protecting social stability and public order.19

Abuse of power by local police forces remains a serious problem. The government does not encourage external supervision over police affairs or prosecution of police abuses by the procuratorate,20 as mandated by law.21 Instead, the MPS maintains a system of self-discipline carried out by the police affairs supervisory departments within local public security bureaus.22 Between 2001 and 2005, 1.5 million on-site inspections resulted in 330,000 findings of abuse by police officers.23 Of those, 4,321 offending officers were suspended and 2,576 were taken into custody as punishment for their wrongdoing.24 In February 2006, the MPS announced that it had suspended a total of 10,034 police officers since 1997 for breaches of discipline.25 The announcement acknowledged the problem of police misconduct and expressed a high-level commitment to confront the problem and improve the image of the police. At the same time, it also confirmed that local police in some areas openly collude with criminals, without fear of reprisal. In one case in Hunan province, a court convicted three senior public security officials for ties to organized crime, but ultimately suspended their two- and three-year sentences.26

The Supreme People's Procuratorate (SPP) has acknowledged the existence of continuing and widespread abuses in law enforcement, including illegal extended detentions and torture.27 New SPP regulations that detail the criteria for prosecuting official abuses of power went into effect on July 26, 2006, and establish standards for the prosecution of police who abuse their power to hold individuals in custody beyond legal limits, coerce confessions under torture, acquire evidence through the use of force, maltreat prisoners, or retaliate against those who petition the government or file complaints against them.28 Domestic news media reported in 2006 on the convictions of several public security officials who had beaten to death criminal suspects or prisoners in their custody.29 In one case, two public security officials received sentences of 1 year and 12 years' imprisonment, respectively, for beating a woman to death during police interrogation.30 The local procuratorate did not launch an investigation until two years after the incident occurred, and only in response to persistent efforts by the woman's husband to petition the government.31 In response to these reports, one Chinese legal scholar criticized authorities for being too lenient and for shielding one another from punishment.32 In July, an SPP spokesperson stated that local procuratorates do not lack potential cases against official abuses of power, but that "many of them are cases that [the procuratorates] don't dare handle, are unlikely to handle, and cannot handle."33

Political Crimes

The Chinese government continues to harass, detain, and imprison citizens for the peaceful exercise of fundamental rights guaranteed under the Chinese Constitution and international declarations and treaties such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).34 In some cases, police detain individuals without formal charge or judicial review, in contravention of provisions in both the UDHR and the ICCPR.35 Arbitrary detentions intensified during politically sensitive periods, such as the periods both preceding and following the visits of U.S. President George W. Bush and Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, in November and December 2005, respectively.36 Police also detained, placed under surveillance, and harassed citizens before the first anniversary of former Communist Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang's death in January 2006,37 and before and after the March 2006 plenary sessions of the National People's Congress (NPC) and Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.38 A senior official from the Ministry of Public Security justified police use of mass roundups during the plenary sessions by stressing the need to "manage public order" and "reduce some of the factors threatening social stability"39 [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice--Citizen Petitioning]. In most cases, police released individuals after a few days in detention.

The Chinese government continues to apply vague criminal and administrative provisions to justify detentions based on an individual's political opinions or membership in religious, ethnic, or social groups, even when authorities identify a formal charge and initiate the legal process. These provisions allow for the targeting and punishment of activists for crimes that "endanger state security" or "disturb public order" under the Criminal Law.40 After a 2004 visit to China, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) recommended that the Chinese government define these crimes in precise terms and create exceptions under the Criminal Law for the peaceful exercise of fundamental rights guaranteed by the UDHR.41 Nowak noted after his visit to China in late 2005 that the UNWGAD's recommendations have not been implemented to date.42 He concluded in his March 2006 report to the UN Commission on Human Rights: "The vague definition of these crimes leaves their application open to abuse, particularly of the rights to freedom of religion, speech, and assembly."43

Courts convict 99 percent of those tried for crimes that allegedly "endanger state security," and the Dui Hua Foundation, a U.S. NGO that advocates for political prisoners in China, reports: "The great majority were detained for non-violent expression of their political and religious beliefs."44 "Splittism" and "inciting splittism,"45 as well as "subversion of state power" and "inciting subversion of state power,"46 are classified as crimes that endanger state security under the Criminal Law. Chinese authorities continue to use charges of "splittism" and "inciting splittism" to target and punish peaceful activities by ethnic Uighurs and Tibetans [see Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion--Religious Freedom for China's Muslims; Section VIII--Tibet]. They continue to apply charges of "subversion" and "inciting subversion" to target and punish the peaceful activities of writers, journalists, and publishers [see Section V(a)--Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression], as well as those who have supported the creation of independent political parties or associations [see Section VII(a)--Development of Civil Society].

Faced with an increasing number of "public order disturbances" in 2005, Chinese authorities have applied criminal provisions to crack down on otherwise lawful citizen attempts to challenge government abuses.47 Many of the "public order disturbances" that occurred in 2005 involved alleged crimes of "gathering people to disturb public order,"48 "obstructing public services,"49 "gathering people to engage in affrays,"50 and "creating disturbances."51 From 2004 to 2005, these "public order disturbances" increased by 13 percent, 18.9 percent, 5.8 percent, and 11.8 percent, respectively.52 In one case, a local people's court in Yulin city, Shaanxi province, sentenced private investor and former Party official Feng Bingxian to three years' imprisonment for "gathering people to disturb public order" and obstructing the work of government agencies.53 Feng's conviction was based on his efforts to meet with local officials and discuss compensation for private property that the government seized in 2003.54 The procuratorate charged that the presence of too many investor representatives led to traffic congestion, disturbance of public order, and interference with the work of the government.55 At the time that the procuratorate indicted Feng, the NPC was publicizing efforts to increase legal protection for property rights.56

Since late 2005, government officials have abused Criminal Law provisions on "public order disturbances" to silence property rights advocates in particular. In 2004, the government amended the Constitution to recognize explicitly the private property rights of Chinese citizens.57 One year later, at the same time that Shaanxi officials detained Feng Bingxian, Guangdong provincial authorities used force to suppress citizen efforts to defend property rights in Shanwei city58 and Taishi village59 in Guangzhou city. In October 2005, Guangdong authorities arrested legal advocate Yang Maodong (who uses the pen name Guo Feixiong) for "gathering people to disturb public order."60 The charge was based on Guo's efforts to advise Taishi villagers in their recall campaign against the village committee head, who allegedly had embezzled compensation funds for government seizures of farmland [see Section VII(b)--Institutions of Democratic Governance and Legislative Reform]. In February 2006, the Guangdong Public Security Bureau circulated a report that blamed a succession of mass protests in 2005 on "disputes over so-called rights defense."61 With the release of this report, Guangdong authorities made explicit their campaign against legal advocates such as Guo and directly linked the activities of these individuals to crimes of "disturbing public order."

The Chinese government has released a small number of political prisoners since August 2005, but many Chinese citizens continue to serve long prison or reeducation through labor sentences for political or religious activities.62 In April 2005, the Chinese government insisted that authorities do not apply a stricter standard for evaluating sentence reductions and parole in crimes that "endanger state security."63 Between early 2005 and 2006, however, officials granted sentence reductions or early releases to political prisoners in only a few cases.64 Authorities released most political prisoners only when their court-imposed sentences expired. The list of released political prisoners includes political activist Wang Wanxing, journalist Liu Shui, legal advocate Guo Feixiong, journalist Jiang Weiping, Falun Gong practitioner Charles Lee, labor activist Xiao Yunliang, journalist and Tiananmen democracy activist Yu Dongyue, Internet publisher Cai Lujun, China Democracy Party member Tong Shidong, Internet writer Luo Changfu, house church activist Xiao Gaowen, Shanghai lawyer Zheng Enchong, Gyatso Children's Home founder Nyima Choedron, and Catholic auxiliary bishop An Shuxin.65 Despite the Chinese government's pledge to conduct a national review of cases involving political acts that are no longer crimes under Chinese law,66 some prisoners are still serving sentences for counterrevolutionary and other crimes that were removed from the Criminal Law in 1997.67

Arbitrary Detention in the Formal Criminal Process

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) defines the deprivation of personal liberty to be "arbitrary" if it meets one of the following conditions:

there is clearly no legal basis for the deprivation of liberty;
an individual is deprived of his liberty because he has exercised rights and freedoms guaranteed under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) or the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR); or
non-compliance with the standards for a fair trial set out in the UDHR and other relevant international instruments is sufficiently grave to make the detention arbitrary.68

Chinese authorities use measures such as surveillance or house arrest69 to punish and control political activists, even when no legal basis exists for such deprivations of liberty. Authorities in Linyi city, Shandong province, placed Chen Guangcheng, a legal advocate who exposed and challenged the abuses of local population planning officials [see Section V(h)--Population Planning], under house arrest on September 6, 2005.70 In March 2006, Chen's house arrest exceeded the six-month limit permitted by Chinese law.71 A network of Chinese human rights activists and groups subsequently worked with Chen's defense lawyers to submit information about his case to the UNWGAD, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, and the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Human Rights Defenders.72 From March until formal notification of Chen's criminal detention on June 10, Linyi authorities held Chen without charge or trial.73 Since March, authorities have kept Chen's wife under surveillance at their home, formally arrested several of Chen's relatives, beaten and summoned Chen's lawyers for interrogation, and placed other activists under house arrest to prevent them from holding a press conference about Chen's case.74

Chinese authorities also have used incommunicado detention to punish and control particularly high-profile political offenders who exercise their fundamental rights. The Criminal Procedure Law (CPL) permits detention without arrest or charge, but generally requires notification of family members or the detainee's workplace within 24 hours of custody.75 Despite this legal safeguard, a number of activists, including Hu Jia, disappeared in February 2006 after launching a nationwide hunger strike to protest government abuses [see Section IV--Introduction]. Hu, who has campaigned on behalf of HIV/AIDS patients [see Section V(g)--Public Health--HIV/AIDS], was missing from February 16 to March 28. When Hu reappeared, he reported that security officers took him from his home and held him on the outskirts of Beijing without any legal formalities and without notifying his family.76 In February, a UN agency expressed concern about Hu's disappearance and reported his case to the Ministry of Health.77 Others who have been held incommunicado include Gedun Choekyi Nyima and his parents, abducted by Chinese officials in 1995 after the Dalai Lama recognized him as the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, and Catholic Bishop Su Zhimin, who reportedly has been detained in a form of house arrest since 1997. Both Gedun Choekyi Nyima and Bishop Su have been the subject of frequent U.S. and international inquiries, but the Chinese government denies that it took coercive measures against either of them. [See Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion--Religious Freedom for Tibetan Buddhists; Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion--Religious Freedom for China's Catholics and China-Holy See Relations for additional information.]

Law enforcement authorities continue to detain Chinese citizens for long periods without formal charge or trial, despite official statements to the contrary. In January 2006, the Chinese government reported to Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, that serious cases of extended detention lasting more than three years had been eliminated, and that the number of individuals held beyond time limits was at an all-time low.78 The government further reported that the number of provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities in which there were no cases of extended detention had risen from 14 at the end of 2003 to 29.79 In May 2006, the Supreme People's Procuratorate (SPP) identified Beijing as one of nine municipalities or provinces where no cases of extended detention had occurred in 2005.80 Despite these claims, Beijing authorities repeatedly used provisions in Chinese law to hold New York Times researcher Zhao Yan from September 17, 2004, until his trial date on June 16, 2006.81 After invoking several legal exceptions to extend Zhao's pretrial detention, authorities indicted him on December 23, 2005, for disclosing state secrets and for fraud.82 The Beijing procuratorate withdrew its case against Zhao on March 17, 2006,83 shortly before President Hu Jintao's visit to the United States, but resumed legal proceedings based on the same charge in May, after Hu returned to China.84 The court permitted the procuratorate to resume its case, despite objections from Zhao's defense lawyer that this action was illegal.85 The UNWGAD has concluded that Zhao's detention was arbitrary because it resulted from the exercise of rights guaranteed under the UDHR and the ICCPR, and because official non-compliance with the international standards for a fair trial was sufficiently grave.86

Chinese authorities do not comply with the minimum international standards for prompt judicial review of criminal detention and arrest. Both the UDHR and the ICCPR prohibit arbitrary detention or arrest. Under the ICCPR, anyone detained or arrested on a criminal charge must be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise adjudicatory powers, for review of the lawfulness of his detention or arrest.87 In December 2004, the UNWGAD found that the CPL and related regulations on pretrial detention fail to meet this basic standard because: (1) Chinese suspects continue to be held for too long without judicial review; (2) procurators, who review arrest decisions, only examine case files and do not hold a hearing; and (3) a procurator cannot be considered an independent adjudicator under applicable international standards.88 In May 2006, the SPP acknowledged that unlawful extended detentions remain problematic, and that Chinese authorities misuse provisions in the CPL to disguise this problem.89 The SPP is currently working with the Supreme People's Court and Ministry of Public Security to finalize new regulations that will seek to address the problem of extended detention.90

Administrative Detention

The Chinese government continues to punish large numbers of citizens administratively, without effective judicial review and in contravention of human rights standards under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).91 Public security agencies reported that they investigated and charged a total of 6.3 million "public security" (zhi'an) offenses in 2005, up from 5.4 million in 2004.92 "Public security" offenses include public order disturbances, traffic offenses, prostitution, drug use, and other "minor crimes" that the Chinese government typically sanctions with administrative punishments rather than formal criminal sentences.93 In some instances, public security agencies handle cases administratively because they do not have enough evidence for a formal prosecution,94 or because it is a convenient method for detaining and harassing activists.95 Administrative punishments can range from a warning or fine to detention in a reeducation through labor (RTL) center for up to three years, with the possibility of a one-year extension.96 Administrative punishments such as RTL can be harsher than some criminal punishments such as fines, public surveillance, and criminal detention of one to six months.97

In March 2006, Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, concluded that the RTL system and other forms of administrative detention "go beyond legitimate rehabilitation measures provided for in [A]rticle 10 of the ICCPR."98 Forms of administrative detention include short-term detention under the Public Security Administration Punishment Law (PSAPL) and long-term detention such as RTL, forced psychiatric commitment, "custody and education" of prostitutes and their clients, forced drug detoxification, work-study schools, and discipline and inspection of corrupt officials under Party rules.99 Although many public security cases do not result in detention, the U.S. State Department estimates that at least 260,000 to 310,000 individuals are currently detained in approximately 340 RTL centers.100 In addition, another 350,000 individuals were held in facilities for drug offenders and prostitutes as of 2004.101 The government consistently has emphasized the beneficial "reeducation" function of administrative detention measures,102 but Nowak found that "some of these measures of [reeducation] through coercion, humiliation and punishment aim at altering the personality of detainees up to the point of even breaking their will."103

The Chinese government is in the process of reforming the administrative punishment system, but these reforms seek to codify rather than abolish it. In August 2005, the National People's Congress Standing Committee passed the PSAPL to provide a basis in national law for short-term detentions of up to 20 days. In addition to establishing more severe punishments than its predecessor, the Regulations on Public Security Administration Punishment, the new law creates 165 new offenses subject to administrative punishment effective March 1, 2006.104 These offenses include, among other things, "taking on the name of religion or qigong to carry out activities disturbing public order"105 and "inciting or plotting illegal assemblies, marches, or demonstrations."106 The new law reaffirms the role of public security bureaus as the entities that determine and administer punishments for public security violations. Ministry of Public Security officials have interpreted this provision to mean greater powers and means for public security agencies and police to carry out their duties and protect stability.107 The new law provides for disciplinary sanctions and criminal liability to address violations of human rights, such as coercing confessions under torture or exceeding time limitations on interrogation.108 The law, however, lacks mechanisms for external supervision of public security agencies and police, and lacks standards for imposing disciplinary and criminal sanctions on police abuses.

Although short-term administrative detention of up to 20 days for public security offenses now has a basis in national law under the PSAPL, long-term administrative detention, including RTL, is authorized only under administrative regulations and therefore violates Chinese law. The Legislation Law requires that all deprivations of personal liberty be authorized by national law, and not by administrative regulation.109 Under the criminal justice system, a Chinese citizen cannot be found guilty of any crime, even a "minor crime," without being judged guilty by a people's court.110 The Constitution makes explicit the inviolable nature of a person's liberty and further dictates:

No citizen may be arrested except with the approval or by decision of a people's procuratorate or by decision of a people's court, and arrests must be made by a public security organ. Unlawful deprivation or restriction of citizens' freedom of person by detention or other means is prohibited. . . .111

Nonetheless, Chinese authorities use RTL and other forms of long-term administrative detention to circumvent the criminal process and imprison offenders for "minor crimes," without judicial review and the procedural protections guaranteed by the Chinese Constitution and Criminal Procedure Law.112

The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) concluded that between its 1997 and 2004 visits, the Chinese government had made no significant progress in reforming the administrative detention system to ensure judicial review and to conform to international law.113 Domestic pressure is building to reform the RTL system, particularly in the National People's Congress (NPC).114 Since March 2005, the NPC has been considering a new Law on the Correction of Unlawful Acts that would provide a basis in national law for RTL.115 The draft law reportedly enhances the rights of RTL prisoners by setting a maximum sentence of 18 months, and by permitting defendants to hire a lawyer, request a hearing, and appeal sentences imposed by public security officials in RTL cases.116 Although the reforms would provide some added procedural protections, the draft law would still not provide an accused individual the opportunity to dispute the alleged misconduct and contest law enforcement accusations of guilt before an independent adjudicatory body.117 Public security officials continue to dominate the decisions of RTL administration commissions,118 which consist of officials from the public security, civil affairs, and labor bureaus.119 The Chinese government has argued that administrative detention decisions are subject to judicial review under the Administrative Procedure Law (APL), but the UNWGAD found APL review "of very little value" and maintained that "no real judicial control has been created over the procedure to commit someone to [reeducation] through labor."120

The UNWGAD also has found that the government's practice of forced psychiatric commitment of criminal offenders is a "form of deprivation of liberty, since it lacks the necessary safeguards against arbitrariness and abuse."121 The U.S. State Department estimates that there are at least 20 ankang,122 or special psychiatric institutions for mentally ill criminal offenders, in China. Public security officials can forcibly commit "political maniacs," and increasingly have done so as a measure against those who repeatedly petition the government such as Liu Xinjuan,123 or political activists such as Wang Wanxing.124 The government deprives these individuals of their liberty without judicial review.125 Treatment in these institutions is sometimes brutal, and political prisoners are held along with patients suffering from true mental illnesses.126 Upon his release in August 2005, Wang called for the government to cease psychiatric detention of those without mental illness and transfer administration of ankang hospitals from public security officials to psychiatric professionals.127 He added that the inability to object to public security officials' determination that one is mentally ill "makes it so difficult for the inmates to hope for release--more difficult than in prison or in a labor camp, where the punishments are for a fixed term."128

Torture and Abuse in Custody

Although illegal in China, torture and abuse by law enforcement officers remain widespread.129 In March 2006, Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, reported that Falun Gong practitioners make up the overwhelming majority of victims of alleged torture [see Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion--Government Persecution of Falun Gong], and that other targeted groups include Uighurs, Tibetans, human rights defenders, and political activists.130 About half of all alleged acts of torture take place in pretrial criminal detention centers or reeducation through labor (RTL) centers, and 47 percent of alleged perpetrators are police or other public security officials.131 Forms of torture and abuse cited in Nowak's report include beating, electric shock, painful shackling of the limbs, denial of medical treatment and medication, and hard labor.132 Foreign news media and NGOs reported that torture by law enforcement officers resulted in the death of at least one detainee during the past year.133

The widespread use of torture in China violates both domestic and international law. Chinese domestic law prohibits judicial officers from coercing confessions under torture or acquiring evidence through the use of force, and imposes criminal liability on police and other corrections officers who beat or maltreat prisoners, if the circumstances are particularly "serious."134 The government is further bound by the provisions of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT) that prohibit the use of torture.135 Nowak has said that the government's definition of torture under the Criminal Law and administrative regulations does not correspond fully to the international standard as outlined in Article 1 of the CAT.136 In addition, the government does not recognize the competence of the Committee against Torture authorized under the CAT to investigate allegations of systematic torture.137

Factors that perpetuate or exacerbate the problem of torture in China include a lack of procedural safeguards to protect criminal suspects and defendants, over reliance on confessions of guilt, the absence of lawyers at interrogations, inadequate complaint mechanisms, the lack of an independent judiciary, and the abuse of administrative detention measures.138 In late 2005 and early 2006, the U.S. State Department and several faith-based organizations reported that these factors and the pervasiveness of torture and abuse by public security officials contributed to the conviction of Pastor Gong Shengliang of the banned South China Church.139 Following their release from prison in late 2003 and early 2004, several female members of the church disclosed that public security officials tortured and forced them to sign statements accusing Pastor Gong of the sexual crimes for which he was ultimately convicted.140 Pastor Gong reportedly continues to be tortured in prison,141 and is confined for a life term.

The Chinese government emphasizes its ongoing efforts to pass new laws and administrative regulations preventing, punishing, and compensating cases of torture by law enforcement officers.142 Some of these new measures appeared after a series of news media reports in 2005 on wrongful convictions drew national attention to widespread abuses in the criminal justice system and the continuing problem of torture.143 In April 2005, the Sichuan provincial government prohibited the use of evidence acquired through illegal means and introduced a requirement that interrogation in "major" cases be taped.144 Other provincial governments have not followed Sichuan's lead in excluding illegally acquired evidence,145 but have shown more willingness to adopt the practice of audio and video taping of interrogations as a preventive measure against torture. In early 2006, the Supreme People's Procuratorate mandated that by October 1, 2007, all procuratorate interrogations of criminal suspects in job-related crimes such as graft and dereliction of duty be audio and video taped.146 At the March 2006 plenary session of the National People's Congress, one deputy submitted a proposal calling on the Ministry of Public Security (MPS) to mandate tapings of police interrogations in cases of crimes punishable by death.147 The MPS has announced that it will promote audio and video taping of police interrogations in homicide and organized crime cases, and that public security bureaus in economically developed areas such as Shanghai and Beijing municipalities have already adopted this practice.148 It has no formal plans for nationwide implementation.

The Chinese government recognizes that problems of misconduct, including physical abuse, exist within Chinese prisons and RTL centers, and it is making progress toward increasing accountability for such behavior. In February 2006, the Ministry of Justice (MOJ) established punishments ranging from warnings to dismissal and criminal liability for prison and RTL police found to violate prohibitions against beating, or instigating others to beat, prisoners.149 Under these new regulations, police activities will be subject to regular supervision and investigation by the MOJ and local justice bureaus, to ensure that they comply with legal requirements. Beijing municipal authorities have also imposed quality control measures on prison police that authorize warnings, demotions, and dismissals for misconduct including insults, beatings, prolonged confinement, and isolation of inmates.150

Access to Counsel and Right to Present a Defense

Most defendants in China go to trial without a lawyer, and domestic sources cite fear of law enforcement retribution and the lack of legal protections for lawyers as major factors in the low rate of representation.151 Chinese law grants criminal defendants the right to hire an attorney, but guarantees pro bono legal defense only if the defendant is a minor, faces a possible death sentence, or is blind, deaf, or mute.152 In other cases in which defendants cannot afford legal representation, courts may appoint defense counsel or the defendant may apply for legal aid.153 In late 2005, the Chinese government expanded the scope of legal aid in criminal cases and required public security bureaus and procuratorates to notify all criminal suspects of their right to apply for legal aid.154 Criminal suspects who cannot afford legal services can now make a request for legal aid as early as the investigative stage of their case, and do not have to wait until formal indictment.155 Despite these advances, lawyers represent criminal defendants in, at most, 30 percent of all cases, and the rate of representation continues to drop.156

Government abuses of provisions in the Criminal Procedure Law (CPL) have prevented some criminal defendants who are able to find lawyers from meeting with them. Under Chinese law, suspects have a right to meet with their lawyers after police interrogation or from the first day of their formal detention.157 Nevertheless, after the first interrogation, police have manipulated legal exceptions to deny lawyers access to their clients or otherwise obstruct or encumber such access.158 The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention identified China's use of the "state secrets" exception as one area of particular concern, noting that authorities apply the exception to improperly interfere with access to defense counsel.159 In late 2005, Beijing lawyer Gao Zhisheng attempted to register as defense counsel for democracy activist Xu Wanping, but authorities refused to grant him access to Xu on the grounds that the case involved "state secrets."160 Authorities also held freelance writer Yang Tongyan (who uses the pen name Yang Tianshui) without access to a lawyer or contact with his family, again citing "state secrets."161 According to Yang's lawyer, the inability of lawyers to get involved during the investigative stage is a "tacitly understood, unwritten rule" in political cases.162 Chinese scholars have urged amending the CPL to allow for lawyers to be present throughout the criminal process, beginning with the interrogation of a criminal suspect, to help guard against coerced confessions under torture and other abuses.163

Chinese law imposes procedural obstacles that make it difficult for lawyers to build and present an adequate defense. In practice, defense lawyers cannot start building a case until the official investigation ends and a case is transferred to the procuratorate.164 Even then, police and procurators often deny lawyers access to government case files and information, despite provisions in the CPL that are intended to guarantee access to those materials.165 Defense lawyers can gather information in support of their case from a witness, but must obtain the consent of the witness or permission from a procuratorate or court.166 In June and July, authorities obstructed attempts by lawyers to meet with witnesses and gather evidence in defense of legal advocate Chen Guangcheng.167 Li Jinsong, one of Chen's defense lawyers, reported that unidentified assailants attacked him during a visit to Chen's home village, and that police officers stood by and watched.168 In order to interview crime victims, defense lawyers must obtain both the consent of the victim and permission from a procuratorate or court.169 In addition, about 95 percent of witnesses in criminal cases do not appear in court to testify, in part due to hardship or fear of reprisals.170 The inability of defense lawyers to cross-examine witnesses undermines their ability to represent their clients.171 Chinese scholars involved in the discussion of potential amendments to the CPL suggest that a provision requiring witnesses to appear in court should be written into the law.172

In 2006, Chinese authorities increased restrictions on lawyers who work on politically sensitive cases or cases that draw attention from the foreign news media. The All China Lawyers Association issued a guiding opinion that restricts and subjects to punishment lawyers who handle collective cases without authorization [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice--Access to Legal Representation]. Defense lawyers have also reported that local authorities apply added pressure in cases that involve systemic problems or large groups of people.173 In April 2006, local justice bureaus in at least two provinces formalized this growing practice by issuing opinions to restrict the scope of activities that lawyers are permitted to undertake in particularly sensitive or high-profile cases [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice--Access to Legal Representation].174 The opinion issued by the justice bureau in Shenyang city, Liaoning province, emphasized the role of Chinese lawyers as protectors of social stability and builders of a harmonious society, and implied that these functions may outweigh the defense of legally protected rights.175

Law enforcement officials intimidated lawyers defending these cases by charging them, or threatening to charge them, with various crimes [see Section IV--Introduction], including "evidence fabrication" under Article 306 of the Criminal Law.176 Such charges often prove to be groundless.177 At the March 2006 plenary session of the National People's Congress, one delegate submitted a motion to eliminate the Criminal Law's provision on evidence fabrication and noted its chilling effect on criminal defense work.178 Since mid-2005, local authorities have also used harassment and violent measures against those who participated in criminal or civil rights defense in sensitive matters such as the Shaanxi oil case and Taishi recall election179 [see Section IV--Introduction]. Asia Weekly included prominent legal advocates and scholars Chen Guangcheng,180 Fan Yafeng,181 Gao Zhisheng,182 Guo Feixiong,183 Guo Guoting,184 Li Baiguang,185 Li Heping,186 Xu Zhiyong,187 Zhang Xingshui,188 Zheng Enchong,189 and Zhu Jiuhu190 among China's 14 "Icons of 2005,"191 but all have been placed under surveillance or other government restrictions after drawing news media attention to themselves and their legal cases. Zhu Jiuhu was detained during the past year. Chen Guangcheng was sentenced on August 24, 2006, to four years and three months' imprisonment, and Zheng Enchong is currently under house arrest after being released from prison on June 5, 2006. Gao Zhisheng has been held incommunicado since authorities reportedly abducted him on August 15 from his sister's home in Shandong province. Guo Feixiong was arrested and later released in late 2005, and is currently in detention after being taken from his home on September 14.

Fairness of Criminal Trials and Appeals

China's criminal justice system is strongly biased toward presumptions of guilt, particularly in cases that are high-profile or politically sensitive.192 The conviction rate for first instance criminal cases rose slightly and remained above 99 percent in 2005.193 After Chinese reports disclosed in 2005 that official malfeasance had led to the wrongful murder conviction of She Xianglin, a local court official blamed the miscarriage of justice on negligence by investigative personnel, intense public pressure, and a heavy presumption of guilt throughout the criminal process.194 The local court, city government, and public security bureau all acknowledged wrongdoing in She's case and agreed to provide compensation or subsidy based on his wrongful imprisonment, physical and emotional damages, lost wages, and reintegration into society.195 She Xianglin's case sets a potential precedent for similar claims based on wrongful conviction and imprisonment. Reports of wrongful murder convictions in Hebei, Henan, Liaoning, and Shaanxi provinces appeared in the news throughout 2005, and similarly called into question the fairness of those trials and the criminal process.196

Reports of wrongful convictions indicate that public security officials and procurators rely heavily on pretrial witness statements to support their case,197 despite provisions in the Criminal Procedure Law (CPL) that say such statements cannot serve as the sole basis for a criminal judgment.198 In February 2006, an intermediate people's court in Chongqing municipality reversed its original death sentence against a man convicted of robbery, and called into question the procuratorate's heavy reliance on pretrial statements that were later retracted during the trial.199 One Chinese legal scholar has reported that retraction of pretrial statements is increasing, and that in recent years, the reliability of pretrial statements has become increasingly suspect.200

According to one criminal defense lawyer, even when lawyers and judges believe that a defendant may be innocent, "external factors" may nonetheless lead to a criminal conviction.201 Senior court officials and Party political-legal committees continue to influence judicial decisionmaking, particularly in sensitive or important criminal cases202 [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice--The Chinese Judicial System]. In addition, Chinese procurators may appeal acquittals as a matter of right or request "adjudication supervision" from higher courts until they obtain a guilty verdict.203 In practice, procurators have incentives to do so, since they face potential liability and professional sanction for wrongful detention if a criminal suspect is acquitted.204

Chinese defendants who are judged to be guilty face limited prospects for reversal of their conviction, due to procedural and other barriers. In one case during the past year, Beijing court officials pressured house church pastor Cai Zhuohua into giving up his right to an appeal,205 even though provisions under the CPL guarantee this right.206 If an appeals court finds a case to be based on questionable or incomplete evidence, it may send the case back to a court of first instance for retrial.207 However, courts of first instance have incentives not to change their original judgments because they face potential liability and professional sanction for incorrect decisions208 [see Section VII(c) --Access to Justice--The Chinese Judicial System]. Procedural provisions do not limit the number of times an appeals court may send the case back for retrial, so some cases based on questionable or incomplete evidence have bounced back and forth between courts, sometimes for several years while the defendant remains in prison.209

Capital Punishment

Chinese criminal law includes 68 capital offenses, over half of which are non-violent crimes such as tax evasion, bribery, and embezzlement.210 The Chinese government reportedly has adopted an "execute fewer, execute cautiously" policy, but the government publishes no official statistics on the number of executions and considers this figure a state secret.211 Some Chinese sources have estimated that the annual number of executions in China is in the thousands.212

In 2006, the Chinese judiciary made reform of the death penalty review process a top priority and introduced new appellate court procedures for hearing death penalty cases. After news accounts of several wrongful murder convictions in 2005, the Supreme People's Court (SPC) convened seminars to help lower-level courts draw lessons from judgments made in error.213 In October 2005, the SPC announced that it would consolidate and reclaim the death penalty review power from provincial-level high courts, as part of a five-year court reform program for 2004 to 2008.214 Court officials emphasize that returning the power of death penalty review to the SPC will play a significant role in limiting the use of death sentences, consolidating criteria used by courts to administer those sentences, and ensuring constitutionally protected human rights.215 The SPC's five-year court program also mandates that in 2006, provincial-level high courts will begin to conduct hearings on all death penalty appeals.216 At these hearings, courts are required to conduct a "comprehensive examination" of the trial court's conclusions of fact and law, and to ensure that key witnesses, expert witnesses, procurators, and lawyers appear in court.217 Some provincial-level high courts began implementing these requirements in January 2006, and have commented that court hearings help them to minimize wrongful executions and to provide greater protection to criminal defendants.218

The Chinese government took positive steps toward reform of death penalty procedures in 2006, but legal scholars and professionals question how these steps will be implemented in practice. In 2005, provincial-level high courts reviewed nearly 90 percent of death sentences handed down in China.219 The SPC has added three criminal tribunals to cope with the additional work from reclaiming death penalty review from the high courts, and has already transferred hundreds of court personnel to staff the new tribunals.220 Scholars at the National Judges College, however, expressed concern that three new criminal tribunals would require training at least 300 new judges.221 Moreover, early reports indicate that provincial-level high courts do not agree about which cases require court hearings under the law, or about the specific procedures that they should apply to hearings.222 The SPC has not yet issued a judicial interpretation to help settle unresolved issues in the death penalty review process and further clarify its own procedures.223

Harvesting of Organs From Executed Prisoners

In July 2005, Huang Jiefu, Vice Minister of Health, became the first senior official to acknowledge that the majority of organs used in transplants in China originate from executed prisoners.224 Other officials maintain that organ harvesting is limited to a few cases in which the express consent of the condemned convicts has been obtained, and pursuant to strict legal regulations.225 In 2006, new reports from overseas medical and legal experts condemned the government's continuing practice of harvesting organs from executed prisoners without their consent.226

Existing Chinese law legalizes the harvesting of organs from executed prisoners, but does not regulate the practice in a way that conforms to international standards. Under the World Health Organization's guiding principles on human organ transplantation, organ donations by prisoners, even when reportedly voluntary, may nonetheless violate international standards if the organs are obtained through undue influence and pressure, or if insufficient information prevents the donor from understanding the consequences of consent.227 Ministry of Health regulations that became effective on July 1, 2006, include new medical standards for organ transplants in China.228 These regulations do not provide guidance, however, on what type of consent is required for taking organs from executed prisoners, and leave intact 1984 provisions that legalize organ harvesting if no one claims the prisoner's body for burial.229

Criminal Justice Exchanges

Chinese scholars and officials continued to engage foreign governments and legal experts on a range of criminal justice issues during late 2005 and 2006. Chinese law enforcement agencies expressed a growing interest in cooperating with other countries to combat transnational crime,230 and in expanding cooperation with U.S. law enforcement agencies on money laundering, fighting terrorism, and other issues.231 Numerous international conferences and legal exchanges with Western NGOs, judges, and legal experts took place, including programs on public accountability, pretrial discovery, evidence exclusion, criminal trials and procedure, bail, capital punishment, prison reform, and other subjects.232 Participants in these programs encouraged more such exchanges.233

The Chinese government continues to engage the international community on human rights and rule of law issues, including those related to the criminal justice system. The government hosted visits by the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture from November to December 2005234 and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in March 2006.235 Both UN officials commended the Chinese government for its open attitude toward increased dialogue,236 but Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, also reported that his work was monitored and obstructed by Chinese authorities.237 On May 9, 2006, China was elected to serve for a three-year term on the newly established UN Human Rights Council.238 The government's application for membership in the Council noted that it has acceded to 22 international human rights accords, including five of the seven core conventions.239 In addition, the government reports that it plans to amend its Criminal, Civil, and Administrative Procedure Laws and reform the judiciary to prepare for ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.240 As a member of the new Council, the government has pledged to fulfill its obligations under the terms of these accords,241 and is obligated under the rules of the Council to submit to peer review of its human rights record.242

Notes to Section V(b) - Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants

1 In December 2005, the Communist Party Central Committee and State Council ordered stronger controls over society and called on officials to both prevent and promptly "strike" against crime [see Section VII(d)--Democratic Governance and Legislative Reform; "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 14-16;<中办、国办转发《关于深入开展平安建设的意见》 | www.cecc.gov > Sun Chunying and Zhang Xuefeng, "Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security Spokesman Answers Questions From Press on Opinion Carrying Out Stable and Secure Development" [Zhongyang zongzhiban fuzeren jiu guanyu kaizhan pingan jianshe de yijian da jizhe], Legal Daily, reprinted in National People's Congress (Online), 5 December 05].<中央综治办负责人就关于深入开展平安建设的意见答记者 | www.npc.gov.cn > Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan spoke at a national conference on December 5 and 6, 2005, and called for a "harsh crackdown" on criminal activities to create a sound social environment for implementing the 11th Five-Year Program and building a "harmonious society." "Senior official Calls for Harsh Crackdown on All Crimes," People's Daily (Online), 7 December 05.< english.peopledaily.com.cn > Since early 2006, the Supreme People's Court and Ministry of Public Security have also repeatedly called for application of "Strike Hard" campaigns as a measure to guard against certain categories of crime and to safeguard public order. "People's Courts Will Continue to Uphold 'Strike Hard' Policy in Accordance With Law" [Renmin fayuan jiang jixu jianchi yifa "yanda" fangzhen], Xinhua (Online), 5 January 06;<人民法院将继续坚持依法“严打”方针 | news.xinhuanet.com > "Ministry of Public Security Emphasizes Need to 'Strike Hard' Against Terrorist Criminal Activities, Protect State Security" [Gonganbu qiangdiao yao yanda kongbu fanzui huodong weihu guojia anquan], Xinhua (Online), 26 January 06;<公安部强调要严打恐怖犯罪活动维护国家安全 | news.xinhuanet.com > "Ministry of Public Security Urges Use of 'Strike Hard' to Counter Social Unrest," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 5-6;< www.cecc.gov > Supreme People's Court Work Report [Zuigao renmin fayuan gongzuo baogao], 20 March 06 [hereinafter SPC Work Report];<最高人民法院工作报告 | www.chinacourt.org > Ministry of Public Security (Online), "Ministry of Public Security Announces First Quarter 2006 Nationwide Public Security Situation (Direct Feed Transcript)" [Gonganbu tongbao 2006 nian di yi jidu shehui zhi'an xingshi (tuwen zhibo)], 11 April 06.<公安部通报2006年第一季度全国社会治安形势(图文直播) | www.mps.gov.cn >

2 "Officials Ban Dozens of Papers, Seize Thousands of Political Publications, in 2005," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 6-7;< www.cecc.gov > "Inter-Agency Task Force Cracks Down on Political Publications," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 13-14;< www.cecc.gov > "Censorship Task Force Meets to Discuss 2006 Spring Campaign," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 13.< www.cecc.gov >

3 "Xinjiang Continues Crackdown on Separatism, Terrorism, and Religious Extremism," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 15;< www.cecc.gov > Han Xiaoyi, "An Iron Fist to Strike Hard Against 'Three Forces' of Splittist Activity" [Tiewan yanda "san gu shili" fenlie huodong], Tianshan Net (Online), 26 June 06.<铁腕严打“三股势力”分裂活动 | www.tianshannet.com.cn >

4 "Lhasa Conference Considers Judicial Role in Protecting Qinghai-Tibet Railway," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 12-13.< www.cecc.gov >

5 One scholar has written that the Communist Party rules by force, and that "police play a critical role in maintaining social order and political stability under the [Party's] rule." Fu Hualing, "Zhou Yongkang and the Recent Police Reform in China," 38 Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 242 (2005). Furthermore, "[w]henever the [Party] perceives that crime and disorder are posing threats to social stability and challenging the Party's legitimacy, it will mobilize the police to act swiftly and harshly to combat these challenges, disregarding most of the legal requirements developed by the routine system." Ibid., 243.

6 "Power Plant Construction Continues After Government Suppresses Villager Protests in Shanwei," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 4-5.< www.cecc.gov >

7 Ibid.< www.cecc.gov > Chinese legal advocates Gao Zhisheng and Guo Feixiong expressed outrage over proposals to allow further PAP intervention in mass incidents. Gao Zhisheng and Guo Feixiong, "Proposal to Establish a 'Shanwei Shooting Incident Civilian Fact-Finding Committee' " [Jianyi chengli "Shanwei kaiqiang shijian zhenxiang minjian diaocha weiyuanhui"], Boxun (Online), 11 January 06.<高智晟、郭飞雄：建议成立“汕尾开枪事件真相民间调查委员会” | peacehall.com > International media and NGO sources that reported on the December 6 incident provided a higher death count than the official one and criticized the government's use of violence. Both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have called for an independent investigation into the December 6 incident. Human Rights Watch (Online), "China: Dongzhou Killings Need Independent Investigation," 15 December 05;< www.hrw.org > Amnesty International (Online), "China: Police fire on crowd, killing four," 7 December 05.< news.amnesty.org > On December 20, 2005, a UN spokesperson reported that Philip Alston, the UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, had written to the Chinese government to request additional information about the Shanwei land dispute and the government's response. Stephanie Nebehay, "U.N. Sleuth Asks China About Protest Shootings," Reuters (Online), 20 December 05.< www.alertnet.org >

8 "9 Villagers in the Honghai Bay Incident in Shanwei Are Arrested" [Shanwei Honghai wan shijian 9 cunmin bei bu], Ta Kung Pao (Online), 13 December 05.<汕尾紅海灣事件9村民被捕 | www.takungpao.com > Responsibility for administrative management and command of PAP troops is shared by local public security bureaus and the Central Military Commission. In addition, each director of a local public security bureau simultaneously serves as first political commissar of the PAP troops at the same level. State Council, Central Military Commission Decision on Adjusting the Leadership and Management Systems of China's People's Armed Police [Guowuyuan, zhongyang junwei guanyu tiaozheng Zhongguo renmin wuzhuang jingcha budui lingdao guanli tizhi de jueding], issued 3 May 95, para. 1.<国务院、中央军委关于调整中国人民武装警察部队领导管理体制的决定 | www.cecc.gov >

9 "Gov't calls for more contribution by armed police," Xinhua (Online), 5 January 06;< news.xinhuanet.com > Wu Shuangzhan and Sui Mingtai, "Working Hard to Construct a Politically Reliable, Mighty, and Civilized Army" [Nuli jianshe zhengzhi kekao de weiwu zhishi wenming zhishi], Seeking Truth (Online), 1 January 06.<努力建设政治可靠的威武之师文明之师 | www.qsjournal.com.cn > PAP Commander Wu Shuangzhan and Political Commissar Sui Mingtai wrote that: "The reality of the complex struggle against enemies requires that in resolutely striking at the destructive activities of enemy forces, [the PAP] bring into full play our function as a tool of state dictatorship." Ibid. Wu and Sui further emphasized that "Taiwan independence," "Tibetan independence," "East Turkistan," "democracy movement," and "Falun Gong" enemy forces have "continually varied their techniques of carrying out disturbances and destruction, directly threatening our nation's security and social stability." Ibid.

10 Wang Pan, "Individuals Responsible for Serious Violation of Law in the Honghai Bay Development Zone, Shanwei Incident are Dealt With" [Shanwei Honghai wan kaifaqu yanzhong weifa shijian zeren ren shoudao chuli], Xinhua (Online), 24 May 06.<汕尾红海湾开发区严重违法事件责任人受到处理 | news.xinhuanet.com >

11 Ibid.; "Relevant Individuals Responsible for Honghai Bay, Shanwei Incident in Guangdong Sentenced" [Guangdong Shanwei Honghai wan shijian zhong youguan zeren ren bei panxing], Xinhua (Online), 25 May 06.<广东汕尾红海湾事件中有关责任人被判刑 | news.xinhuanet.com >

12 Maintaining public order is one major objective of the Criminal Law, and actions that "disturb public order" are criminally punishable under numerous provisions. PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 25 December 99<中华人民共和国刑法修正案 | www.cecc.gov >, 31 August 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（二） | www.cecc.gov >, 29 December 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov >, 28 December 02<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（四） | www.cecc.gov >, 28 February 05<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（五） | www.cecc.gov >, 29 June 06, art. 2<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（六） | www.cecc.gov >; ibid., part 2, ch. 6, sec. 1.

13 "Wen Jiabao Airs Views on China's Rural Issues," Xinhua, 19 January 06 (Open Source Center, 20 January 06); Wei Ran, "Wen Jiabao Cautions Mistakes Cannot be Made in Land Issues" [Wen Jiabao jinggao tudi shang bu neng fan cuowu], Voice of America (Online), 21 January 06;<温家宝警告土地问题上不能犯错误 | www.voanews.com > "Chinese PM warns on rural unrest," BBC (Online), 20 January 06.< news.bbc.co.uk >

14 Ministry of Public Security, "Ministry of Public Security Announces First Quarter 2006 Nationwide Public Security Situation (Direct Feed Transcript)."<公安部通报2006年第一季度全国社会治安形势(图文直播) | www.mps.gov.cn >

15 "Ministry of Public Security Emphasizes Need to 'Strike Hard' Against Terrorist Criminal Activities," Xinhua.<公安部强调要严打恐怖犯罪活动维护国家安全 | news.xinhuanet.com >

16 Ministry of Public Security (Online), "Ministry of Public Security Convenes a News Conference to Announce 2005 Nationwide Status of Public Security and Fires" [Gonganbu zhaokai xinwen fabuhui tongbao 2005 nian quanguo shehui zhi'an xingshi ji huozai xingshi], 20 January 06.<公安部召开新闻发布会通报2005年全国社会治安形势暨火灾形势 | www.mps.gov.cn >

17 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, sec. II.

18 "Beijing Officials Report Increase in Fines and Detentions Under New Public Security Law," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 7-8.< www.cecc.gov > See also infra, "Administrative Detention," and accompanying notes.

19 Ministry of Public Security (Online), "Ministry of Public Security Convenes Press Conference to Announce the Status of Preparations for Implementing the 'Public Security Administration Punishment Law' " [Gongan bu zhaokai xinwen fabuhui tongbao "zhi'an guanli chufa fa" shishi zhunbei qingkuang], 28 February 06.<公安部召开新闻发布会通报《治安管理处罚法》实施准备情况 | www.mps.gov.cn >

20 Fu, "Zhou Yongkang and the Recent Police Reform in China," 242 (stating that the procuratorates and the courts exercise only "limited supervisory powers" over the police).

21 PRC People's Police Law, enacted 28 February 95, arts. 42-44.< www.cecc.gov >

22 Ibid., art. 47;< www.cecc.gov > Regulations on Public Security Agency Supervision [Gongan jiguan ducha tiaoli], issued 4 June 97, art. 2.<公安机关督察条例 | www.cecc.gov >

23 "Police affairs supervision examines and corrects 330,000 cases of unjust enforcement of law over five years" [Jingwu ducha wu nian chajiu zhifa bugong wenti 33 wan jian], Legal Daily (Online), 28 February 06.<警务督察五年查纠执法不公问题33万件 | legaldaily.com.cn >

24 Ibid.<警务督察五年查纠执法不公问题33万件 | legaldaily.com.cn >

25 Wang Shu, "During Nine-Year Span, Over 10,000 People's Police Who Breached Discipline Were Suspended" [9 nian nei yu wan weiji minjing bei chu tingzhi], Beijing News (Online), 15 February 06.<9年内逾万违纪民警被处停职 | news.thebeijingnews.com >

26 Chen Peng and Liu Yihui, "3 Hunan Public Security Cadres Who Served as 'Cover' for Criminal Forces are Sentenced" [Hunan 3 ming gongan ganbu chongdang hei e shili "baohu san" bei panxing], Xinhua, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 16 April 06.<湖南３名公安干部充当黑恶势力“保护伞”被判刑 | legal.people.com.cn >

27 "Supreme People's Procuratorate Recognizes Continuing Problem of Extended Detention," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 11-12;< www.cecc.gov > Lin Shiyu, "Consolidated Work of Correcting Extended Detention Has Been Effective; 96.2 Percent Drop in New Cases of Extended Detention Throughout the Nation Last Year" [Jiuzheng chaoqi jiya gonggu gongzuo you chengxiao; quanguo qunian xin fasheng chaoqi jiya xiajiang 96.2%], Procuratorial Daily (Online), 21 May 06;<纠正超期羁押巩固工作有成效全国去年新发生超期羁押下降９６．２％ | www.jcrb.com > "Suspects' Questioning to Be Taped," Xinhua (Online), 18 January 06.< news.xinhuanet.com > See also infra, "Arbitrary Detention in the Formal Criminal Process," "Torture and Abuse in Custody," and accompanying notes.

28 "China Details New Laws of Official Abuse, Torture," Xinhua (Online), 26 July 06;< news.xinhuanet.com > Supreme People's Procuratorate Provisions on the Criteria for Filing Dereliction of Duty and Rights Infringement Cases [Zuigao renmin jianchayuan guanyu duzhi qinquan fanzui anjian li'an biaozhun de guiding], issued 29 December 05, sec. 2.<最高人民检察院关于渎职侵权犯罪案件立案标准的规定 | www.cecc.gov >

29 "Provincial Procuratorates Investigate Job-Related Crimes, Retrieve Over 21 Million in Economic Losses" [Sheng jiancha jiguan zhencha zhiwu fanzui wanhui jingji sunshi 2,100 duo wan], Hainan News Network, reprinted in Hainan Provincial Government (Online), 24 January 06;<省检察机关侦查职务犯罪挽回经济损失2100多万 | www.hainan.gov.cn > Lan Jian, "Respectable Sichuan Woman Accused of Prostitution and Beaten to Death; Husband Receives 270,000 in Compensation" [Sichuan liangjia funu bei zhi maiyin zao ousi zhangfu ling 27 wan peichang], China Court Net (Online), 8 June 06;<四川良家妇女被指卖淫遭殴死丈夫领27万赔偿 | www.chinacourt.org > "Reeducation Through Labor Prisoner Executed for Abusing to Death Fellow Inmate" [Laojiao renyuan nue si tongban bei zhixing sixing], Beijing News (Online), 7 July 06.<劳教人员虐死同伴被执行死刑 | news.thebeijingnews.com >

30 Lan Jian, "Respectable Sichuan Woman Accused of Prostitution and Beaten to Death."<四川良家妇女被指卖淫遭殴死丈夫领27万赔偿 | www.chinacourt.org >

31 "Case of Respectable Sichuan Woman [Accused of] Prostitution Goes to Trial" [Sichuan liangjia funu maiyin an kaiting], Xinhua (Online), 29 April 04.<四川良家妇女卖淫案开庭 | news.xinhuanet.com >

32 Gao Yifei, "Prime Culprit in Prison Abuse Sentenced to Death, Reflecting Sanctity of Laws" [Nue yin zhufan bei pan sixing tixian le falu zunyan], Guangming Daily Observer (Online), 7 July 06.<虐囚主犯被判死刑体现了法律尊严 | guancha.gmw.cn >

33 Guo Hongping, "Fighting Dereliction of Duty and Rights Infringement: How Many Case Leads are Waiting to be Unearthed? " [Fan duzhi qinquan: duoshao anjian xiansuo dai fajue?], Procuratorial Daily (Online), 11 July 06.<反渎职侵权：多少案件线索待发掘？ | www.jcrb.com >

34 China has signed, but has not yet ratified, the ICCPR. The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China's top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005, statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004 speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

35 UDHR, adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 48, arts. 9-10; ICCPR, adopted by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 66, entry into force 23 March 76, art. 9; infra, "Arbitrary Detention," and accompanying notes.

36 "Chinese Authorities Crack Down on Activists Before U.S. President's Visit," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 3;< www.cecc.gov > "UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Concludes Two-Week Visit to China," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 12-13;< www.cecc.gov > Manfred Nowak, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Mission to China, Advance Edited Version, 10 March 06, para. 10 [hereinafter Nowak Report].< www.ohchr.org >

37 "Li Jinping Detained Twice for Attempting to Commemorate Zhao Ziyang's Death," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 15;< www.cecc.gov > "Authorities Control Commemorations for Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 15-16.< www.cecc.gov >

38 "Official Discloses Use of Mass Roundups During NPC, CPPCC Sessions," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 5.<公安部通报预防重大治安灾害事故、保障公共安全督察情况 | www.cecc.gov >

39 "Ministry of Public Security Announces the Status of Preventing Major Public Security Disasters and Accidents, Ensuring Public Security Supervision" [Gonganbu tongbao yufang zhongda zhi'an zaihai shigu, baozhang gonggong anquan ducha qingkuang], China News Net (Online), 2 March 06.<公安部通报预防重大治安灾害事故情况(实录) | news.qq.com >

40 Crimes that "endanger state security" are listed in Part 2, Chapter 1, and those that "disturb public order" are listed in Part 2, Chapter 6, Section 1 of the Criminal Law.

41 UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, Report of the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, Mission to China, Addendum, 29 December 04, para. 23 [hereinafter UNWGAD Report].< daccessdds.un.org >

42 Nowak Report, para. 35.< www.ohchr.org >

43 Ibid., para. 34.< www.ohchr.org >

44 "China State Security Trials 'Find 99 Pct Guilty,' " Reuters (Online), 21 February 06.< www.duihua.org >

45 PRC Criminal Law, art. 103.

46 Ibid., art. 105.

47 In an article published in June 2006, Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan called for forceful measures against those who "get involved and take advantage of conflicts among the people to manufacture disturbances" or who "engage in sabotage activities under the pretense of 'rights defense.' " Luo Gan, "Deeply Launch Education in the Notion of Socialist Rule of Law; Conscientiously Strengthen the Ideology of Political and Legal Ranks and Political Construction" [Shenru kaizhan shehui zhuyi fazhi linian jiaoyu qieshi jiaqiang zhengfa duiwu sixiang zhengzhi jianshe], Seeking Truth (Online), 16 June 06.<深入开展社会主义法治理念教育切实加强政法队伍思想政治建设 | www.qsjournal.com.cn >

48 PRC Criminal Law, art. 290.

49 Ibid., arts. 290, 291. Article 290 makes it a crime to gather people to "assault a State organ, making it impossible for the State organ to conduct its work." Article 291 makes it a crime to gather people to "resist or obstruct public security administrators of the State from carrying out their duties according to law."

50 Ibid., art. 292.

51 Ibid., art. 293.

52 Ministry of Public Security, "Ministry of Public Security Convenes a News Conference to Announce 2005 Nationwide Status of Public Security and Fires."<公安部召开新闻发布会通报2005年全国社会治安形势暨火灾形势 | www.mps.gov.cn >

53 "Court Sentences Shaanxi Investor Feng Bingxian to Three Years Imprisonment," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 16-17.< www.cecc.gov >

54 "Procuratorate Indicts Feng Bingxian and Three Other Shaanxi Oil Investors," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 11.< www.cecc.gov >

55 Ibid.

56 Ibid.;< www.cecc.gov > "Draft Property Law Enters Fourth Deliberation Process" [Wuquanfa cao'an jinru si shen chengxu], Legal Daily (Online), 24 October 05.<物权法草案进入四审程序;全国人大法律委对各界意见做出全面回应 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

57 PRC Constitution, art. 13 ("the lawful private property of citizens is not to be violated").

58 See supra, "Social Unrest and Coercive Use of the Police Power," and accompanying notes.

59 "Local Officials Suppress Citizen Effort to Remove Village Committee Head in Guangdong Province," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 11.< www.cecc.gov >

60 "Guangzhou Officials Formally Arrest Peasant Rights Activist Guo Feixiong," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 6-7;< www.cecc.gov > Freedom in China, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, 3 May 06, Statement of Guo Feixiong. Guo was released in late December 2005, but authorities took him from his home in Guangzhou on September 14, 2006, and have placed him in criminal detention based on accusations of illegal operation of a publishing business. "Guangzhou Police Achieve Results in Launching 'Anti-Piracy Operation' " [Guangzhou jingfang kaizhan "fan daoban xingdong" qude chengxiao], Guangzhou Daily (Online), 15 September 06; "China Detains Top Guangdong Rights Lawyer," Radio Free Asia (Online), 15 September 06.< www.rfa.org >

61 "Guangdong Public Security Bureau Blames Mass Incidents on Rights Defender Activities," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 7-8;< www.cecc.gov > "Guangdong Clamps Down on Outside Forces Getting Involved in Rights Protection and Rejects Politicizing of Issues, Inciting Mass Disturbances" [Yue yanfang jingwai shili chashou weiquan chi jiang wenti zhengzhihua shandong qunzhong saoluan], Ming Pao Daily (Online), 24 February 06.<粵嚴防境外勢力插手維權斥將問題政治化煽動群眾騷亂 | www.mingpaonews.com >

62 The Commission's Political Prisoner Database includes profiles on more than 500 current and 3,000 past political prisoners based on available information. See infra, "Political Prisoner Database," and accompanying notes. Thousands of political prisoners are detained in China's reeducation through labor system. See infra, "Administrative Punishment," and accompanying notes.

63 A Global Review of Human Rights: Examining the State Department's 2004 Annual Report, Hearing of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations, Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives, 17 March 05, Written Statement Submitted by Michael Kozak, Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, 41, 54.< commdocs.house.gov >

64 "China State Security Trials 'Find 99 Pct Guilty,' " Reuters; John Kamm, Remarks on Crimes Without Victims, Prisoners Without Names, Foreign Correspondents' Club of Hong Kong, 21 February 06 (reporting early release or parole for 30 percent of China's 1.2 million prisoners, including only three known prisoners convicted of state security crimes).< www.duihua.org >

65 Human Rights Watch (Online), "China: Political Prisoner Exposes Brutality in Police-Run Mental Hospital," 2 November 05;< www.hrw.org > "Shenzhen Public Security Authorities Release Activist and Journalist Liu Shui," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 13;<异见人士马晓明和刘水重获有限自由 | www.cecc.gov > "Guangzhou Officials Release Activist Guo Feixiong," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 12;< www.cecc.gov > "Anti-Corruption Reporter Jiang Weiping Released from Prison One Year Early," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 18;< www.cecc.gov > "Falun Gong Practitioner Charles Lee Released, Expelled to the United States," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 14;< www.cecc.gov > "Liaoyang Labor Activist Xiao Yunliang Released From Prison 24 Days Early," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 4;< www.cecc.gov > "Authorities Release One 1989 Tiananmen Democracy Protester, Detain Another," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 6;< www.cecc.gov > "Cai Lujun, Imprisoned for Posting Internet Articles, Released at End of Sentence," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 17;< www.cecc.gov > "China Democracy Party Member Tong Shidong Released," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 14;< www.cecc.gov > "Internet Writer Luo Changfu Released After Serving Three Years for Subversion," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 18;< www.cecc.gov > "Authorities Release Shanghai Lawyer Zheng Enchong, Restrict His Speech and Movement," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > Dui Hua (Online), "Last Known Female Political Prisoner in TAR Released Early," 28 June 06;< www.duihua.org > Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), "An Underground Catholic Bishop Released After More Than 10 Years in Prison," 25 August 06.< www.cardinalkungfoundation.org >

66 A Global Review of Human Rights, Written Statement Submitted by Michael Kozak, 40, 54.< commdocs.house.gov >

67 Nowak Report, para. 60;< www.ohchr.org > Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06, sec. 1.e.< www.state.gov >

68 UN Commissioner for Human Rights, Fact Sheet #26, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention.< 193.194.138.190 > Examples of the first category include individuals who are kept in detention after the completion of their prison sentences or despite an amnesty law applicable to them, or in violation of domestic law or relevant international instruments. The rights and freedoms protected under the second category include those in Articles 7, 10, 13, 14, 18, 19, and 21 of the UDHR, and in Articles 12, 18, 19, 21, 22, 25, 26, and 27 of the ICCPR. Ibid.

69 The U.S. State Department characterized house arrest as "complete isolation in one's own home or another location under lock and guard" and noted that "[n]o publicly available laws or regulations governed conditions for house arrest." U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China, sec. 1.d.< www.state.gov >

70 "Population Planning Official Confirms Abuses in Linyi City, Shandong Province," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, October 2005, 2< www.cecc.gov >; Philip P. Pan, "Rural Activist Seized in Beijing," Washington Post (Online), 7 September 05.< www.washingtonpost.com >

71 PRC Criminal Procedure Law [hereinafter CPL], enacted 1 January 79, amended 17 March 96, art. 58; Chinese Human Rights Defenders (Online), "Activist Chen Guangcheng's House Arrest Exceeds Legal Limits, with Domestic Remedies Ineffective, CRD Submits Case to UN," 9 March 06.< crd-net.org >

72 Chinese Human Rights Defenders, "Activist Chen Guangcheng's House Arrest Exceeds Legal Limits."< crd-net.org >

73 Linyi authorities formally arrested Chen on June 21, tried him on August 18, and sentenced him to four years and three months' imprisonment on August 24. "Authorities Sentence Chen Guangcheng After Taking His Defense Team Into Custody," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 4-5;< www.cecc.gov > "Authorities Formally Arrest Legal Advocate Chen Guangcheng," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 2;< www.cecc.gov > Maureen Fan, "Chinese Rights Activist Stands Trial After Police Detain Defense Team," Washington Post (Online), 19 August 06.< www.washingtonpost.com >

74 "Authorities Postpone Trial, Target Relatives and Neighbors of Chen Guangcheng," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2006, 1-2;< www.cecc.gov > "Authorities Obstruct Publicity and Legal Defense Efforts in Chen Guangcheng Case," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2006, 4-5;< www.cecc.gov > Steven Ertelt, "China Police Take Chen Guangcheng's Wife, Allow Thugs to Beat Supporter," LifeNews (Online), 11 July 06;< www.lifenews.com > "China Formally Arrests Blind Shandong Activist," Radio Free Asia (Online), 21 June 06;< www.rfa.org > Yi Ming, "Central Government Should Guarantee That the Human Rights of Chen Guangcheng and His Lawyers are Safeguarded" [Zhongyang zhengfu ying quebao Chen Guangcheng ji qi lushi de renquan dedao baozhang], Empowerment and Rights Institute, reprinted in Chinese Human Rights Defenders (Online), 24 June 06;<中央政府应确保陈光诚及其律师的人权得到保障 | crd-net.org > Chinese Human Rights Defenders (Online), "AIDS Activist Released, Blind Activist under Illegal Detention, and More," 30 March 06; Josephine Ma, "Family of Blind Activist Detained Ahead of Press Conference in Beijing," South China Morning Post, 20 June 06 (Open Source Center, 20 June 06); Gillian Wong, "Stay Home, Friends of Activist Told," Associated Press (Online), 20 June 06.< www.thestandard.com.hk >

75 CPL, art. 64 (establishing an exception to this requirement "in circumstances where such notification would hinder the investigation or there is no way of notifying them"). The maximum period of detention prior to approval of a formal arrest is 37 days after taking into account extensions permitted by law. Ibid., art. 69.

76 Chris Buckley and Benjamin Kang Lim, "Released Chinese Dissident Plans to Sue," Reuters (Online), 29 March 06.< www.alertnet.org >

77 Alexa Olesen, "U.N. Appeals to China Over AIDS Activist," Associated Press (Online), 28 February 06.< www.chron.com >

78 Nowak Report, note 34.< www.ohchr.org >

79 Ibid.< www.ohchr.org >

80 "Consolidated Work of Correcting Extended Detention Has Been Effective; 96.2 Percent Drop in New Cases of Extended Detention Throughout the Nation Last Year," Procuratorial Daily.<纠正超期羁押巩固工作有成效全国去年新发生超期羁押下降９６．２％ | www.jcrb.com >

81 In June 2005, Beijing police claimed that they found new evidence of fraud against Zhao, so that they could hold him beyond the seven-month time limit on investigative detention. "Supreme People's Procuratorate Recognizes Continuing Problem of Extended Detention," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 11-12;< www.cecc.gov > "Beijing Court Schedules Trial of New York Times Researcher Zhao Yan for June 8," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 2-3.< www.cecc.gov > In practice, with no limit on the number of "new crimes" that police can assert under Article 128 of the CPL, suspects can be held in pretrial detention for years. Under a variety of legal exceptions and detention extension provisions such as Articles 69, 124, 126, 127, and 140 of the CPL, a suspect's pretrial detention can be extended for more than seven months even without evidence of new crimes.

82 "Beijing Court Schedules Trial of New York Times Researcher Zhao Yan for June 8," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > Jim Yardley, "China Moves to Put Jailed Times Researcher on Trial," New York Times (Online), 23 December 05.< www.nytimes.com > A Beijing court acquitted Zhao of disclosing state secrets on August 25, 2006, but sentenced him to three years' imprisonment for fraud. "Beijing Court Sentences Journalist Zhao Yan to 3 Years' Imprisonment," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 1-2.< www.cecc.gov >

83 "Beijing Court Schedules Trial of New York Times Researcher Zhao Yan for June 8," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > Jim Yardley, "Lawyers for Jailed Aide for the Times Press China for His Release," New York Times (Online), 22 March 06.< www.nytimes.com >

84 "Beijing Court Schedules Trial of New York Times Researcher Zhao Yan for June 8," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > "A Dark Signal From China," New York Times (Online), 21 May 06.< www.nytimes.com >

85 Shen Hua, "Beijing Procuratorate Resumes Prosecution Against Zhao Yan" [Beijing jianchayuan dui Zhao Yan huifu qisu], Radio Free Asia (Online), 15 May 06.<北京检察院对赵岩恢复起诉 | www.rfa.org >

86 UN Commission on Human Rights, Opinions Adopted by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, Opinion No. 33/2005, 19 October 05, 88-90;< www.ohchr.org > "Supreme People's Procuratorate Recognizes Continuing Problem of Extended Detention," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 11-12.< www.cecc.gov >

87 ICCPR, arts. 9(3) and 9(4).

88 UNWGAD Report, para. 32.< daccessdds.un.org >

89 "Consolidated Work of Correcting Extended Detention Has Been Effective; 96.2 Percent Drop in New Cases of Extended Detention Throughout the Nation Last Year," Procuratorial Daily;<纠正超期羁押巩固工作有成效全国去年新发生超期羁押下降９６．２％ | www.jcrb.com > "Supreme People's Procuratorate Recognizes Continuing Problem of Extended Detention," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 11-12.< www.cecc.gov >

90 "Consolidated Work of Correcting Extended Detention Has Been Effective; 96.2 Percent Drop in New Cases of Extended Detention Throughout the Nation Last Year," Procuratorial Daily;<纠正超期羁押巩固工作有成效全国去年新发生超期羁押下降９６．２％ | www.jcrb.com > "Supreme People's Procuratorate Recognizes Continuing Problem of Extended Detention," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 11-12.< www.cecc.gov > In 2003, the SPP passed regulations that prohibit the abuse of legal procedures to disguise the extended detention of a criminal suspect. Several Provisions from the Supreme People's Procuratorate Regarding the Prevention and Correction of Extended Detention in Procuratorial Work [Zuigao renmin jianchayuan guanyu zai jiancha gongzuo zhong fangzhi he jiuzheng chaoqi jiya de ruogan gui-ding], issued 24 September 03, para. 1.<最高人民检察院关于在检察工作中防止和纠正超期羁押的若干规定 | www.cecc.gov >

91 UDHR, arts. 10, 11(1), ICCPR, arts. 9(4), 14.

92 Ministry of Public Security, "Ministry of Public Security Convenes a News Conference to Announce 2005 Nationwide Status of Public Security and Fires;"<公安部召开新闻发布会通报2005年全国社会治安形势暨火灾形势 | www.mps.gov.cn > Ministry of Public Security (Online), "Ministry of Public Security Announces 2004 Status of Nation's Public Security Agencies' Strike Against Crime and Safeguarding of Public Order" [Gonganbu tongbao 2004 nian quanguo gongan jiguan daji xingshi fanzui weihu zhehui zhi'an qingkuang], 7 February 05.<公安部通报2004年全国公安机关打击刑事犯罪维护社会治安情况 designtimesp=13088>

93 See, e.g., the broad-ranging and vaguely worded lists of offenses in the Trial Measures on Reeducation Through Labor [Laodong jiaoyang shixing banfa], issued 21 January 82, art. 10;<劳动教养试行办法 | www.cecc.gov > Provisions on Public Security Agencies' Handling of Reeducation Through Labor Cases [Gongan jiguan banli laodong jiaoyang anjian guiding], issued 12 April 02, art. 9;<公安机关办理劳动教养案件规定 | www.cecc.gov > PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, enacted 28 August 05, chs. 2-3.< www.mps.gov.cn >

94 Wu Yihuo and Hong Jun, "Too Few Administrative Law Enforcement Cases Transferred to Judicial Organs--Relevant Anhui Research Reveals Information: Three Major Factors Influence Effective Links Between Administrative Law Enforcement and Criminal Law Enforcement" [Xingzheng zhifa anjian yisong sifa jiguan taishao, Anhui youguan yanjiuban touchu xinxi: san da yinsu yingxiang xingzheng zhifa yu xingshi zhifa youxiao xianjie], Procuratorial Daily (Online), 31 January 05.<行政执法案件移送司法机关太少 | www.jcrb.com >

95 Various analysts estimate that between 2 percent and 10 percent of those sentenced to reeducation through labor are political detainees. Veron Mei-Ying Hung, "Reassessing Reeducation Through Labor," 2 China Rights Forum 35 (2003);< www.hrichina.org > Randall Peerenboom, "Out of the Frying Pan and Into the Fire," 98 Northwestern University Law Review 991, 1000-01 and accompanying notes (2004); Jim Yardley, "Issue in China: Many in Jails Without Trial," New York Times (Online), 9 May 05.< www.nytimes.com >

96 Trial Measures on Reeducation Through Labor, art. 10;<劳动教养试行办法 | www.cecc.gov > Provisions on Public Security Agencies' Handling of Reeducation Through Labor Cases, art. 9;<公安机关办理劳动教养案件规定 | www.cecc.gov > PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, chs. 2-3.< www.mps.gov.cn >

97 PRC Criminal Law, ch. 3, sec. 1-3.

98 Nowak Report, para. 64.< www.ohchr.org > Article 10.3 of the ICCPR provides that, "The penitentiary system shall comprise treatment of prisoners the essential aim of which shall be their reformation and social rehabilitation." In response to characterization of forced reeducation as a form of inhuman or degrading treatment, Chinese authorities have maintained that RTL helps transition detainees back into society.

99 UNWGAD Report, paras. 40, 41.< daccessdds.un.org > As of March 1, 2006, the Public Security Administration Punishment Law has replaced the Regulations on Public Security Administration Punishment mentioned in the UNWGAD Report.

100 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China, sec. 1.d.< www.state.gov >

101 Ibid.< www.state.gov >

102 Nowak Report, para. 63;< www.ohchr.org > State Council Decision on the Question of Reeducation Through Labor [Guowuyuan guanyu laodong jiaoyang wenti de jueding], issued 3 Aug 57, para. 2;<国务院关于劳动教养问题的决定 | www.cecc.gov > "Last year's rate of resettling those released from prison or reeducation through labor near 90 percent" [Xingshi jiejiao renyuan qunian anzhilu jin jiucheng], China Legal Publicity (Online), 3 March 06;<刑释解教人员去年安置率近九成 | www.legalinfo.gov.cn > Yardley, "Issue in China: Many in Jails Without Trial."< www.nytimes.com >

103 Nowak Report, para. 62.< www.ohchr.org >

104 "Security Laws Tackle Most Sensitive Issues," China Daily (Online), 2 March 06.< www.chinadaily.com.cn >

105 PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, art. 27.< www.mps.gov.cn >

106 Ibid., art. 55.< www.mps.gov.cn >

107 Ministry of Public Security, "Ministry of Public Security Convenes Press Conference to Announce the Status of Preparations for Implementing the 'Public Security Administration Punishment Law.'"<公安部召开新闻发布会通报《治安管理处罚法》实施准备情况 | www.mps.gov.cn >

108 PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, art. 116.< www.mps.gov.cn >

109 Under Chinese law, punishments that involve a restriction on personal liberty may only be established by national law. PRC Legislation Law, enacted 15 March 00, art. 8(v); PRC Administrative Punishment Law, enacted 17 March 96, arts. 9, 10.

110 CPL, art. 12.

111 PRC Constitution, art. 37.

112 Freedom House (Online), 2005 China Country Report.< www.freedomhouse.org > In its December 2004 report, the UNWGAD found, "The operation of the laws governing decision-making on placement in a [reeducation] through [labor] camp is, however, highly problematic. From reliable sources, including interviews with persons affected, it is clear that in the overwhelming majority of cases, a decision on placement in a [reeducation] center is not taken within a formal procedure provided by law. The commission vested with power to take this decision in practice never or seldom meets, the person affected does not appear before it and is not heard, no public and adversarial procedure is conducted, no formal and reasoned decision on placement is taken (or issued for the person affected). Thus, the decision-making process completely lacks transparency. In addition, recourse against decisions are [sic] often considered after the term in a center has been served." UNWGAD Report, para. 58.< daccessdds.un.org >

113 UNWGAD Report, paras. 16, 45;< daccessdds.un.org > ICCPR, arts. 9, 14.

114 In 2003, 127 NPC delegates raised the issue of reforming RTL. At the 2004 NPC plenary session, this number increased to 420, or approximately one-tenth of the entire NPC body. NPC delegates at the 2005 plenary session submitted six motions to expedite RTL reform, and in January 2006, the NPC Standing Committee added the draft law for reforming RTL to its legislative plan for 2006. Gao Yifei, "Why NPC Delegates Propose Reforming the Reeducation Through Labor System" [Renmin daibiao weihe tiyi gaige laojiao zhidu], Boxun (Online), 29 April 06.<高一飞：人大代表为何提议改革劳教制度 | peacehall.com >

115 Liao Weihua, "Reeducation Through Labor System Faces Change; Law on Correction of Unlawful Acts To Be Formulated" [Laojiaozhi mianlin biangai jiang zhiding weifa xingwei jiaozhifa], Beijing News, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 2 March 05.<我国劳教制度面临变革将订违法行为矫治法 | news.xinhuanet.com >

116 Ibid.<我国劳教制度面临变革将订违法行为矫治法 | news.xinhuanet.com >

117 "Reeducation Through Labor 'Changes Names' " [Laojiao "gengming"], China Business View (Online), 4 March 05.<劳教“更名” | hsb.huash.com >

118 Nowak Report, para. 33;< www.ohchr.org > U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China, sec. 1.d.< www.state.gov >

119 Gao, "Why NPC Delegates Propose Reforming the Reeducation Through Labor System."<高一飞：人大代表为何提议改革劳教制度 | peacehall.com >

120 UNWGAD Report, paras. 56, 73.< daccessdds.un.org > Individuals can appeal under the APL for a reduction in, or suspension of, a RTL sentence, but these appeals are rarely successful. U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China, sec. 1.d;< www.state.gov > Hung, "Reassessing Reeducation Through Labor," 37-38.< www.hrichina.org >

121 UNWGAD Report, para. 64.< daccessdds.un.org >

122 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China, sec. 1.d.< www.state.gov >

123 Human Rights in China (Online), "Petitioner Liu Xinjuan Sent to Psychiatric Hospital, Petitioner Xu Zhengqing Loses Appeal on 3-Year Sentence," 20 January 06;< www.cecc.gov > Shanghai Places Petitioners Under House Arrest and Detention, Even Sends Them to Psychiatric Hospitals" [Shanghai jiang shangfangzhe ruanjin juliu shenzhi songjin jingshen bing yuan], Radio Free Asia (Online), 28 February 06;<上海将上访者软禁拘留甚至送进精神病院 | www.rfa.org > Human Rights in China (Online), "Petitioner Liu Xinjuan Forcibly Admitted to Mental Hospital for the Fifth Time," 22 June 06.< www.hrichina.org >

124 Robin Munro, A Question of Criminal Madness: Judicial Psychiatry and Political Dissent in the People's Republic of China, 13, 322-43, September 2004 (doctoral thesis on file with the Commission); Human Rights Watch, "China: Political Prisoner Exposes Brutality in Police-Run Mental Hospital."< www.hrw.org >

125 Robin Munro, A Question of Criminal Madness; Georg Blume, "Electroshocks Against the Freedom Virus" [Elektroschocks gegen das Virus Freiheit], Die Zeit (Online), 3 November 05.< www.zeit.de >

126 For a description of sometimes arbitrary and brutal treatment in these institutions, see Robin Munro, A Question of Criminal Madness.

127 Ya Wei, "Confined to Psychiatric Institute for Many Years, Chinese Dissident Wang Wanxing is Released" [Duo nian bei guan jingshen bing yuan Zhongguo yijianzhe huoshi], Voice of America (Online), 2 November 05.<多年被关精神病院中国异见者获释 | www.voanews.com >

128 Blume, "Electroshocks Against the Freedom Virus."< www.zeit.de >

129 Nowak Report, para. 45;< www.ohchr.org > Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (Online), "Special Rapporteur on Torture Highlights Challenges at End of Visit to China," 2 December 05;< www.unhchr.ch > "UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Concludes Two-Week Visit to China," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 12-13.< www.cecc.gov >

130 Nowak Report, para. 42.< www.ohchr.org >

131 Ibid., paras. 43-44.< www.ohchr.org >

132 Ibid., para. 45.< www.ohchr.org >

133 Shanghai businessman Du Ronglin, an active petitioner against forced eviction, died two days after his release from detention on March 17, 2006. According to a medical report from the hospital that notified Du's family of his death, the cause of death was internal bleeding in his brain and abdomen, resulting from external impact. Du previously wrote in a letter that he had been beaten in the head and stomach. "Man Dies After Torture in Custody: Rights Group," South China Morning Post (Online), 12 April 06;< china.scmp.com > Chinese Human Rights Defenders (Online), "Internet Writer Trial Set to Open, Disappeared Hunger Striker Resurfaces," 9 April 06.

134 PRC Criminal Law, arts. 247, 248. A "judicial officer" is defined as one who "exercises the functions of investigation, prosecution, adjudication, and supervision and control." Ibid., art. 94. The Special Rapporteur on Torture notes that the Supreme People's Procuratorate, which directly handles all investigations of torture, restricts application of both Articles 247 and 248 so that law enforcement officials are prohibited from acting or punishable for abuses in just a small number of enumerated cases. Nowak Report, para. 16.< www.ohchr.org > New regulations effective July 2006 expand the number of punishable scenarios from five to eight (in cases of coercing a confession under torture) and from five to seven (in cases of acquiring evidence through the use of force and prisoner maltreatment). Supreme People's Procuratorate Provisions on the Criteria for Filing Dereliction of Duty and Rights Infringement Criminal Cases, sec. II, paras. 3-5.

135 The Chinese government ratified the CAT in 1988. In addition, Article 5 of the UDHR states: "No one shall be subjected to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment."

136 Nowak Report, para. 17.< www.ohchr.org >

137 Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (Online), Declaration and Reservations to the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, 23 April 04.< www.unhchr.ch > By contrast, the United States has declared that it recognizes the competence of the Committee against Torture.

138 Nowak Report, paras. 53-57.< www.ohchr.org >

139 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 November 05, sec. 2;< www.cecc.gov > China Aid Association (Online), "An Open Letter to President Bush from South China Church," 18 November 05;< www.chinaaid.org > "Videotaped Testimony of Three Tortured Sisters of the South China Church" [San wei shou kuxing de Huanan jiaohui jiemei luxiang jianzheng], Boxun (Online), 8 April 06.<三位受酷刑的华南教会姐妹录像见证 | peacehall.com >

140 U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China, sec. 2;< www.cecc.gov > "Videotaped Testimony of Three Tortured Sisters of the South China Church," Boxun.<三位受酷刑的华南教会姐妹录像见证 | peacehall.com > See also China Aid Association, "An Open Letter to President Bush from South China Church."< www.chinaaid.org >

141 Christian Solidarity Worldwide (Online), "China: Current Developments and Cases of Concern," 9 November 05;< cicus.org > "An Open Letter to President Bush from South China Church."< www.chinaaid.org >

142 "Foreign Ministry Spokesman Qin Gang's Press Conference on 6 December 2005," Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Online), 7 December 05.< www.fmprc.gov.cn >

143 In March 2006, the All China Lawyers Association Defense Lawyer Web site included the wrongful convictions of Nie Shubin and She Xianglin among its list of 2005's top criminal cases. "Of Interest: 2005's Major Criminal Cases" [Guanzhu: 2005 zhongda xingshi anjian], Defense Lawyer Net (Online), 28 March 06.<关注：2005重大刑事案件 | www.xingbian.cn > For an analysis of the Nie and She cases, see CECC, 2005 Annual Report, sec. III(b).

144 Liu Dehua, "Statements That Have Been Coerced Cannot Serve as Evidence," [Bi chu lai de kougong bu neng zuowei zhengju], Procuratorial Daily (Online), 13 April 05;<逼出来的口供不能作为证据 | www.jcrb.com > "Sichuan High People's Court, Procuratorate, and Public Security Bureau Issue Joint Document Strictly Prohibiting Coerced Confessions Under Torture" [Sichuan gaoyuan jiancha gonganting lianhe fawen yanjin xingxun bigong], Chengdu Economic Daily, reprinted in Defense Lawyer Net (Online), 21 April 05.<四川高院检察院公安厅联合发文严禁刑讯逼供 | www.xingbian.cn >

145 Under current Chinese law and judicial interpretations, judges have the discretion to exclude illegally obtained evidence, and such evidence may not form the basis for a judgment. However, they are not required to exclude such evidence. Supreme People's Court Interpretation on Several Issues Regarding Implementation of the PRC Criminal Procedure Law [Zuigao renmin fayuan guanyu zhixing "Zhonghua renmin gongheguo xingshi susong fa" ruogan wenti de jieshi], issued 29 June 98;<最高人民法院关于执行《中华人民共和国刑事诉讼法》若干问题的解释 | www.law-lib.com > Nowak Report, para. 37.< www.ohchr.org >

In December 2005, Hebei province mandated punishment for officials who use illegal means to acquire evidence and prohibited the use of such evidence as a basis for arrests, prosecutions, or criminal verdicts in that province. "Hebei Provincial Government Issues Opinion Prohibiting Torture to Obtain Evidence," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 3.< www.cecc.gov > Liu Ruichuan, president of the Hebei provincial high court, acknowledged that the opinion comes in the wake of law enforcement abuses that led to wrongful conviction cases such as Nie Shubin's in Hebei. "Concern and Progress: 2005 Inventory of 'Hebei Progress on Rule of Law' " [Guanghuai yu jinbu--2005 "Hebei fazhi jincheng" niandu jingdian pandian], Yanzhao Metropolis Daily (Online), 27 December 05.<关怀与进步——2005“河北法治进程”年度经典盘点 | www.xinhuanet.com > The Hebei opinion does not require the exclusion of illegally acquired evidence at trial.

146 "Suspects' Questioning to Be Taped," Xinhua;< news.xinhuanet.com > Xiao We, "Dividing Into Three Steps Implementation of Synchronized Audio and Video Taping During Interrogation" [Fen san bu tuixing xunwen quancheng tongbu luyin luxiang], Procuratorial Daily (Online), 18 January 06.<分三步推行讯问全程同步录音录像 | www.jcrb.com >

147 "Chinese Legislator Proposes Taping Police Interrogations to Prevent Torture," Xinhua (Online), 6 March 06.

148 "MPS Supports Taping Interrogations, But Has No Plans for Nationwide Implementation," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 7;< www.cecc.gov > Ministry of Public Security, "Ministry of Public Security Announces First Quarter 2006 Nationwide Public Security Situation (Direct Feed Transcript)."<公安部通报2006年第一季度全国社会治安形势(图文直播) | www.mps.gov.cn >

149 "Ministry of Justice Issues Prohibitions to Restrain Prison and RETL Police Abuses," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 4.< www.cecc.gov >

150 "Beijing Prison Police Will Implement Six Prohibitions Next Year" [Beijing jianyu jingcha mingnian shishi liu tiao jinling], Xinhua (Online), 15 December 05.<北京监狱警察明年实施六条禁令 | news.xinhuanet.com >

151 Mo Shaoping, Remarks on Legislative and Implementation Problems in China's Criminal Law, George Washington University Law School, 13 October 05; Qin Xudong, "Who Will Protect the Lawyers? " [Shei lai baohu lushi], 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 18 April 06.<谁来保护律师 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn >

152 CPL, arts. 33, 34; Regulations on Legal Aid [Falu yuanzhu tiaoli], issued 16 July 03, art. 12.<法律援助条例 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

153 CPL, art. 34; Regulations on Legal Aid, arts. 11-13.<法律援助条例 | www.legaldaily.com.cn > The SPC reported that it appointed pro bono legal defense to 117,407 criminal suspects meeting conditions for legal aid in 2005. SPC Work Report, 20 March 06.<最高人民法院工作报告 | www.chinacourt.org >

154 "Central Government Expands Provision of Legal Aid in Criminal Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 5-6;< www.cecc.gov > Provisions on Legal Aid Work in Criminal Litigation [Guanyu xingshi susong falu yuanzhu gongzuo de guiding], issued 28 September 05, art. 4.<最高人民法院、最高人民检察院、公安部、司法部关于刑事诉讼法律援助工作的规定 | www.cecc.gov >

155 Ibid.<最高人民法院、最高人民检察院、公安部、司法部关于刑事诉讼法律援助工作的规定 | www.cecc.gov > Article 151(2) of the CPL previously required appointment of pro bono legal defense only at the indictment stage, after receipt of a bill of prosecution from the procuratorate.

156 "NPC Delegate Zhang Yan Proposes Elimination of Criminal Law Article 306" [Zhang Yan daibiao jianyi feichu xingfa di san bai ling liu tiao], Legal Daily (Online), 9 March 06;<张燕代表建议废除刑法第三百零六条 | www.legaldaily.com.cn > Mo Shaoping, Remarks on Legislative and Implementation Problems in China's Criminal Law.

157 CPL, art. 96.

158 CECC Staff Interviews; UNWGAD Report, paras. 35-38;< daccessdds.un.org > Xu Zhusi, "It Is Difficult to Be a Chinese Criminal Lawyer; Mo Shaoping Analyzes Reasons" [Zhongguo xingshi lushi nan zuo Mo Shaoping pouxi yuanyin], Epoch Times (Online), 13 October 05.<中国刑事律师难做莫少平剖析原因 | www.epochtimes.com >

159 UNWGAD Report, para. 36.< daccessdds.un.org > Article 96 of the CPL provides: "If a case involves [s]tate secrets, the criminal suspect shall have to obtain the approval of the investigation organ for appointing a lawyer."

160 "Court Sentences Xu Wanping to 12 Years Imprisonment for Inciting Subversion," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 17-18.< www.cecc.gov >

161 "Authorities in Jiangsu Arrest Writer Yang Tianshui on Suspicion of Subversion," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 19-20.< www.cecc.gov >

162 Ibid.< www.cecc.gov > Yang's lawyer stated: "Public security typically uses [the excuse of state secrets]. Actually, in many cases the issue doesn't exist, but under present conditions it is not even possible to verify whether a case involves state secrets." "Special Interview: Defense Lawyer Li Jianqiang Discusses Case of Yang Tianshui" [Zhuanfang: bianhu lushi Li Jianqiang tan Yang Tianshui an], Epoch Times (Online), 11 February 06.<辩护律师李建强谈杨天水案 | www.epochtimes.com > See also "Defending Political Cases Is Too Difficult," Deutsche Welle (Online), 21 April 06.< www.dw-world.de >

163 "Scholars Complete Working Draft of Revised Criminal Procedure Law," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 17-18;< www.cecc.gov > "Behind the Criminal Procedure Law's Two Revisions Over 10 Years: Witnesses Must Appear to Testify in Court" [Xingshi susong fa shi nian liang ci xiugai beihou: zhengren bixu chuting zuo zheng], CRI (Online), 11 October 05.<刑事訴訟法十年兩次修改背後:證人必須出庭作證 | big5.chinabroadcast.cn >

164 Under Article 36 of the CPL, the defense may not examine and duplicate official materials related to the case until after the case is transferred to the procuratorate for prosecution.

165 CECC Staff Interview; Xu Zhusi, "It Is Difficult to Be a Chinese Criminal Lawyer."<中国刑事律师难做莫少平剖析原因 | www.epochtimes.com > See also, e.g., UNWGAD Report, para. 35.< daccessdds.un.org >

166 CPL, art. 37.

167 "Authorities Obstruct Publicity and Legal Defense Efforts in Chen Guangcheng Case," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2006, 4-5.< www.cecc.gov >

168 Josephine Ma, "Activist's Lawyer Attacked in Village," South China Morning Post (Online), 28 June 06;< china.scmp.com > Ding Xiao, "Lawyers Take Risks to Videotape in Linyi, Expose Official and Police Persecution of Chen Guangcheng" [Lushi Linyi maoxian luxiang jie guan jing pohai Chen Guangcheng], Radio Free Asia (Online), 28 June 06.<律师临沂冒险录像揭官警迫害陈光诚 | www.rfa.org >

169 CPL, art. 37.

170 Xu Zhusi, "It Is Difficult to Be a Chinese Criminal Lawyer;"<中国刑事律师难做莫少平剖析原因 | www.epochtimes.com > Liang Shubin and Cao Jiyang, "What Does a Witness' Unwillingness to Testify Demonstrate? " ["Zhengren bu yuan zuo zheng" shuoming le shenme?], Legal Daily (Online), 6 April 06.<“证人不愿作证”说明了什么？ | legaldaily.com.cn > At least one Supreme People's Court judge has suggested legislative reform that will provide economic compensation and witness protection to witnesses appearing in court. Wu Jing, "In Some Basic People's Courts, Less Than 1 Percent of Witnesses Appear in Court" [Yi xie jiceng fayuan zhengren chuting lu bu zu 1 percent], People's Daily (Online), 1 June 06.<一些基层法院证人出庭率不足１％ | legal.people.com.cn >

171 Under the CPL, "the testimony of a witness may be used as the basis in deciding a case only after the witness has been questioned and cross-examined in the courtroom by both sides." CPL, art. 47.

172 "Scholars Complete Working Draft of Revised Criminal Procedure Law," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 17-18;< www.cecc.gov > "Behind the Criminal Procedure Law's Two Revisions Over 10 Years," CRI.<刑事訴訟法十年兩次修改背後:證人必須出庭作證 | big5.chinabroadcast.cn >

173 CECC Staff Interviews.

174 "Henan Justice Bureau Bans Lawyers From Using Media in Sensitive Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 5-6;< www.cecc.gov > "ACLA, Justice Bureau Opinions Restrict Lawyer Involvement in Sensitive, Mass Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 4-5.< www.cecc.gov >

175 Huo Shiming, "Shenyang Lawyers Must Seek Advisory Opinions When Taking on Sensitive Cases," [Shenyang lushi chengban mingan anjian xu qingshi], Legal Daily (Online), 20 April 06.<沈阳律师承办敏感案件须请示 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

176 UNWGAD Report, para. 38.< daccessdds.un.org > Over 300 lawyers are currently estimated to be in custody under Article 306. "Defending Political Cases Is Too Difficult," Deutsche Welle.< www.dw-world.de >

177 According to one prominent Beijing lawyer, over 80 percent of the 500 lawyers taken into custody between 1997 and 2002 have been cleared of wrongdoing. Mo Shaoping, Remarks on Legislative and Implementation Problems in China's Criminal Law.

178 "NPC Delegate Zhang Yan Proposes Elimination of Criminal Law Article 306," Legal Daily.<张燕代表建议废除刑法第三百零六条 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

179 "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4.< www.cecc.gov > See also supra, "Political Crimes," and accompanying notes; "Lawyer Fighting for Oil Investors Gets 1-Year Bail," South China Morning Post (Online), 23 September 05;< china.scmp.com > "Lawyers Pushed Out of Oilfield Struggle in Shaanxi," South China Morning Post (Online), 25 September 05;< china.scmp.com > Philip P. Pan, "China Shutters Prominent Lawyer's Firm," Washington Post (Online), 6 November 05;< www.washingtonpost.com > Joseph Kahn, "Rebel Lawyer Takes China's 'Unwinnable' Cases," New York Times (Online), 12 December 05;< www.iht.com > "China Fires Lawyers Linked With Taishi Village Standoff," Radio Free Asia (Online), 14 December 05.< www.rfa.org >

180 See supra, "Arbitrary Detention in the Formal Criminal Process," and accompanying notes.

181 "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > "Three Rights Defenders Not Allowed to Participate in U.S. Forum" [San wei weiquan renshi bei ju fu Mei canjia luntan], Radio Free Asia (Online), 2 May 06 (discussing Fan Yafeng, Gao Zhisheng, and Zhang Xingshui).<三名维权人士被拒赴美参加论坛 | www.rfa.org >

182 "Beijing Officials Order Gao Zhisheng to Shut Down His Law Firm," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December, 2005, 11-12;< www.cecc.gov > "Human Rights Defenders Launch Hunger Strike to Protest Government Oppression," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March, 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > "Three Rights Defenders Not Allowed to Participate in U.S. Forum," Radio Free Asia;<三名维权人士被拒赴美参加论坛 | www.rfa.org > Pan, "China Shutters Prominent Lawyer's Firm;"< www.washingtonpost.com > Kahn, "Rebel Lawyer Takes China's 'Unwinnable' Cases."< www.iht.com >

183 "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4.< www.cecc.gov > See also supra, "Political Crimes," and accompanying notes.

184 "Chinese Defense Lawyer Guo Guoting Arrives in Canada," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2005, 4-5;< www.cecc.gov > "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > Bill Savadove, "Justice Remains Shanghaied in City's Law Courts," South China Morning Post (Online), 7 February 06 (reporting Guo's flight to Canada);< china.scmp.com > "Radio France Internationale: Guo Guoting, a Renowned Chinese Lawyer, Published his Resignation from the Chinese Communist Party," Clear Harmony (Online), 16 June 05 (reporting Guo's house arrest and arrival in Canada);< www.clearharmony.net > "Lawyer for Several Journalists and Cyberdissidents Banned from Practicing for One Year," Reporters Without Borders (Online), 4 March 05 (reporting suspension of Guo's law license).< www.cecc.gov >

185 "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > Gao Zhisheng, "Following Last Week's Raid, Police of Beijing Again Illegally Raided Church of Ark Today," China Aid Association (Online), 15 January 06 (detailing raid of house church and physical attack on Li Baiguang).< www.chinaaid.org >

186 "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > Jiang Tianyong, "When Lawyer Li Heping and I Met With Gao Zhisheng, We Were Illegally Obstructed by Plainclothes Officers" [Jiang Tianyong: wo yu Li Heping lushi huijian Gao Zhisheng bei bianyi jingcha feifa zunao], Boxun (Online), 10 March 06.<江天勇：我与李和平律师会见高智晟被便衣警察非法阻挠 | peacehall.com >

187 "Human Rights Defenders Launch Hunger Strike to Protest Government Oppression," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > Xu Zhiyong, "Encountering the Linyi Government's Thuggish Criminal Syndicate" [Xu Zhiyong: zaoyu Linyi zhengfu liumang heishehui], Boxun (Online), 7 October 05.<许志永：遭遇临沂政府流氓黑社会 | peacehall.com >

188 "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > "Three Rights Defenders Not Allowed to Participate in U.S. Forum," Radio Free Asia.<三名维权人士被拒赴美参加论坛 | www.rfa.org >

189 "Authorities Impose Special Procedures on Release of Shanghai Lawyer Zheng Enchong," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 7-8;< www.cecc.gov > "Authorities Release Shanghai Lawyer Zheng Enchong, Restrict His Speech and Movement," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > Amnesty International (Online), "China: Jailed Lawyer Beaten After Asking for Piece of Paper," 20 December 05.< www.amnesty.org.uk >

190 "Prominent Chinese Lawyers Call on Lawyers Association to Investigate the Detention of Zhu Jiuhu," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2005, 7-8;< www.cecc.gov > "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4;< www.cecc.gov > "Zhu Jiuhu Has Returned to Beijing, Suspected of Receiving Pressure, Journalists Await His Landing in Vain" [Zhu Jiuhu yi hui Beijing, yi shoudao yali, jiejizhe pukong], Radio Free Asia (Online), 20 September 05;<朱久虎已回北京，疑受到压力，接机者扑空 | www.rfa.org > "Open Appeal Concerning the Case of Lawyer Zhu Jiuhu [Guanzhu Zhu Jiuhu lushi an de gongkai huyushu], Epoch Times (Online), 22 August 05;<关注朱久虎律师案的公开呼吁书 | www.epochtimes.com > Mure Dickie, "Shaanxi Arrests Highlight Doubts Over the Rule of Law in China," Financial Times (Online), 20 August 05;< news.ft.com > Chinese Human Rights Defenders (Online), "Urgent Appeal to the National People's Congress Standing Committee, Et Al. Regarding the Rights Defense Case of Private Investors in Yulin, Shaanxi" [Jiu Shaanxi Yulin minying touzizhe weiquan an quanguo renda changweihui (deng) jinji huyushu], 14 July 05.<就陕西榆林民营投资者维权案全国人大常委会[等]。。。紧急呼吁书 | crd-information.blogspot.com >

191 "China's Rights Defense Lawyers, Rule of Law Pioneers," Asia Weekly (Online), 25 December 05;<中國維權律師法治先鋒 | www.yzzk.com > "Hong Kong Newspaper Highlights Government Repression of Lawyers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 3-4.< www.cecc.gov >

192 See supra, "Political Crimes," and accompanying text.

193 Criminal courts of first instance found 844,717 suspects guilty of crimes in 2005 and found only 2,162 defendants not guilty. SPC Work Report, 20 March 06.<最高人民法院工作报告 | www.chinacourt.org > Findings of guilt rose about 10 percent from the 767,951 figure in 2004, while findings of not guilty dropped about 28 percent from the 2,996 figure. Supreme People's Court Work Report [Zuigao renmin fayuan gongzuo baogao], 8 March 05.< www.legaldaily.com.cn >

194 "Tracking Miscarriage of Justice in the She Xianglin Wife Murder Case: Court Vice President Provides New Explanations for the Reasons Behind Miscarriage of Justice" [She Xianglin sha qi yuanan zhuizong: fayuan fu yuanzhang xin jie yuanan chengyin], Shanghai Daily (Online), 9 April 05.<佘祥林杀妻冤案追踪：法院副院长新解冤案成因 | www.jfdaily.com.cn >

195 "Public Security Bureau Compensates She Xianglin for Wrongful Imprisonment," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 16.< www.cecc.gov >

196 "Nie Shubin Miscarriage of Justice Murder Case Unresolved; Public Calls for External Investigation to Guard Against 'Compromising [the Case]' " ["Nie Shubin yuan sha an" xuan erweijue fang "gou dui" gongzhong yu yidi diaocha], Southern Weekend (Online), 29 March 05;<“聂树斌冤杀案”悬而未决　防“勾兑”公众吁异地调查 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn > "Why Not Compensate Eight Years of Wrongful Imprisonment? " [Ba nian yuan yu weihe bu peichang], Legal Daily (Online), 18 April 05;<八年冤狱为何不赔偿 | www.legaldaily.com.cn > Joseph Kahn, "Deep Flaws, and Little Justice, in China's Court System," New York Times (Online), 20 September 05;< www.cecc.gov > "14-Year Miscarriage of Justice: Wife Murderer and 'Liaoning's She Xianglin' Li Huwei Receives State Compensation" [14 nian sha qi yuanan "Liaoning She Xianglin" Li Huwei huo guojia peichang], People's Daily (Online), 15 April 05;<14年杀妻冤案 "辽宁佘祥林"李化伟获国家赔偿 | legal.people.com.cn > Mure Dickie, "Miscarriage of Justice Puts Chinese Police in Dock," Financial Times (Online), 10 June 05.< news.ft.com >

197 See, e.g., Zhang Guanghua, "She Xianglin's Lawyer Says That Lessons Should Be Drawn From Unjust Case" [She Xianglin lushi cheng ying cong yuanan xiqu jiaoxun], Voice of America (Online), 16 February 06.<佘祥林律师称应从冤案吸取教训 | www.voanews.com >

198 Responses provided during interrogation may later be used as evidence at trial, but a court cannot convict and sentence a defendant "if there is only his statement but no evidence." CPL, arts. 46, 93.

199 "Chongqing Court Exonerates Man Who Retracted Coerced Confession," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 13;< www.cecc.gov > Qin Liwen, "After Two Years, Cao Hongbing Verdict Ultimately Overturned and Not Guilty" [Lishi liang nian Cao Hongbing zhong bei gai pan wuzui], Legal Daily (Online), 2 March 06.<历时两年曹红兵终被改判无罪 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

200 "Coercion of Confessions by Torture Not Convenient to Use? Beijing Handling of Cases Will Weaken Oral Statements, Strengthen Evidence" [Xingxun bigong bu hao shi le? Beijing ban an jiang ruo kougong qiang zhengju], Beijing Youth Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 14 February 06.<刑讯逼供不好使了？北京办案将弱口供强证据 | news.xinhuanet.com >

201 "Defending Political Cases Is Too Difficult," Deutsche Welle.< www.dw-world.de >

202 Ibid.;< www.dw-world.de > CECC Staff Interviews; Veron Mei-Ying Hung, "Judicial Reform in China: Lessons from Shanghai," 58 Carnegie Papers 10-11 (April 2005).< www.carnegieendowment.org >

203 CPL, arts. 181, 185-86.

204 Under Chinese law, procuratorates may be required to pay criminal compensation for wrongful arrest and prosecution if defendants are found not guilty. PRC State Compensation Law, enacted 12 May 94, art. 15. Procuratorates appealed 10,107 acquittals in 2005. Of these, 2,677 resulted in a change in the original judgment. SPC Work Report, 20 March 06.<最高人民法院工作报告 | www.chinacourt.org >

205 In late 2005, Pastor Cai decided not to appeal his conviction after Beijing court officials reportedly threatened him with an increased prison term if he exercised that right. China Aid Association (Online), "Jailed Church Leader Forced to Withdraw Further Appeal; One Defendant Decides to Continue Appeal," 16 November 05.< www.chinaaid.org >

206 CPL, art. 180.

207 Ibid., art. 189.

208 "Don't Allow the Wings of Justice to Break: Using Unjust Cases to Look at Confessions Extorted Through Torture" [Bie rang zhengyi zheduan le chibang: cong mianan kan xingxun bigong], Legal Daily (Online), 22 April 05;<别让正义折断了翅膀：从冤案看刑讯逼供 | www.legaldaily.com.cn > Liu Binglu, "Misuse of Retrials Is a Major Reason for Unjust Cases" [Lanyong fahui chongshen shi zhi yuanan zhuyin], Beijing News (Online), 4 April 05;<滥用发回重审是致冤案主因 | www.thebeijingnews.com > Hung, "Judicial Reform in China," 17.< www.carnegieendowment.org >

209 Leng Jilin, "There Should Be Provisions on How Many Times a Second Instance Court Can Return for Remand" [Ying guiding er shen fahui chongshen de cishu], Legal Daily, reprinted in Defense Lawyer Net (Online), 15 May 06;<应规定二审发回重审的次数 | www.xingbian.cn > "Don't Allow the Wings of Justice to Break," Legal Daily;<别让正义折断了翅膀：从冤案看刑讯逼供 | www.legaldaily.com.cn > Liu Binglu, "Misuse of Retrials Is a Major Reason for Unjust Cases."<滥用发回重审是致冤案主因 | www.thebeijingnews.com >

210 Chinese sources note that the number of crimes punishable by death increased from 28 under the 1979 Criminal Law to 68 (approximately one-quarter of the total number of crimes) under the 1997 Criminal Law. Xiong Qiuhong, "Discussing the Defense of Death Penalty Cases" [Lun sixing anjian zhong de bianhu], Justice of China (Online), 20 July 04;<论死刑案件中的辩护 | www.legalinfo.gov.cn > Lin Tao, "Study on the Issues in Hearing and Reviewing Death Penalty Cases" ["Sixing" anjian de shenli yiji fuhe zhong de wenti yanjiu], China Legal Publicity (Online), 10 January 06.<“死刑”案件的审理以及复核中的问题研究 | www.legalinfo.gov.cn > At least one scholar has characterized 44 (approximately 65 percent) of the crimes punishable by death as non-violent crimes. Jiang Anjie, "Compilation of Viewpoints from the First Period Forum 'Concerning Death Penalty Reform' " ["Guanzhu sixing gaige" shouqi luntan guandian huicui], China Legal Publicity (Online), 29 December 05 (quoting Professor Gao Mingxuan, Renmin University).<“关注死刑改革”首期论坛观点荟萃 | www.legalinfo.gov.cn > See also Amnesty International (Online), "Death Penalty Developments in 2005," 20 April 06;< web.amnesty.org > "China to Open More Death Penalty Cases to Public," Reuters, reprinted in China Daily (Online), 27 February 26.< www.chinadaily.com.cn >

211 "PRC Foreign Ministry Spokesman Defends Keeping PRC Execution Statistics Secret," Agence France-Presse, 5 February 04 (Open Source Center, 5 February 04).

212 Liu Renwen, a scholar at the Law Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, estimates that China carried out about 8,000 executions in 2005. Geoffrey York, "China's Secret Execution Rate Revealed," The Globe and Mail (Online), 28 February 06;< www.theglobeandmail.com > Antoaneta Bezlova, "China to 'Kill Fewer, Kill Carefully,' " Asia Times (Online), 31 March 06.< www.atimes.com > In March 2004, an NPC delegate suggested that Chinese courts issue death sentences for immediate execution in "nearly 10,000 cases per year." "41 Representatives Jointly Sign Proposal for the Supreme People's Court to Take Back the Power of Death Penalty Approval" [41 daibiao lianming jianyi, zuigao renmin fayuan shouhui sixing hezhun quan], China Youth Daily, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 10 March 04.<41代表联名建议最高人民法院收回死刑核准权 | www.people.com.cn >

213 "China's Supreme Court to Reclaim Death Penalty Review Right from Lower Tribunals," Xinhua, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 26 October 05.< english.people.com.cn > See also supra, "Fairness of Criminal Trials and Appeals," and accompanying notes.

214 "Supreme People's Court Maps Future Judicial Reforms in Five-Year Reform Program," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 7-9;< www.cecc.gov > "SPC Incorporates Reform of Death Penalty Review into New Five Year Program," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > Second Five-Year Reform Program for the People's Courts (2004-2008) [Renmin fayuan di er ge wu nian gaige gangyao (2004-2008)], issued 26 October 05, para. I.2;<人民法院第二个五年改革纲要(2004－2008) | www.cecc.gov > "China's Supreme Court to Reclaim Death Penalty Review Right from Lower Tribunals," Xinhua.< english.people.com.cn > Although Articles 48 of the Criminal Law and 199 of the Criminal Procedure Law unequivocally require that all death sentences must be approved by the SPC, authority for approving certain death sentences shifted to provincial-level high courts beginning in 1980. For more information, see "The Execution of Lobsang Dondrub and the Case Against Tenzin Deleg: The Law, the Courts, and the Debate on Legality," Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 10 February 03.

215 "Death Penalty Review Power Will Be Consolidated and Returned for Exercise by the Supreme People's Court" [Sixing fuhe quan jiang tongyi shougui zuigao fayuan xingshi], Xinhua (Online), 26 October 05;<死刑核准权将统一收归最高法院行使 | news.xinhuanet.com > "China's Supreme Court to Reclaim Death Penalty Review Right From Lower Tribunals," Xinhua.< english.people.com.cn > A review of death penalty cases in Beijing, Tianjin, and Hebei revealed a high rate of error among lower courts. High courts found that in 90 percent of death penalty cases that they remanded and overturned, the trial court's conclusions on significant facts and evidence raised reviewable questions. Conclusions on significant facts and evidence posed a problem in 50 percent of the cases that the SPC remanded or overturned. Liao Weihua, "Hearings to be Conducted for All Second Instance Death Penalty Next Year" [Sixing an ershen mingnian xiabannian quan xu kaiting shen], Beijing News (Online), 8 December 05.<死刑案二审明年下半年全须开庭审 | www.thebeijingnews.com >

216 "Supreme People's Court Calls for Hearings in Death Penalty Appeals," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 2-3;< www.cecc.gov > Supreme People's Court Circular Regarding Further Improving Open Court Session Work in Second Instance Death Penalty Cases [Zuigao renmin fayuan guanyu jin yi bu zuo hao sixing ershen anjian kaiting shenli gongzuo de tongzhi], issued 7 December 05, para. 2;<最高人民法院关于进一步做好死刑第二审案件开庭审理工作的通知 | www.cecc.gov > Second Five-Year Reform Program for the People's Courts (2004-2008), para. I.1.<人民法院第二个五年改革纲要(2004－2008) | www.cecc.gov >

217 Supreme People's Court Circular Regarding Further Improving Open Court Session Work in Second Instance Death Penalty Cases, paras. 3-5.<最高人民法院关于进一步做好死刑第二审案件开庭审理工作的通知 | www.cecc.gov >

218 "Provincial High Courts Implement SPC Circular on Death Penalty Hearings," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 6;< www.cecc.gov > Wu Chunping, "Hainan High Court Conducts Hearings in All Second Instance Death Penalty Cases" [Hainan gaoyuan ershen sixing anjian quanbu kaiting shenli], China Court Net (Online), 26 January 06;<海南高院二审死刑案件全部开庭审理 | www.chinacourt.org > Zong Bian, "Since 1979, Beijing High Court Has Conducted Hearings in All Second Instance Death Penalty Cases" [Beijing gao yuan zi 1979 nian yilai sixing di ershen anjian quanbu kaiting shenli], China Court Net (Online), 20 January 06.<北京高院自1979年以来死刑第二审案件全部开庭审理 | www.chinacourt.org >

219 "Discussion Forum Convenes on 'Supreme People's Court Measures for Reclaiming the Power Over Death Penalty Review' " ["Zuigao renmin fayuan shouhui sixing fuhequan zhi duice" yantaohui zhaokai], 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 1 June 05.<“最高人民法院收回死刑复核权之对策”研讨会召开 | www.xingbian.cn >

220 "SPC Takes Additional Steps to Reclaim Authority Over Death Penalty Review," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 2;< www.cecc.gov > Xie Xiaodong, "Supreme People's Court Expands the Ranks to Prepare for War in Death Penalty Reviews" [Zuigaofa kuo bian beizhan sixing fuhe], Beijing News (Online), 3 November 05;<最高法扩编备战死刑复核 | www.thebeijingnews.com > Guo Hengzhong, "Two Expert-Level Grand Justices Wield the Seal of Death Penalty Review Powers" [Zhizhang sixing fuhequan shuaiyin de liang wei zhuanjia xing dafaguan], Legal Daily (Online), 28 September 05.<执掌死刑复核权帅印的两位专家型大法官 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

221 He Chunzhong, "Supreme People's Court Will Add 3 Criminal Tribunals to Deal With Reclaiming the Death Penalty Review Power" [Zuigao renmin fayuan jiang zengshe 3 ge xingting yingdui sixing fuhequan shouhui], China Youth Daily (Online), 27 September 05.<最高人民法院将增设3个刑庭应对死刑复核权收回 | zqb.cyol.com >

222 Wu Chunping, "Hainan High Court Conducts Hearings in All Second Instance Death Penalty Cases;"<海南高院二审死刑案件全部开庭审理 | www.chinacourt.org > Zong Bian, "Since 1979, Beijing High Court Has Conducted Hearings in All Second Instance Death Penalty Cases;"<北京高院自1979年以来死刑第二审案件全部开庭审理 | www.chinacourt.org > "Tianjin High Court Implements Hearings for Second Instance Death Penalty Review Cases" [Tianjin gaoyuan luoshi sixing di ershen anjian kaiting gongzuo], China Court Net (Online), 23 January 06;<天津高院落实死刑第二审案件开庭工作 | www.chinacourt.org > Ni Xiao, "Shanghai High Court Conducts Hearings in All Second Instance Death Penalty Cases" [Shanghai gaoyuan sixing ershen an quan kaiting shenli], Legal Daily (Online), 23 January 06.<上海高院死刑二审案全开庭审理 | www.legaldaily.com.cn >

223 Wang Doudou, "Death Penalty Appeals Hearings Enter Their Fortification Stage" [Sixing ershen anjian kaiting jinru gongjian jieduan], Legal Daily (Online), 29 May 06;<死刑二审案件开庭进入攻坚阶段 | news.xinhuanet.com > "China's Supreme Court to Review All Death Penalty Cases," Xinhua, reprinted in China Daily (Online), 3 April 06.< www.chinadaily.com.cn >

224 "Organ Transplants: A Zone of Accelerated Regulation" [Qiguan yizhi: jiakuai guizhi de didai], Caijing Magazine (Online), 28 November 05.<器官移植：加快规制的地带 | caijing.hexun.com > The magazine reports that over 95 percent of organs transplanted in China come from executed prisoners.

225 "Health Official Denies Random Transplant of Organs From Executed Criminals," Xinhua, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 11 April 06;< english.peopledaily.com.cn > "Organs Taken 'With Consent of Prisoners,' " Agence France-Presse, reprinted in South China Morning Post (Online), 29 March 06.< china.scmp.com >

226 "British Transplantation Society Criticizes the Alleged Use of Organs Without Consent from Prisoners Executed in the People's Republic of China," The British Transplantation Society (Online), 19 April 06;< www.bts.org.uk > David Matas and David Kilgour, Report into Allegations of Organ Harvesting of Falun Gong Practitioners in China, 6 July 06.< investigation.redirectme.net >

227 World Health Organization, Guiding Principle 3, "Guiding Principles on Human Organ Transplantation," adopted May 1987.< www.who.int >

228 "Provisions Issued on Organ Transplants, Fail to Address Executed Prisoners," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 10-11;< www.cecc.gov > Temporary Provisions on Human Organ Transplant Clinical Practice Management [Renti qiguan yizhi jishu linchuang ying yong guanli zanxing guiding], issued 27 March 06.<人体器官移植技术临床应用管理暂行规定 | www.cecc.gov >

229 Temporary Provisions Regarding the Use of Corpses or Organs from Executed Prisoners [Guanyu liyong sixing zuifan shiti qiguan de zanxing guiding], issued 9 October 84, para. 3.<关于利用死刑罪犯尸体和尸体器官的暂行规定 | www.cecc.gov >

230 "China Vows to Deepen Int'l Co-op in Fight Against Corruption," Xinhua (Online), 14 June 06;< news.xinhuanet.com > "Mekong Governments Taking Concrete Actions Against Human Trafficking," Xinhua, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 13 May 06.< english.people.com.cn >

231 Zhou Yongkang Holds Talks With US Homeland Security Secretary Michael Chertoff," Xinhua, 4 April 06 (Open Source Center, 4 April 06); "China, US Release Statement on Anti-Corruption Issues," Xinhua (Online), 29 June 06.< news.xinhuanet.com >

232 CECC Staff Interviews and Correspondence.For news reports on some of these programs, see, e.g., "China--Canada New Cooperation Programme," International Centre for Criminal Law Reform and Criminal Justice Policy (Online);< www.icclr.law.ubc.ca > "The Present Situation and Prosperous Future of China Clinical Legal Education," Global Alliance for Justice Education (Online), 1 August 05;< www.gaje.org > "World Law Conference Convenes in Beijing," China Daily, reprinted in China Internet Information Center (Online), 5 September 05;< www.china.org.cn > "Highlights of the 22nd World Congress on Law" [Er shi er jie shijie falu dahui jingcai liangdian], Legal Daily (Online), 5 September 05;<二十二届世界法律大会精彩亮点 | www.legaldaily.com.cn > Jiang Anjie, "How to Improve Procedures for Death Penalty Review" [Sixing fuhe chengxu ruhe wanshan], Legal Daily (Online), 1 December 05; "Third Session of Program Between Nanjing Normal University Law School and University of Maryland to Cooperate in Developing a Masters Degree in Criminal Justice (MCJ)" [Nanjing shifan daxue yu meiguo malilan daxue hezuo peiyang xingshi sifa xue shuoshi (MCJ) xiangmu di san qi], Nanjing Normal University Law School (Online), May 2006.<南京师范大学与美国马里兰大学合作培养刑事司法学硕士（MCJ）项目第三期 | 202.119.104.33 >

233 CECC Staff Interviews and Correspondence.

234 UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, "Special Rapporteur on Torture Highlights Challenges at End of Visit to China;"< www.unhchr.ch > "UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Concludes Two-Week Visit to China," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 12-13.< www.cecc.gov > See also supra, "Torture and Abuse in Custody," and accompanying notes.

235 UN High Commissioner for Refugees (Online), "Statement to Media by United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres, on Conclusion of His Mission to the People's Republic of China," 23 March 06;< www.unhcr.org > "High Commissioner for Refugees Visits China, Object to North Korean Repatriation," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 2-3.< www.cecc.gov >

236 "China 'More Aware' of Torture Use," BBC (Online), 22 November 05;< news.bbc.co.uk > "Statement to Media by UN High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres."

237 UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, "Special Rapporteur on Torture Highlights Challenges at End of Visit to China;"< www.unhchr.ch > "UN Special Rapporteur on Torture Concludes Two-Week Visit to China," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 12-13.< www.cecc.gov > The Ministry of Foreign Affairs "denied Nowak's allegations that public security officers had monitored his activities and tried to stop torture victims from meeting with him." Louisa Lim, "China Denies UN Torture Findings," BBC (Online), 6 December 05.< news.bbc.co.uk >

238 United Nations (Online), "General Assembly Elects 47 Members of New Human Rights Council," 9 May 06.< www.un.org >

239 These include the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women; the Convention on the Rights of the Child; and the CAT. PRC Aide Memoire, reprinted in United Nations (Online), 13 April 06.< www.un.org >

240 Ibid.< www.un.org >

241 "China Vows to Further Contribute to Human Rights Course," Xinhua (Online), 10 May 06.< news.xinhuanet.com >

242 United Nations, "General Assembly Elects 47 Members of New Human Rights Council;"< www.un.org > Warren Hoge, "New U.N. Rights Group Includes Six Nations With Poor Records," New York Times (Online), 10 May 06;< www.nytimes.com > Chen Xulong, "Reforming Rights Protection," Beijing Review (Online), 11 May 06.< www.bjreview.com.cn >

V(c) PROTECTION OF INTERNATIONALLY RECOGNIZED LABOR RIGHTS

FINDINGS

The Chinese government does not respect the internationally recognized right of workers to organize their own unions. The All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), a Party-led mass organization, is the only legal labor federation in China. It controls local union branches and aligns worker and union activity with government and Party policy. The ACFTU began a campaign in March 2006 to establish union branches in foreign enterprises doing business in China. Chinese workers who attempt to form independent workers' organizations, or whom the government suspects of being leaders of such organizations, risk imprisonment. The government secretly tried labor rights activist Li Wangyang and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment in September 2001 for staging a peaceful hunger strike. Li had previously served most of a 13-year sentence for organizing an independent union. In May 2003, the government sentenced labor activist Yao Fuxin to a seven-year prison term for peacefully rallying workers to demand wage and pension arrearages from a bankrupt state-owned enterprise. Li and Yao remain in prison.
Weak protection of worker rights has contributed to an increase in the number of labor disputes and protests. According to ACFTU figures, the number of labor disputes rose sharply in 2005. The ACFTU reports that there were 300,000 labor-related lawsuits filed, a 20.5 percent increase over 2004 and a 950 percent increase compared to 1995. Strikes, marches, demonstrations, and collective petitions increased from fewer than 1,500 in 1994 to about 11,000 in 2003, while the number of workers involved increased from nearly 53,000 in 1994 to an estimated 515,000 in 2003. Poor workplace health and safety conditions and continuing wage and pension arrearages were the most prominent issues resulting in labor disputes during the past year. Chinese industry continues to have a high accident rate, with death rates in the mining and construction industries leading other sectors. According to official statistics, 110,027 people were killed in 677,379 workplace accidents through December 2005, and more than 10,000 workers died in the mining and construction sectors during 2005.
Forced labor is an integral part of the Chinese administrative detention system. Authorities sentence some prisoners without judicial review to reeducation through labor (laojiao) centers, where they are forced to work long hours without pay to fulfill heavy production quotas, and sometimes are tortured for refusing to work. China's Labor Law prohibits forced labor practices in the workplace, and authorities have arrested employers who trap workers at forced labor sites. In 2002, the Chinese government began to cooperate with the International Labor Organization on broad issues of concern regarding forced labor, including on potential reforms to the reeducation through labor system, and on improving institutional capacity to combat human trafficking for labor exploitation.
The use of child labor in some regions of China is reportedly on the rise. Labor shortages in the economically developed southern and eastern coastal provinces are causing employers to turn to child laborers, according to NGO reports. This development coincides with intensified efforts by the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Labor and Social Security to fight the illegal employment of children, suggesting that the government is more concerned about such abuses than before. Government authorities consider statistics on child labor that have not been officially approved for release to be "state secrets," and this policy thwarts efforts to understand the extent and causes of the problem.
In 2006, the U.S. and Chinese governments continued to conduct a series of bilateral cooperative activities on wage and hour laws, occupational safety and health, mine safety and health, and pension program oversight.

Internationally Recognized Labor Rights

The Chinese government is committed through its membership in the International Labor Organization (ILO) to respect a basic set of internationally recognized labor rights for workers: the freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining, the elimination of forced labor, the abolition of child labor, and non-discrimination in employment and occupation. The ILO's Declaration on the Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work (1998 Declaration) commits ILO members "to respect, to promote and to realize" these fundamental rights based on "the very fact of [ILO] membership."1 China is a founding member of the ILO, and has been a member of the ILO Governing Board since June 2002.2

The ILO's eight core conventions provide guidance on the full scope of worker rights and principles enumerated in the 1998 Declaration.3 Many ILO members have not ratified all of these core conventions, but each member is committed to respect the fundamental right or principle addressed in each.4 China has ratified four of the eight ILO core conventions, including two core conventions on the abolition of child labor (No. 138 and No. 182) and two on non-discrimination in employment and occupation (No. 100 and No. 111).5 The ILO reports that the Chinese government is preparing to ratify the two core conventions on forced labor (No. 29 and No. 105).6

Chinese labor law generally incorporates the basic obligations of the ILO's eight core conventions, with the exception of the provisions relating to the freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining.7 The Chinese government's failure to implement existing labor regulations, however, and the general lack of awareness regarding worker rights among citizens, renders most of the protective aspects of Chinese labor law ineffective. The administrative detention system prescribes forced labor as a punishment for those accused of "minor crimes" [see Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants--Administrative Detention],8 in contravention of the 1998 Declaration, relevant ILO conventions,9 and Article 8 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).10

In March 2001, the Chinese government ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which guarantees the right of workers to strike, the right of workers to organize independent unions, the right of trade unions to function freely, the right of trade unions to establish national federations or confederations, and the right of the latter to form or join international trade union organizations. The Chinese government took a reservation to Article 8(1)(a) of the ICESCR, which guarantees workers the right to form free trade unions. The government asserted that application of the article should be consistent with the Chinese Constitution and the Trade Union Law. The Trade Union Law does not allow for the creation of independent trade unions.11

Freedom of Association

The Chinese government does not respect the internationally recognized right of workers to organize their own unions. Article 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights guarantees that "[e]veryone shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests." The All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), a Communist Party-led mass organization, is the only legal labor federation in China. It controls local union branches and aligns worker and union activity with government and Party policy.12 The Trade Union Law requires the ACFTU to "uphold the leadership of the Communist Party."13 Wang Zhaoguo, the current ACFTU chairman, is a Politburo member, and the Party, not union members, selected him as ACFTU chairman.14 Article 10 of the Trade Union Law establishes the ACFTU as the "unified national organization," and Article 11 mandates that all unions must be approved by the next higher-level union body, giving the ACFTU an absolute veto over the establishment of any local union and the legal authority to block the formation of independent workers' associations.15 Article 15 of the ACFTU constitution stipulates that the establishment of an ACFTU branch in a factory "must be endorsed by its general membership or membership congress."16 Most workers, however, do not vote in union elections and most officials are appointed to their union posts.17

Since 2004, ACFTU and Party officials have made major efforts to expand their control over non-unionized groups of workers. In 2004, the ACFTU announced the target of recruiting 6.6 million workers per year from 2004 to 2008.18 It also launched a major recruitment drive aimed at migrant workers.19 Authorities permitted migrant workers to become union members for the first time in 2003, but ACFTU officials announced in 2006 that only 13.8 percent of the total migrant workforce has been "unionized."20

The ACFTU began a campaign in March 2006 to establish unions in foreign enterprises doing business in China, including Wal-Mart, Kentucky Fried Chicken, McDonald's, and Samsung.21 ACFTU officials noted in July that some 60 percent of the 500,000 foreign enterprises in China have not established ACFTU branches,22 and made the promotion of unions within foreign enterprises a priority for the second half of 2006.23 ACFTU Chairman Wang Zhaoguo proposed an amendment to the Trade Union Law on July 5 that would specifically require foreign enterprises to establish ACFTU-affiliated unions.24 ACFTU pressure has led to the creation of some local branches in foreign enterprises doing business in China. In July and August, unions were established in 17 Wal-Mart stores in China.25 The ACFTU's campaign to establish unions in foreign enterprises followed a March directive issued by top Party leaders ordering the establishment of Party committees and trade unions in foreign enterprises as a means to counter social unrest.26 Labor experts have noted that the ACFTU's 2006 efforts to expand the number of local branches in foreign enterprises is an effort to respond to declining ACFTU membership, increasing labor protests, efforts by Chinese workers to organize independent unions, and an increase in the percentage of the workforce composed of non-unionized migrant workers.27

Some local authorities have experimented with using direct elections to choose the leaders of union branches, but Party authorities and higher-level ACFTU officials retain control over the selection and approval of candidates.28 ACFTU officials in Hubei province began an experimental program of direct elections for union officials in 2004, and issued a directive in July 2005 to implement the program on a province-wide basis by 2009.29 The Hubei regulations provide that higher-level ACFTU officials and Party authorities are responsible for choosing the electoral leadership groups that determine candidate eligibility. These authorities also approve the specific proposals of individual union branches about how to conduct their direct elections.30

Chinese workers who attempt to form independent workers' organizations, or whom the government suspects of being leaders of such organizations, risk imprisonment. The government secretly tried labor rights activist Li Wangyang and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment in September 2001 for staging a peaceful hunger strike. Li had previously served most of a 13-year sentence for organizing an independent union.31 In May 2003, the government sentenced labor activist Yao Fuxin to a seven-year prison term for rallying workers to demand payment of wage arrearages and pension benefits from a bankrupt state-owned enterprise in Liaoning province.32 Yao reportedly suffers from serious medical problems resulting from his imprisonment.33 Li and Yao remain in prison.

Right to Collective Bargaining

Chinese labor law does not prohibit collective bargaining, but the absence of independent unions to represent worker interests makes the concept of bargaining with employers on behalf of workers incompatible with the Chinese labor system.34 Trade union officials at the enterprise level function as part of the enterprise management structure for whom, according to three Western and Chinese labor experts, "the idea of representing and protecting the legitimate rights and interests of their members in opposition to those of the employer is something unfamiliar, if not totally alien."35 Although collective bargaining does not exist, trade union officials are permitted under Article 20 of the Trade Union Law to facilitate a process of "equal consultations" between workers and employers that can result in a "collective contract."36 The Provisions on Collective Contracts, issued by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security (MOLSS) in January 2004, detail the specific content which may be included, and the procedures for negotiating, such contracts.37 Once concluded, the collective contract is legally binding on both employer and employees, but the contract generally includes only the "bare-boned reflections of labor statutory minimums," according to one Western scholar.38 Another group of Western and Chinese academics examining collective contracts and the consultation process concluded in 2004 that trade unions defer to the employer on any contentious issue. Both the union and the employer are reluctant to include any provisions in the collective contract that "might subsequently provide grounds for a grievance or dispute."39 Collective contracts covered more than 103 million Chinese workers at the end of September 2005, out of a total urban labor force of around 250 million.40 The majority of collective contracts are not actually negotiated, but rather model agreements endorsed by the employer and union without the direct involvement of workers.41 In addition, most collective contracts are "single-issue" agreements, usually pertaining to wages, rather than comprehensive agreements covering all aspects of labor relations.42

The Chinese labor dispute resolution process does not provide workers with meaningful union support to address workplace grievances. Labor disputes in China are channeled through the government's three-stage labor dispute resolution process: mediation, arbitration, and litigation.43 Workers enter the first stage of dispute resolution without union representation. Article 80 of the Labor Law designates the union branch chief to serve as chair of the labor dispute mediation committee.44 As chair, the union official mediates on an equal basis between employer and employee, and does not represent the employee in the dispute. If mediation fails, either party may apply to an arbitration committee for a hearing.45 The high cost of arbitration discourages workers from applying. According to one National People's Congress (NPC) delegate, labor arbitration typically costs 420 yuan (US$52.39), about half the average monthly wage for Chinese workers.46 Workers who choose to arbitrate face other obstacles to achieving a fair outcome. Article 81 of the Labor Law designates a "tripartite structure" for the arbitration committee: the employer's representative, the union's representative, and the government's local labor bureau representative, who serves as chair.47 In effect, the local labor bureau representative, in consultation with two representatives from the enterprise management team, decides how to rule on a worker's complaint.48

Chinese authorities currently are experimenting with reforms to the labor dispute resolution system. The Supreme People's Court issued a judicial interpretation on August 14 that allows workers seeking to recover back wages to bypass the labor arbitration process and sue directly in court.49 Some authorities have supported the creation of arbitration tribunals, which are specialized sub-divisions of arbitration committees, to resolve labor disputes. Chinese news media reports note that the creation of these tribunals is an effort to make arbitration determinations "more neutral" by separating the administrative functions of the arbitration committees from hearing and deciding cases.50 These tribunals also conduct mediation in addition to their arbitration work. Shenzhen authorities created the first such tribunal in 2001,51 and the MOLSS reported in May 2006 that Chinese authorities have since established 116 of the tribunals throughout China.52 Descriptions of the work responsibilities for some of the provincial tribunals emphasize that they should handle "major," "cross-provincial," or "emergency" events, suggesting that the tribunals may be focused on handling specifically designated, high-profile cases.53

The courts are the final recourse for resolving labor disputes, pursuant to Article 83 of the Labor Law.54 The All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) reports that there were 300,000 labor-related lawsuits filed in 2005, a 20.5 percent increase over 2004 and a 950 percent increase compared to 1995.55 Like arbitration, litigation costs are high, which "results in many workers being unable to afford a lawyer or to even bring the case to court," according to one Chinese legal scholar.56 The scholar recommended in December 2005 to the NPC Standing Committee that the NPC should enact a labor dispute resolution law that would allow courts to hear labor cases with simplified, less expensive procedures that better protect worker rights. The law should include evidentiary rules that do not discriminate against workers, the scholar said.57 She criticized the current three-stage process for labor dispute resolution as "more complex than the procedure for resolving regular civil disputes," and recommended that parties to certain types of labor disputes be able to choose to litigate directly without meeting the current precondition that parties first complete arbitration.58

Draft Labor Contract Law

The National People's Congress (NPC) circulated a draft of a new Labor Contract Law for public comment in early 2006,59 the first law that would govern exclusively the establishment, revocation, and termination of labor contracts, and the rights of workers and employees who sign them.60 During the one-month period for public comment, the NPC received over 190,000 comments, and claimed that over 65 percent of these were submitted by Chinese workers.61

Current Chinese law mandates labor contracts, but implementation and enforcement of this mandate have been poor. Chapter 3 of the Labor Law outlines the requirements and procedures for individual and collective labor contracts, and Article 16 mandates labor contracts between workers and employers.62 A recent NPC survey found that less than 20 percent of small- and medium-size private enterprises use labor contracts.63 According to a survey published in 2006, 46 percent of migrant workers did not have labor contracts with their employers.64 Current law is deficient in that the contractual relationship between enterprises and workers hired though labor contractors is not defined. The widespread use of both legal and illegal labor contractors results in numerous cases of non-payment, underpayment, or late payment of wages, especially in the construction sector. Moreover, when labor contractors fail to give contracts to the workers they hire and assign to enterprises, the workers often cannot prove a contractual relationship with the enterprise, which is the principal employer for whom they have performed the work.65

The State Council compiled the draft Labor Contract Law for NPC consideration to increase the formation rate for written labor contracts. The draft law provides for a "contractual relationship" in situations where employers do not sign written contracts with their employees,66 and it standardizes labor contract rules and procedures in a way that "tilts more toward workers," according to an All-China Federation of Trade Unions official.67 The Ministry of Labor and Social Security began a three-year effort, concurrent with consideration of the draft law, to compel all employers to sign labor contracts with their workers, as required under the existing Labor Law.68

Some companies that have complied with Chinese labor contract regulations are concerned that the draft law includes provisions that would be both expensive and cumbersome to business owners,69 and would take away market-driven flexibility in hiring and firing.70 These provisions include a requirement that workers receive severance pay if fixed-term contracts expire and are not renewed, and a mandatory payment equaling an employee's annual salary to enforce non-compete agreements.71

One article in the Chinese state-controlled media criticized portions of the proposed draft for being too weak, pointing out that it does not cover part-time workers or students engaged in work-study programs, that it fails to provide definitions for key terms such as "technical" and "non-technical" positions, and that the sanctions it applies on employers who withhold workers' wages in bad faith do not exceed the requirements of existing labor regulations.72

ACFTU Role in Protecting Worker Rights

The careers of union leaders are tied to their rank in the Communist Party, and local union officials generally are recruited from enterprise management. This system compromises the ability and willingness of unions to defend worker rights when they conflict with Party or employer interests.73 Article 6 of the Trade Union Law calls on unions to "represent and safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of workers,"74 but in practice this directive means that unions help workers only in ways that do not conflict with government and Party policy, such as by managing welfare assistance programs for workers and organizing social events. Some local unions, however, have developed innovative programs to help workers, within the limits of government and Party policy. For example, the Tianjin Trade Union Council has developed new procedures to aid unemployed workers, monitor safety problems and accidents, and resolve employee-employer disputes.75

Some national-level All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) programs have had a positive impact on worker rights, while also maintaining consistency with government policy goals. ACFTU efforts in the past year to expand the availability of legal aid services to workers, and to improve worker knowledge of the dispute resolution process, are part of the central government's policy responses to Party concerns about growing social unrest76 [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice]. According to news media reports from early 2006, nearly 4,000 legal aid offices were established by ACFTU branches in 2005. Provincial branches must establish a legal aid office by the end of 2006, but county branches have three years to do so.77 In 2005, the Shenzhen Federation of Trade Unions' legal aid efforts included outreach to ensure that workers understand their rights in cases of unlawful discharge, occupational injury, and compensation arrearages.78 In June 2006, the ACFTU and the State Administration of Work Safety began a program to inspect mining, construction, and manufacturing worksites to ensure safe conditions for migrant workers.79

Elimination of Forced Labor

Forced labor is an integral part of the Chinese administrative detention system [see Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants--Administrative Detention]. Authorities sentence some prisoners without judicial review to reeducation through labor (RTL, or laojiao) centers, where they are forced to work long hours without pay to fulfill heavy production quotas, and sometimes are tortured for refusing to work.80 Prisoners in RTL centers have suffered physical injuries from extended periods of repetitive labor, and former prisoners report that fainting from exhaustion is common.81 The Chinese government continues to deny the International Committee of the Red Cross access to such centers.

China's Labor Law prohibits forced labor practices in the workplace,82 and authorities have arrested employers who trap workers at forced labor sites. Article 96 of the Labor Law prohibits employers from "compelling workers to work by the use of force, threat or by resorting to the means of restricting personal freedom,"83 but only specifies light penalties for violators including a warning, fine, or 15 days in custody for the person in charge.84 Chinese press reports over the past year, however, have described some instances of overseers coercing workers to remain in factories or fields for work without pay, and beating or torturing those who try to escape.85

In 2002, the Chinese government began to cooperate with the International Labor Organization (ILO) on broad issues of concern regarding forced labor, including potential reforms to China's RTL system, to prepare for the eventual ratification of the ILO's two conventions on forced labor.86 Since September 2004, the ILO's Special Action Program to Combat Forced Labor has been working with the Chinese Ministry of Labor and Social Security to improve institutional capacity within China to address the law enforcement aspects of the trafficking cycle, and to assist employers' and workers' organizations in identifying cases of forced labor87 [see Section V(e)--Status of Women--Human Trafficking].

Prison Labor Products

Section 307 of the Tariff Act of 1930 prohibits the import of goods made by prisoners into the United States.88 The United States and China signed a Memorandum of Understanding in 1992 to prevent the import into the United States of prison labor products. A subsequent agreement in 1994 permits U.S. officials, with Chinese government permission, to visit prison facilities suspected of producing products for export to the United States.89 The U.S.-China Relations Act of 2000 created a Prison Labor Task Force to monitor and promote enforcement of U.S. law in this area.90 In 2005, the Chinese government cooperated with the Task Force to resolve a number of alleged cases of prison labor products being exported to the United States.91

Although goods made in Chinese prisons probably do not constitute a large percentage of overall Chinese imports into the United States, the types of products produced by prisoners, and the commercialization of the Chinese prison system, make prison labor products difficult to detect. Many prison labor goods are produced under abusive conditions,92 and Chinese prisoners cannot refuse to produce goods for the commercial market.93 Although the term laogai, or reform through labor, has been expunged from the Criminal Law as a term describing one form of criminal punishment, Western and Chinese experts estimate the number of commercial prison factories in China to be in the thousands.94 One senior Chinese official expressed concern in 2004 about the commercial use of prison labor as a source of official corruption, and noted instances of prison administrators mixing prison-made goods with those from ordinary commercial enterprises.95

Abolition of Child Labor

The use of child labor in some regions of China is reportedly on the rise, according to analyses over the past year by NGOs with expertise on Chinese labor issues.96 State-controlled media reported in June that the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Labor and Social Security intensified their efforts "to fight illegal employment of child laborers," suggesting that the government is more concerned about such abuses than before.97 Article 15 of the Labor Law prohibits employing children under the age of 16, and Article 94 provides for punishment of businesses that employ children, including revocation of their business licenses.98 Chinese law bars employers from hiring juvenile workers between 16 and 18 years old to engage in mining, or highly strenuous or hazardous work, and requires employers to provide such workers with regular health inspections.99 The State Council issued a rule in September 2002 requiring employers to check identity cards to verify age, and imposing fines of 5,000 yuan (US$625) a month for each child laborer employed.100 Government authorities consider statistics on child labor that have not been officially approved for release to be state secrets, and this policy thwarts efforts to understand the extent and causes of the problem.101

Labor shortages in the economically developed southern and eastern coastal provinces are causing employers to turn to child laborers, according to NGO reports.102 Hong Kong news media has reported on employers who exploit child labor by recruiting underage students to work in factories as "interns." In one press report, teachers at a school in Shaanxi province arranged for about 600 students to be employed in a joint venture electronics factory in southern China. At the time of the report, more than 240 students were working on the factory's assembly lines for up to 14 hours a day of "practical training."103 Although factory owners may legally employ interns, employers abuse internship programs when they rely on students as a large percentage of their workforce and do not pay them fairly for work performed, according to one publication on corporate social responsibility issues in China.104

Hong Kong based experts have asserted that the Chinese education system is partly to blame for the problem of child labor because insufficient state funding, expensive local surcharges, and an excessive focus on college entrance exams leads many students to drop out of school.105 Poverty also leads to child labor abuses. Some poor families send children, frequently girls, to find work as a means of support.106 Other children work because their families cannot afford to pay school tuition fees, or because schools have hired them out to fill budget shortfalls.107

Non-discrimination in Employment and Occupation

The Constitution, Labor Law, and Law on the Protection of Interests and Rights of Women all contain provisions that guarantee women non-discrimination in employment and occupation108 [see Section V(e)--Status of Women]. The Rules on Collective Contracts issued in December 2003 contain "special protections" for women, including provisions on pregnancy and breastfeeding in the workplace.109 The Chinese government has also begun national development programs to improve the status of women.110 Despite these efforts and legal protections, both urban and rural women in China have limited earning power compared to men, and women lag behind men in finding employment in higher-wage urban areas.111

Some local authorities provide job training and reemployment services for women,112 and civil society groups may advocate for women's rights within the confines of government and Party policy [see Section V(e)--Status of Women--Gender Disparities]. For example, the Center for Women's Law and Legal Services at Peking University submitted a petition in March 2006 to the National People's Congress (NPC) Standing Committee requesting constitutional review of a regulation that requires women workers to retire five years before men.113 The petition recommended that a future Chinese Pension Law include a provision for a flexible retirement system that allows both men and women to retire at or around 60 years of age.114 As of August 2006, the NPC Standing Committee had not responded to the petition,115 and it has no legal obligation to do so [see Section VII(c)--Access to Justice--Constitutional Review].

Article 4 of the Chinese Constitution prohibits ethnic discrimination,116 and Article 12 of the Labor Law forbids discrimination in job hiring on the basis of ethnicity.117 Nevertheless, ethnic discrimination continues to exist throughout China in both private and governmental hiring practices. Some Han Chinese entrepreneurs in ethnic minority areas recruit Han workers from other areas rather than hiring local minorities.118 Tibetans have reported discrimination in job hiring.119 According to the head of the Qinghai-Tibet railway construction project, 10,000 of 100,000 workers employed were Tibetan,120 and most of the Tibetan workers were employed in menial labor positions.121 In the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), personnel decisions in 2005 and 2006 explicitly favored Han Chinese over minorities. In April 2005, for example, the government specified that 500 of 700 new civil service positions in the southern XUAR would be reserved for Han Chinese.122 In June 2006, the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps announced it would recruit 840 civil servants from the XUAR, designating almost all of the job openings for Han Chinese and reserving 38 positions for members of specified minority groups.123

Conditions for China's Workers

Weak protection of worker rights has contributed to an increase in the number of labor disputes and protests. According to All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) figures, the number of labor disputes rose sharply in 2005. The ACFTU reports that there were 300,000 labor-related lawsuits filed, a 20.5 percent increase over 2004 and a 950 percent increase compared to 1995.124 Strikes, marches, demonstrations, and collective petitions increased from 1,482 in 1994 to about 11,000 in 2003, while the number of workers involved increased from 52,637 in 1994 to an estimated 515,000 in 2003.125 Participants in all labor disputes rose from 77,794 in 1994 to nearly 800,000 in 2003.126 Poor workplace health and safety conditions and continuing wage and pension arrearages were the most prominent issues resulting in labor disputes during the past year. Workers in all parts of China have difficulty collecting the wages that they are owed for work performed. Workers in the construction sector have the most problems with wage arrearages,127 and the continuing building boom, along with new construction for the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, will challenge central and local governments to ensure that workers are paid promptly.

Workplace Health and Safety Conditions

Workplace health and safety conditions in China remain poor, despite central government statements about the need to improve safety and despite efforts at the enterprise level to cut the rate of industrial accidents. Chinese industry continues to have a high accident rate, with death rates in the mining and construction industries leading other sectors. According to State Administration of Work Safety (SAWS) statistics, 110,027 people were killed in 677,379 workplace accidents through December 2005, and more than 10,000 workers died in the mining and construction sectors during 2005.128

The government has continued to take steps to address China's poor workplace safety record. In February 2006, SAWS ordered the closure of 35,842 companies that failed to meet a requirement to obtain safety licenses by the end of 2005, warning that it would ensure compliance by cutting off electric power to the companies' facilities.129 SAWS also announced in February 2006 that the government is drafting legislation that would hold top provincial and city government and Party officials responsible for fatal accidents that result from lapses in workplace safety.130 Criminal Law amendments passed in June 2006 strengthen punishments for work safety violation, including new penalties for personnel who hinder rescue efforts by covering up or failing to report accidents.131 In July, the government ratified a safety plan for the 11th Five-Year Program aimed at addressing major problems in workplace safety.132 In August, the government announced it would dedicate 467.4 billion yuan (US$58.81 billion) over the next five years to curb workplace accidents.133

The Ministry of Health implemented a plan in May 2006 to improve rural migrant worker health that includes a number of goals for improving workplace health and safety conditions for migrant workers. These goals include implementing health and safety training and instruction programs in mid- and small-scale businesses, and undertaking collaborative efforts with the World Health Organization and the International Labor Organization.134 Many migrant workers are employed in industries in which they are exposed to occupational diseases and other workplace safety hazards, according to an expert with the Chinese Center for Disease Control.135

Occupational Health

Occupational diseases and injuries are widespread in many Chinese industries. Estimates of the incidence rate of occupational diseases and injuries caused by chemicals, toxic fumes, and machinery vary and are difficult to confirm. For example, one Chinese press report estimates that 200 million workers suffer from occupational diseases.136 The SAWS officials who provided the estimate note that the number of workers suffering from occupational diseases is increasing, and describe the victims as mostly younger, poor workers.137

Coal Mine Safety

Deaths in the coal mining sector totaled 5,938 in 2005, according to official Chinese statistics,138 but some NGOs estimate that the number of deaths is much higher.139 A political scientist at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences offered the view that "China is so hungry for energy that safe coal produced by safe mines is not enough to quench its thirst."140 Press reports suggest that Chinese coal mines are the world's deadliest.141 Fires, explosions, and floods occur in Chinese mines almost daily.142 The government has set the modest goal of reducing coal mine deaths during 2006 by 3.5 percent, but one workplace safety activist believes that "even this will take a great effort to realize."143

Chinese officials have ordered the closure of dangerous mines, most of which are small, privately run mines, in an attempt to control the number of coal mine accidents.144 Small mines produce one-third of China's coal output, but are responsible for two-thirds of coal mine deaths.145 The government deems mines that produce under 30,000 tons per year as most vulnerable to accidents, and intends to close all such mines by the end of 2007.146 Most of these small mines are expected to merge administratively with larger mines with better safety records.147

Pervasive official corruption impedes implementation of coal mine safety programs. Local officials often receive income from mines, and therefore are reluctant to enforce safety regulations that will affect production.148 In an August 2005 circular, the State Council ordered the managers of state-owned enterprises and government officials to divest themselves of all financial interests in coal mines other than stock of publicly listed companies.149 By January 2006, official news media reported that more than 7,000 officials had given up investments in coal mines.150

The government has prosecuted officials responsible for serious coal mine disasters. A December 2005 State Administration of Work Safety announcement described the prosecution and punishment of over 200 officials involved in six large coal mine disasters in 2004.151

Wages

Article 8 of the Provisions on Minimum Wages, issued by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security (MOLSS) in January 2004, charges provincial MOLSS authorities with drafting minimum wage rules in cooperation with provincial-level unions and industrial associations.152 In July 2006, the Shenzhen Special Economic Zone, which is not a provincial-level government, raised its minimum wage to 810 yuan per month (US$101).153 The previous minimum wage rate in Shenzhen had been the same as Jiangsu province and Shanghai municipality: 690 yuan per month (US$86).154 At the lower end of the minimum wage scale are Gansu province at 340 yuan per month (US$43) and Jiangxi and Jilin provinces at 360 yuan per month (US$45).155

Provincial governments in China are reluctant to review their minimum wage levels every two years, even though the 2004 provisions require it.156 In March 2006, at least four provincial governments were out of compliance with the two-year rule, according to the MOLSS.157 Official news media suggests that provincial officials fear that higher minimum wages will force companies to relocate manufacturing facilities to provinces where wages are lower.158 A Xinhua editorial recommended that the central government develop a more clearly defined method to determine that the minimum wage is not artificially low, and monitor how local governments apply this method. An All-China Federation of Trade Unions official said in May that the minimum wage levels set by most provincial-level governments did not meet national guidelines."159

Wage Arrearages

Employers illegally withhold or refuse to pay wages earned by millions of Chinese workers.160 Employers owe millions of migrant workers more than US$12 billion in unpaid wages, a problem that is particularly acute in the construction industry, which employs many migrant workers.161 Some employers make only minimal wage payments through the year in addition to providing room and board. Others withhold payments over the New Year holiday as a means of compelling workers to return.162 A State Council report estimates that employers do not pay about half of migrant workers on time.163

Despite central government pledges beginning in 2003 to clear up wage arrearages for migrant workers in the construction sector, the problem persists. In some cases where the government has reported success in clearing arrearages, the workers have, in fact, accepted less than full pay in order to get any cash at all. Many wage arrearages also go unreported, and new arrearages continue to accumulate, despite the creation of programs to discourage them.164

Some local governments have taken steps to help workers recover wages. In February 2006, the Shenzhen Labor and Social Security Bureau sanctioned 1,300 companies and imposed 47 million yuan (US$5.8 million) in fines for not paying wages owed to workers. The Bureau reclaimed about 70 million yuan (US$8.6 million) in unpaid wages.165 Since July 2006, employers in Shaanxi province who have not met time limits set by the provincial government for paying back wages have been subject to fines totaling 50 to 100 percent of the arrearages.166 In 2005, the Guangdong Provincial Labor and Social Security Bureau began posting the names of companies that continued to default on wages after "repeated education, warnings, or even heavy punishments."167 Although these programs are positive developments, they have not been highly successful.168

Benefits

Employers in China rarely comply with laws and regulations on benefits.169 In one 2004 study, a Western auditing firm found that only 5 of 80 Chinese factories surveyed were in compliance with benefits laws.170 Compliance problems included failure to grant workers paid vacations and failure to enroll workers in the social security system (including pensions).171 Companies also have failed to provide workers with medical benefits, including treatment for workplace injuries and maternity benefits.172 Some employers circumvent their obligation to provide benefits by refusing to sign labor contracts.173

The State Council adopted a decision on basic old-age insurance in December 2005 with the stated goal of shifting Chinese pensions from an enterprise-based system to a market-oriented system with personal accounts.174 The decision also seeks to address the underfunding of personal accounts, guarantee the short-term availability of pension funds, and expand coverage of the funds.175 One U.S. expert said, "For this patchwork [of pensions], covering perhaps a sixth of the total Chinese workforce, the net present value of unfunded liabilities is estimated to exceed current GDP--perhaps substantially."176 Problems in the pension system spurred large-scale worker protests in 2005 and 2006.177

The government announced plans in 2006 to expand coverage of on-the-job injury insurance to 140 million people by 2010178 and said it would take compulsory measures to promote employer participation.179 As of April 2006, 87 million workers were covered, the government reported.180 In June, the Shanxi province government announced that all employers must provide injury insurance to migrant workers.181 By the end of July 2006, 18.7 million migrant workers nationwide had such insurance, according to government figures.182

U.S.-China Bilateral Programs

The U.S. Department of Labor (DOL) and two Chinese government agencies continued to conduct cooperative activities during 2006 on wage and hour laws, occupational safety and health, mine safety and health, and pension program oversight.183 The DOL-sponsored mine safety program provided training to 55 Chinese mine managers and over 400 miners. Under the Labor Law Cooperation Project, four legislative drafters participated in internship programs in the United States to learn about legislative and labor law systems and enforcement practices. The project also produced information, education, and communication materials on labor law that were distributed to tens of thousands of Chinese workers. Under the project, 2,437 migrant workers received labor law training, 380 workers received counseling services, and 24 were provided with legal assistance.184

The DOL, in cooperation with central and local Chinese government agencies, completed five baseline surveys on labor dispute resolution that served as references for drafting a new Dispute Resolution Law, scheduled for consideration in August 2006. In addition, the Project selected 15 diverse enterprises (including joint venture, foreign-owned, state-owned, small, medium, and large enterprises) to participate in a pilot project to improve labor relations. Training for some 80 individuals began in April 2006 to establish and operate in-plant labor-management committees. Trainees include officials from district labor dispute tribunals, company human resource directors, and workers from the enterprises.185

Migrant Workers

Official statistics suggest 120 million rural migrants worked in China's urban cities in 2005.186 These migrant workers often face discrimination and violations of their legal rights. Over 81 percent of rural migrant workers currently work outside of their place of residence for more than six months out of the year, an increase of 6.4 percent compared to 2002, according to a State Council research report.187 Since many local regulations limit the ability of poor migrants to obtain local hukou (household registration) in the urban areas where they live and work, migrant workers are often unable to obtain public services such as health insurance and education for their children on an equal basis with urban residents [see Section V(i)--Freedom of Residence and Travel].

Migrant workers also frequently have difficulties protecting their legal rights under China's labor laws. Fewer than 54 percent of rural migrant workers have signed labor contracts with their employers. Excessive work hours and unpaid wages are common problems.188 Over 35 percent of rural migrant workers report "sometimes" having difficulty being paid on time, while nearly 16 percent say they "frequently" have problems being paid.189 Seventy-six percent of migrant workers report that they have not received overtime pay owed to them.190

Chinese authorities have attempted to address the problems of migrant workers. The Ministry of Health announced a plan in May 2006 to improve the health of rural migrant workers. The plan includes goals for preventing and controlling the spread of HIV/AIDS among rural migrants, improving infectious disease monitoring capabilities in large urban areas with migrant workers, as well as improving workplace health and safety conditions for migrant workers.191 The central government has also included in its 2006 rural development campaign for a "new socialist countryside" such components as reform of the hukou system, protection of the legal rights of migrant workers, and the elimination of discriminatory regulations that restrict urban job opportunities for migrants.192 In 2005, both Beijing municipal authorities and national Ministry of Labor and Social Security officials eliminated rules that limit employment in cities for migrants.193 Chinese authorities also have called for creating better mechanisms for addressing workers' claims for unpaid wages and for expanding workers' compensation insurance programs to cover migrants.194 The State Council's research report on migrant workers notes that despite central government policies regarding the abolition of discriminatory permits and fees for rural migrant workers, "the phenomenon of illegal charges continues to exist" in some areas.195

Notes to Section V(c)--Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Standards

1 ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, 18 June 98, International Labour Organization, art. 2 [hereinafter ILO Declaration].<www.ilo.org>

2 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 37.

3 "Fundamental ILO Conventions," International Labour Organization (Online), 20 October 00.<www.ilo.org>

4 122 countries have ratified all of the fundamental conventions, while 57 countries have not. Ratifications of the ILO Fundamental Conventions, International Labour Organization (Online), 23 August 06.<webfusion.ilo.org> The United States has ratified two of the eight ILO core conventions, but even without ratification, the conventions already are largely incorporated into U.S. law. The ILO Declaration "[d]eclares that all Members, even if they have not ratified the Conventions in question, have an obligation arising from the very fact of membership in the Organization to respect, to promote and to realize, in good faith and in accordance with the Constitution, the principles concerning the fundamental rights which are the subject of those Conventions, namely: (a) freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining . . . ."

5 Ratifications of the ILO Fundamental Conventions, International Labour Organization.<webfusion.ilo.org>

6 "China: Forced Labor and Trafficking: the Role of Labour Institution in Law Enforcement and International Cooperation," International Labour Organization (Online), August 2005.<www.ilo.org>

7 PRC Labor Law [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo laodong fa], enacted 5 July 94, amended 10 October 01.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

8 Trial Measures on Reeducation Through Labor [Laodong jiaoyang shixing banfa], issued 21 January 82;<劳动教养试行办法 | www.cecc.gov> Provisions on Public Security Agencies' Handling of Reeducation Through Labor Cases [Gongan jiguan banli laodong jiaoyang anjian guiding], issued 12 April 02;<公安机关办理劳动教养案件规定 | www.cecc.gov> PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, enacted 28 August 05.<www.mps.gov.cn>

9 ILO Convention (No. 105) Concerning the Abolition of Forced Labour, 25 June 57, 320 U.N.T.S. 291;<www.ilo.org> ILO Convention (No. 29) Concerning Forced or Compulsory Labour, 28 June 30, 39 U.N.T.S. 55.<www.ilo.org>

10 China has signed, but has not yet ratified, the ICCPR. The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China's top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005, statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004 speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

11 Statement Made By China Upon Ratification of the ICESCR, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (Online), 27 March 01. Article 10 of China's Trade Union Law establishes the All-China Federation of Trade Unions as the "unified national organization," and Article 11 mandates that all unions must be approved by the next higher-level union body, giving the ACFTU an absolute veto over the establishment of any local union and the legal authority to block independent labor associations. PRC Trade Union Law, enacted 3 April 92, amended 27 October 01, arts. 10, 11.

12 Trini Leung, "ACFTU and Union Organizing," China Labour Bulletin (Online), 26 April 02.<www.hartford-hwp.com>

13 PRC Trade Union Law, art. 4.

14 "Wang Zhaoguo Speaks at Presidium Meeting of All-China Federation of Trade Unions," Xinhua, 4 July 05 (Open Source Center, 4 July 05); PRC Trade Union Law, art. 11.

15 PRC Trade Union Law, arts. 10, 11.

16 Constitution of the Trade Unions of the People's Republic of China, adopted 24 October 98, art. 15.<www.acftu.org.cn>

17 Leung, "ACFTU and Union Organizing."<www.hartford-hwp.com>

18 Hong Kong Liaison Office of International Free Labor Trade Unions (Online), "ACFTU and Trade Unions," March 2006.<www.ihlo.org>

19 Ibid.<www.ihlo.org>

20 Ibid.;<www.ihlo.org> "Total Grassroots Union in China Total 1,174,000" [Wo guo jiceng gonghui shuliang da 117.4 wan], Xinhua (Online), 5 July 06.<我国基层工会数量达117.4万个 | news.xinhuanet.com>

21 "China Plans to Unionize 60% of Foreign Firms," Asia Times (Online), 1 April 06;<biz.scmp.com> Hai Tao, "Chinese Government Plans to Pressure Foreign Enterprises to Establish Unions" [Zhongguo zhengfu jihua cu waizi qiye sheli gonghui], Voice of America (Online), 25 July 06.<中国政府计划促外资企业设立工会 | www.voanews.com>

22 Hai Tao, "Chinese Government Plans To Pressure Foreign Enterprises To Establish Unions."<中国政府计划促外资企业设立工会 | www.voanews.com>

23 "Total Grassroots Union in China Total 1,174,000," Xinhua.<我国基层工会数量达117.4万个 | news.xinhuanet.com>

24 "Foreign Firms Should Be Compelled to Unionize," China Daily (Online), 6 July 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

25 China Labor Bulletin (Online), "Wal-Mart Unionisation Drive Ordered by Hu Jintao in March--A Total of 17 Union Branches Now Set Up," 15 August 06.<www.clb.org.hk>

26 Ibid.<www.clb.org.hk>

27 "ACFTU and Trade Unions," Hong Kong Liaison Office of International Free Labor Trade Unions (Online), March 06.<www.ihlo.org>

28 Alison Mailland, "Reebok in China: Worker Elections in Two Supplier Factories," Financial Times (Online), 12 December 02.<www.cleanclothes.org>

29 Nie Chunlin, "New Political Atmosphere in Hubei, Direct Election of 50,000 Union Heads by 2009," 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 5 January 06.<"鄂政"新气象直选5万工会主席 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn>

30 Notice on Issuance of "Opinion on Strengthening the Direct Election Work of Grassroots Unions" and "Hubei Trial Measures on Direct Elections of Union Heads" [Guanyu yinfa "Guanyu jiaqiang jiceng gonghui zhuxi zhijie xuanju gongzuo de yijian" he "Hubei sheng jiceng gonghui zhuxi zhijie xuanju shixing banfa" de tongzhi], issued 7 July 05, art. 11(1), (3).<关于印发《关于加强基层工会主席直接选举工作的意见》和《湖北省基层工会主席直接选举试行办法》的通知 | www.hbzgh.org.cn>

31 For additional information on Li's case, see the CECC Political Prisoner Database, at https://ppd.cecc.gov.

32 Ibid.

33 Human Rights in China (Online), "Jailed Labor Activists Refused Medical Parole," 19 December 03;<www.hrichina.org> China Labour Bulletin (Online), "Chronology of Cases of Yao Fuxin and Xiao Yunliang," 2 November 05.<www.china-labour.org.hk>

34 Labor Rights and Conditions in China, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 18 March 02, Testimony of Mark Hankin, Coordinator for Program Development, the American Center for International Labor Solidarity, AFL-CIO.

35 Simon Clarke, Chang-Hee Lee, and Qi Li, "Collective Consultation and Industrial Relations in China," 42 Brit. J. Industrial Relations 235, 242 (2004).<www.warwick.ac.uk>

36 PRC Trade Union Law, art. 20.

37 Provisions on Collective Contracts [Jiti hetong guiding], issued 20 January 04.<集体合同规定 | www.cecc.gov>

38 Ronald C. Brown, "China's Collective Contract Provisions: Can Collective Negotiations Embody Collective Bargaining? " 16 Duke J. Comp. & Int'l L. 35, 36 (2006).<www.law.duke.edu>

39 Clarke, "Collective Consultation and Industrial Relations in China," 242 (2004).<www.warwick.ac.uk>

40 State Council Information Office, White Paper on China's Employment Situation and Policies, April 2004;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> All-China Federation of Trade Unions, 2005 ACFTU Blue Book on Upholding the Legal Rights and Interests of Workers, 2 June 06;<www.china.com.cn> Interpreting the 2005 ACFTU Blue Book on Upholding the Legal Rights and Interests of Workers" [2005 Zhongguo gonghui weihu zhigong hefa quanyi lanpishu shuju jiedu], Workers Daily, reprinted in People's Daily (Online), 2 June 06;<2005中国工会维护职工合法权益蓝皮书数据解读 | www.china.org.cn> State Council Information Office (Online), China Facts and Figures, 2004.

41 Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

42 Ibid.

43 PRC Labor Law, arts. 77-84;<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov> PRC Trade Union Law, arts. 20, 21.

44 PRC Labor Law, art. 80.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

45 Ibid., art. 79.

46 "Xinjiang People's Congress Representative Appeals for Abolition of Labor Arbitration Procedure" [Xinjiang renda daibiao huyu quxiao laodong zhongcai qianzhi de falu chengxu], Xinhua (Online), 20 January 06.<新疆人大代表呼吁取消劳动仲裁前置的法律程序 | news.xinhuanet.com>

47 PRC Labor Law, art. 81.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

48 In some cases, the trade union officials have taken the side of the employer rather than the employee. China Labour Bulletin (Online), "Courtroom Episode: Trade Union Official vs. Worker," 28 October 05.<iso.china-labour.org.hk>

49 SPC Judicial Interpretation on Several Questions Regarding the Use of Law in Labor Dispute Cases [Zui gao fayuan guanyu shenli laodong zhengyi anjian shiyong ruogan wenti de jieshi], issued 14 August 06, art. 3.

50 "Labor Arbitration Becomes More Professionalized" [Laodong zhongcai shitihua laodong zhengyi hao tiaojie], Xinhua (Online), 31 August 05.<劳动仲裁实体化劳动争议好调解 | www.gd.xinhuanet.com>

51 Ibid.<劳动仲裁实体化劳动争议好调解 | www.gd.xinhuanet.com>

52 Ministry of Labor and Social Security, reprinted by the PRC Central Government (Online), "Ministry of Labor and Social Security Holds Press Conference on First Quarter of 2006 Work" [Laodong he shehui baozhang bu zhaokai 2006 nian di yi jidu xinwen fabuhui], 5 May 06.<劳动和社会保障部召开2006年第一季度新闻发布会 | www.gov.cn>

53 Anhui Province Department of Labor and Social Security (Online), "Introduction to Anhui Arbitration Tribunals" [Anhui sheng laodong zhengyi zhongcaiyuan jieshao], 22 June 06.<安徽省劳动争议仲裁院简介所属类别[劳动争议仲裁] | www.ahldt.gov.cn>

54 PRC Labor Law, art. 83.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

55 China Labour Bulletin (Online), "Over 300,000 Labour Lawsuits Filed in 2005, ACFTU Survey Says," 12 May 06;<www.clb.org.hk> Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

56 Ibid.<npc.people.com.cn>

57 Ibid.<npc.people.com.cn>

58 Ibid.<npc.people.com.cn>

59 PRC Labor Contract Draft Law, issued 21 March 06;<中华人民共和国劳动合同法(草案) | www.cecc.gov> "Draft Law on Labor Contracts Made Public--Views Sought," Xinhua (Online), 21 March 06.<www.china.org.cn>

60 "China's Legislature Receives 4,769 Suggestions on Draft Labor Contract Law," Xinhua (Online), 27 March 06;<english.people.com.cn> Wang Ye, "Contracts of Workers Covered by New Law," China Daily, 21 March 06 (Open Source Center, 21 March 06). The draft labor law includes 65 articles in seven chapters addressing: (1) general principles; (2) agreement on a labor contract; (3) implementation and modification of a labor contract; (4) cancellation and termination of a labor contract; (5) legal responsibilities; and (6) supplementary materials. "Draft of the Labor Contract Law," Legal Daily;<中华人民共和国劳动合同法(草案) | www.cecc.gov> "The Problem of Being Lax on Workers, Strict on Employers Does Not Exist in Draft of Labor Contract Law" [Laodong hetong fa cao'an bu cunzai dui gongren kuan dui guzhu yan de wenti], Procuratorial Daily (Online), 21 April 06.<劳动合同法草案不存在对工人宽对雇主严的问题 | www.jcrb.com>

61 "Chinese Public Makes Over 190,000 Suggestions on Draft Labor Contract Law," Xinhua, 21 April 06 (Open Source Center, 21 April 06).

62 Article 16 of the Labor Law states, "A labor contract shall be concluded where a labor relationship is to be established." Article 19 specifies that labor contracts "shall be concluded in written form." PRC Labor Law, arts. 16, 19.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

63 "China's Top Legislature Debates Contract Bill Protecting Worker's Rights," Xinhua (Online), 28 December 05.<www.china.org.cn>

64 "State Council Research Center Issues Report: China's Rural Workers Are Experiencing Three Big Changes" [Guowuyuan yanjiushi fabu baogao: woguo nongmingong zheng fasheng san da bianhua], Xinhua, reprinted by the PRC Central Government (Online), 16 April 06.<国务院研究室发布报告:我国农民工正发生3大转变 | www.gov.cn>

65 Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

66 "Draft of the Labor Contract Law," Legal Daily (Online), 21 March 06.<中华人民共和国劳动合同法(草案) | www.cecc.gov>

67 Wang Ye, "Contracts of Workers Covered by New Law."

68 "Compulsory Labor Contracts To Be Imposed on All Firms," Xinhua (Online), 20 January 06.<www.china.org.cn>

69 "Firms Face Higher Costs Under New China Labour Law," Reuters (Online), 6 July 06;<today.reuters.com> Meg Utterback, "China's New Draft Labor Contract Law: Help or Hindrance?," Thelen Reid & Priest LLP China Watch (Online), 15 May 06.<www.thelenreid.com>

70 Bill Savadove, "Firms Say New Labour Law Is a Step Backwards," South China Morning Post (Online), 21 March 06.<china.scmp.com>

71 Utterback, "China's New Draft Labor Contract Law: Help or Hindrance?;"<www.thelenreid.com> PRC Labor Contract Draft Law, art.16.<中华人民共和国劳动合同法(草案) | www.cecc.gov>

72 Wang Weiming, "Three Deficiencies with the Draft Labor Contracting Law" [Laodong hetong fa cao'an de san dian quehan], China Youth Daily (Online), 31 March 06.

73 Leung, "ACFTU and Union Organizing."<www.hartford-hwp.com>

74 PRC Trade Union Law, art. 6.

75 CECC Staff Interview.

76 "ACFTU Works To Improve Legal Aid System," China Corporate Social Responsibility (Online), 12 May 06;<www.chinacsr.com> "China Daily: Unions Launch Campaign to Safeguard Migrant Workers," China Daily, 14 June 06 (Open Source Center, 14 June 06);<www.chinadaily.com.cn> "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 14-16.<中办、国办转发《关于深入开展平安建设的意见》 | www.cecc.gov>

77 "ACFTU Works To Improve Legal Aid System," China Corporate Social Responsibility.<www.chinacsr.com>

78 CECC Staff Interview.

79 "China's Legislature Receives 4,769 Suggestions on Draft Labor Contract Law," Xinhua;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> "ACFTU Collaborates with Government to Launch Campaign to Promote Safety and Health for Migrant Workers" [Quanzong deng lianhe tuichu "Guanai nongmingong shengming anquan yu jiankang tebie xingdong"], People's Daily (Online), 13 June 06;<全总等联合推出“关爱农民工生命安全与健康特别行动” | opinion.people.com.cn> "Workers Have the Right to Refuse to Work in Dangerous Environments" [Qiye qiangling maoxian zuoye gongren you quan jujue], China Youth Daily (Online), 14 June 06;<企业强令冒险作业工人有权拒绝 | zqb.cyol.com> "Right to Refuse Dangerous Work," China Daily (Online), 21 June 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

80 Forced Labor in China, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 22 June 05, Testimony and Written Statement Submitted by Harry Wu, Executive Director, Laogai Research Foundation; Forced Labor in China, Testimony and Written Statement Submitted by Gregory Xu, Falun Gong practitioner and researcher on the treatment of Falun Gong practitioners in China. Mr. Wu described conditions he saw in forced labor camps including prisoners working 12-hour shifts and working in dangerous conditions. Mr. Xu described the cases of several Falun Gong practitioners who were tortured while in detention.

81 Ibid. Mr. Xu stated that Falun Gong practitioners were forced to work at highly intensive jobs for far longer than eight hours a day, and on occasion, continuously overnight.

82 PRC Labor Law, art. 96.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

83 Ibid.

84 Ibid.

85 "30 Forced Laborers 'Fall' Into Yuncheng Brick Kiln" [Qiangzhi laodong 30 duo ren "diao" jin Yuncheng zhuanyao moku], Xinhua (Online), 29 March 06;<强制劳动 30多人“掉”进运城砖窑魔窟(图) | www.sx.xinhuanet.com> "78 Year-Old Mother Searches for Son, Rescues 30 Migrant Workers in Illegal Brick Kiln" [78 sui lao mu qian li xun er, jiejiu hei zhuanyao 30 nongmingong], Tengxun Net (Online), 30 April 06;<78岁老母千里寻儿解救黑砖窑30农民工 | news.qq.com> Ping Yunfei and Yang Shengquan, "Migrant Workers from Chongqing Reduced to 'Indentured Laborers' in Shandong" [Chongqing mingong Shandong lun wei "bao shen gong"], Chongqing Business Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 15 May 06;<重庆民工山东沦为“包身工” | www.cq.xinhuanet.com> "Worker Reports Dingzhou Indentured Labor Phenomenon, Goes Missing After Meeting with Local Officials" [Mingong jubao dingzhou baoshen gong xianxiang yu dangdi guanyuan hou shi zong], Net Ease (Online), 5 July 05.<民工举报定州包身工现象遇当地官员后失踪 | news.163.com>

86 Combating Human Trafficking in China: Domestic and International Efforts, Hearing of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 6 March 06, Testimony and Written Statement Submitted by Roger Plant, Head of Special Action Program to Combat Forced Labor, International Labour Organization.

87 "China: Forced Labor and Trafficking," International Labour Organization.

88 19 U.S.C. 1307 (1930).

89 Government Accountability Office (Online), "Implementation of the 1992 Prison Labor Memorandum of Understanding," 3 April 95, 16-18.<archive.gao.gov>

90 22 U.S.C. 6961-6965 (2000).

91 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06.

92 Harry Wu, Remarks on the Soviet Gulag and the Chinese Laogai: Comparing the Two Systems of Oppression Conference, Freedom House Conference, 5 May 06;<www.laogai.org> Philip P. Pan, "China's Prison Laborers Pay Price for Market Reforms," Washington Post (Online), 14 June 01.

93 Ibid.<www.laogai.org>

94 Forced Labor in China, Testimony and Written Statement Submitted by Harry Wu; Pan, "China's Prison Laborers Pay Price for Market Reforms."

95 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 42.

96 China Labour Bulletin (Online), "Survey Report on Child Labour in China" [Guanyu zhongguo tonggong xianxiang de shidi kaocha baogao], 30 May 06;<www.clb.org.hk> Dennis Cheung and Richard Welford, "Is Child Labour on the Increase in China?," CSR Asia Weekly (Online), 11 September 05.<www.csr-asia.com>

97 "Police Cracks Down on Child Kidnapping," Xinhua (Online), 1 June 06.<english.gov.cn>

98 PRC Labor Law, arts. 15, 94.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

99 Ibid, arts. 64-65.

100 Rules Banning the Use of Child Labor [Jinzhi shiyong tonggong guiding], issued 1 October 02, arts. 4, 6.<中华人民共和国国务院令（第364号） | news.xinhuanet.com>

101 Regulations on the Specific Scope of State Secrets and the Level of Secrecy in Labor and Social Security Work [Laodong he shehui baozhang gongzuo zhong guojia mimi ji juti fanwei de guiding], issued 17 January 00, art. 3.<劳动和社会保障工作中国家秘密及其密级具体范围的规定 | www.ddcei.gov.cn>

102 China Labour Bulletin (Online), "Survey Report on Child Labour in China;"<www.clb.org.hk> Cheung and Welford, "Is Child Labour on the Increase in China?"<www.csr-asia.com>

103 "600 Shaanxi Students Cheated Into Child Labor" [Shaan xiao pian 600 xuesheng fu yue zuo tonggong], Ta Kung Pao (Online), 12 April 06.<陝校騙600學生赴粵做童工 | www.cecc.gov>

104 Stephen Frost, "China View," CSR Asia Weekly (Online), 26 April 06.<陝校騙600學生赴粵做童工 | www.cecc.gov>

105 China Labour Bulletin, "Survey Report on Child Labour in China."<www.clb.org.hk>

106 Ibid.<www.clb.org.hk>

107 Cheung, "Is Child Labour on the Increase in China?"<www.csr-asia.com>

108 PRC Constitution, art. 48; PRC Labor Law, art. 13;<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov> PRC Law on the Protection of Interests and Rights of Women, enacted 3 April 92, amended 28 August 05, arts. 24-25.<中华人民共和国妇女权益保障法 | www.cecc.gov>

109 Rules on Collective Contracts, art. 14; Hong Kong Trade Development Council (Online),<www.tdctrade.com> "New Regulations on Collective Contracts Give Special Protection to Female Workers," 1 May 04.<www.jincao.com>

110 State Council Information Office, "China's Employment Situation and Policies," Xinhua (Online), 26 April 04.<news.xinhuanet.com>

111 Wang Meiyan, "Analysis of Gender Differences in Employment Opportunities and Wages in China's Urban Labor Markets" [Zhongguo chengshi laodongli shichang nannu liang xing jiuye jihui he gongzi chaju fenxi], China Net (Online), 16 March 06.<中国城市劳动力市场男女两性就业机会和工资差距分析 | www.china.org.cn>

112 "Chongqing District Employment Service: Redundant Women Workers are Reemployed at the 'Family Door'" [Chongqing shequ jiuye fuwu xiagang nugong "jia menkou" shixian zaijiuye], Xinhua (Online), 9 May 06;<重庆社区就业服务下岗女工“家门口”实现再就业 | www.womenwatch-china.org> "Jimunai County Provides Favorable Loans Amounting to 1.4 Million Yuan To Help 70 Redundant Woman Workers Find New Jobs" [Jimunai xian wei 70 ming xiagang funu fafang zaijiuye daikuan 140 wan yuan], Tianshan Net (Online), 31 May 06.<吉木乃县为70名下岗妇女发放再就业贷款140万元 | www.tianshannet.com>

113 "Revisions to Retirement Regulations Requiring Women To Retire Before Men Suggested to NPC Standing Committee" [Nannu tuixiu butong nianling guiding xiang quanguo renda changweihui tiqi weixian shencha jianyi shu], Women Watch-China (Online), 10 March 06;<男女退休不同龄规定向全国人大常委会提起违宪审查建议书 | www.womenwatch-china.org> Temporary Measures on Workers' Retirement and Resignation [Guowuyuan guanyu gongren tuixiu tuizhi de zanxing banfa], issued 24 May 78.<国务院关于颁发《国务院关于安置老弱病残干部的暂行办法》和《国务院关于工人退休、退职的暂行办法》的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

114 "Revisions to Retirement Regulations Requiring Women To Retire Before Men Suggested to NPC Standing Committee," Women Watch-China.<男女退休不同龄规定向全国人大常委会提起违宪审查建议书 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

115 CECC Staff Interview.

116 PRC Constitution, art. 4.

117 PRC Labor Law, art. 12.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov>

118 See, e.g., Mette Halskov Hansen, "The Challenge of Sipsong Panna in the Southwest," in Governing China's Multiethnic Frontiers, ed. Morris Rossabi (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004), 61-62.

119 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China.<www.state.gov>

120 Edward Cody, "Train 27, Now Arriving Tibet, in a 'Great Leap West,' " Washington Post (Online), 4 July 06.<www.washingtonpost.com>

121 CECC Staff Interview.

122 "Xinjiang Will Recruit Through Examination 700 Civil Servants To Enrich Cadre Ranks in Southern Xinjiang" [Xinjiang jiang mianxiang shehui zhaokao 700 ming gongwuyuan chongshi nanjiang ganbu duiwu], Xinjiang Daily, reprinted in Tianshan Net (Online), 7 April 05.<新疆将面向社会招考700名公务员充实南疆干部队伍 | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

123 "Civil Servant Recruitment in Xinjiang Favors Han Chinese," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2006, 6-7.<www.cecc.gov>

124 China Labour Bulletin (Online), "Over 300,000 Labour Lawsuits Filed in 2005, ACFTU Survey Says," 12 May 06;<www.clb.org.hk> Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

125 Qiao Jian and Jiang Ying, "An Analysis of Labor Disputes and Mass Incidents During Marketization," 297-314; "Rise in Collective Disputes Attributed to Weak Protections of Worker Rights," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 13-14.<www.cecc.gov>

126 Qiao Jian and Jiang Ying, "An Analysis of Labor Disputes and Mass Incidents During Marketization," 297-314.

127 Tim Johnson, "Millions of Workers in China Aren't Getting Paid," San Jose Mercury News (Online), 23 January 06.

128 Jiang Zhuqing, "China to Shut Down 4,000 Mines by Dec. 31," China Daily (Online), 13 December 05;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> Fu Jing, "Unions Launch Campaign to Safeguard Migrant Workers," China Daily (Online), 14 June 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

129 "35,800 Firms Ordered to Close Over Safety Concerns," Xinhua (Online), 16 February 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

130 "Leaders Face Punishment Over Fatal Accidents," People's Daily (Online), 16 February 06.<english.people.com.cn>

131 PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 25 December 99<中华人民共和国刑法修正案 | www.cecc.gov>, 31 August 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（二） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 December 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 December 02<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（四） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 February 05<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（五） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 June 06, arts. 134, 135, 139<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（六） | www.cecc.gov>.

132 "China Issues Safety in Production Plan for the 11th Five-Year Program, Rigorously Investigates Malfeasance and Corrupt Behavior" [Zhongguo fabu anquan shengchan shiyi wu guihua yancha duzhi fubai xingwei], Xinhua (Online), 27 August 06;< 中国发布安全生产十一五规划严查渎职腐败行为 | news.xinhuanet.com> "More Needed To Be Spent on Work Safety: State Councilor," Xinhua (Online), 7 July 06.<english.gov.cn>

133 "US$60B Fund To Reduce Workplace Accidents," China Daily, 30 August 06 (Open Source Center, 30 August 06).

134 Ministry of Health Circular on Implementing the "State Council Opinion on Resolving Rural Worker Problems" [Weishengbu guanyu guancheluoshi "Guowuyuan guanyu jiejue nongminggong wenti de ruogan yijian" de tongzhi], issued 16 May 06.<卫生部关于贯彻落实《国务院关于解决农民工问题的若干意见》的通知 | www.moh.gov.cn>

135 "Migrant Workers To Get Basic Healthcare," Xinhua (Online), 24 April 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

136 "Occupational Diseases Injure 200 Million Workers," Beijing News (Online), 23 February 06.<news.thebeijingnews.com>

137 Ibid.<www.clb.org.hk>

138 "China To Close Another 7,000 Mines Before '08," China Daily (Online), 15 June 06;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> China Labour Bulletin (Online), "63 Killed and 26 Trapped in Three Separate Coal Mine Accidents," 17 July 06.<www.clb.org.hk>

139 Experts have reported that the annual death rate in Chinese mines may be as high as 20,000. China Labor Bulletin (Online), "More than 4,500 Officials Report Shares in Coal Mines With a Total Investment of 650 Million Yuan," 11 March 05;<www.clb.org.hk> China Labour Bulletin, "63 Killed and 26 Trapped in Three Separate Coal Mine Accidents."<www.clb.org.hk>

140 "Beijing Demands Mine-Safety Push," South China Morning Post (Online), 15 January 06.

141 "Nightmare for Safety Troubleshooter," South China Morning Post (Online), 9 December 05.<china.scmp.com>

142 "Coal Mine Blast in the North Kills 23, Sickens 53," South China Morning Post (Online), 2 February 06.<china.scmp.com>

143 "China Sets a Modest Goal in Cutting Coal Mine Deaths," Reuters, reprinted in China Daily (Online), 7 February 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

144 "Government Program to Shut Dangerous Coal Mines Proceeds Slowly, Results Mixed," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 3-4.<www.cecc.gov>

145 "China to Trim Down 10,000 Small Coal Mines By 2010," Xinhua (Online), 26 May 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

146 "China to Close All Small Coal Mines," Xinhua, reprinted in China Daily (Online), 4 April 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

147 Ibid.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

148 "7,000 Officials Retract Stakes from Mines," Xinhua (Online), 20 January 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

149 Joint Circular of the State Administration for Work Safety and the State Administration for Coal Mine Safety on the Reissuance of the "State Council General Office Emergency Circular Regarding Firmly Reorganizing and Closing Illegal Coal Mines and Those With Insufficient Safe Production Conditions" [Guojia anquan shengchan jiandu guanli ju guojia meikuang anquan jiancha ju zhuanfa "guowuyuan bangongting guanyu jianjue zhengdun guanbi bu jubei anquan shengchan tiaojian he feifa meikuang de jinji tongzhi"], issued 24 August 05, art. 3.<关于坚决整顿关闭不具备安全生产条件和非法煤矿的紧急通知 | www.cecc.gov>

150 "7,000 Officials Retract Stakes from Mines," Xinhua (Online).<news.xinhuanet.com>

151 "222 People Dealt With According to Law for Coal Mine Accidents," Xinhua (Online), 23 December 05.<news.xinhuanet.com>

152 Provisions on Minimum Wage [Zui di gongzi guiding], issued 20 January 04.<news.xinhuanet.com>

153 Chow Chung-yan, "Minimum Wages Up 17 Percent in Shenzhen to Ease Social Unrest," South China Morning Post (Online), 1 June 06.

154 "Guangdong Increases Minimum Salary Levels," People's Daily (Online), 13 July 06;<www.china.org.cn> "Shenzhen Raises Minimum Wage," China Daily, reprinted in PRC Central People's Government (Online), 1 June 05.<english.people.com.cn>

155 Ministry of Labor and Social Security (Online), "2005 Minimum Wage Standards for Each Province, Autonomous Region, and Directly-Administered Municipality" [2005 Nian ge sheng, zizhiqu, zhixiashi, yue zui di gongzi biaozhun], 1 March 06.<２００５年各省、自治区、直辖市月最低工资标准 | www.molss.gov.cn>

156 "Pay Workers Decent Wages," China Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 9 May 06;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> Provisions on Minimum Wage, art. 10.<最低工资规定 | www.cecc.gov>

157 Ministry of Labor and Social Security, "2005 Minimum Wage Standards for Each Province, Autonomous Region, and Directly-Administered Municipality."<２００５年各省、自治区、直辖市月最低工资标准 | www.molss.gov.cn>

158 "Pay Workers Decent Wages," China Daily.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

159 "Provinces Fail to Meet Minimum Pay Rules," South China Morning Post (Online), 9 May 06.<china.scmp.com>

160 Johnson, "Millions of Workers in China Aren't Getting Paid."<www.china-labour.org.hk>

161 Ibid.<www.china-labour.org.hk>

162 Ibid.<www.china-labour.org.hk>

163 "State Council Report: Workers' Monthly Salary Mostly 500-800 Yuan; Half of Rural Workers Do Not Get Paid on Time" [Guowuyuan baogao: Mingong yue xin duo zai 500-800 yuan ban shu nongmingong bu neng anshi ling dao gongzi], Southern Metropolitan Daily (Online), 17 April 06.< 国务院报告：民工月薪多在500-800元半数农民工不能按时领到工资 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn>

164 Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

165 "Government Helps Migrant Workers Get Unpaid Wages," People's Daily (Online), 27 January 06.<english.people.com.cn>

166 "Shaanxi Employers Ordered to Pay Compensation for Delaying Minimum Wage Payments," Legal Daily, reprinted in China Labour Bulletin (Online), 13 June 06.<www.clb.org.hk>

167 "30 Firms Blacklisted for Defaulting Wages," Xinhua (Online), 26 June 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

168 Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

169 Working Conditions in China: Just and Favorable?, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 3 November 05, Testimony of Dan Viederman, Executive Director, Verite.

170 Ibid.

171 Ibid.

172 See, e.g., "80 Percent of Private Firms Violate Employee Rights," China Daily, 29 December 05 (Open Source Center, 29 December 05);<www.chinadaily.com.cn> Juliette Li, "Maternity Insurance and Leave in China," CSR Asia Weekly (Online), 3 May 06, 11.<www.csr-asia.com>

173 "80 Percent of Private Firms Violate Employee Rights," China Daily.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

174 "PRC Media Hail Pension Reform, Note Remaining Challenges," Open Source Center, 30 January 06 (Open Source Center, 30 January 06).

175 Ibid.

176 Nicholas Eberstadt, "Growing Old the Hard Way," American Enterprise Institute (Online), 18 April 06.<www.aei.org>

177 "OSC Analysis 30 Jan: PRC Media Hail Pension Reform, Note Remaining Challenges," Opens Source Center, 30 January 06.

178 "Our Country's On-the-Job Injury Insurance Aims To Cover 140 Million People by 2010" [Woguo gongshang baoxian lizheng 2010 nian fugai 1.4 yi ren], Legal Daily (Online), 23 June 06.<我国工伤保险力争2010年覆盖1.4亿人 | legaldaily.com.cn>

179 "State Will Take Compulsory Measures To Supervise and Urge Enterprise Participation in On-the-Job Injury Insurance" [Guojia jiang caiqu qiangzhi shouduan ducu qiye canjia gongshang baoxian], China Youth Daily (Online), 9 September 06.<国家将采取强制手段督促企业参加工伤保险 | zqb.cyol.com>

180 "Our Country's On-the-Job Injury Insurance Aims to Cover 140 Million People by 2010," Legal Daily.<我国工伤保险力争2010年覆盖1.4亿人 | legaldaily.com.cn>

181 "Shanxi: Employing Units Must Provide Migrant Workers With On-the-Job Injury Insurance" [Shanxi: yongren danwei bixu ji nongmingong jiaona gongshang baoxian], Xinhua (Online), 29 June 06.< 山西：用人单位必须给农民工缴纳工伤保险 | news.xinhuanet.com>

182 "State Will Take Compulsory Measures To Supervise and Urge Enterprise Participation in On-the-Job Injury Insurance," China Youth Daily.<国家将采取强制手段督促企业参加工伤保险 | zqb.cyol.com>

183 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 41.

184 Information provided by the International Labor Bureau, U.S. Department of Labor.

185 Ibid.

186 "State Council Research Center Issues Report: China's Rural Workers Are Experiencing Three Big Changes" [Guowuyuan yanjiushi fabu baogao: woguo nongmingong zheng fasheng san da zhuanbian], Xinhua, reprinted by the PRC Central Government (Online), 16 April 06;"<国务院研究室发布报告:我国农民工正发生3大转变 | www.gov.cn> 'Report on Rural Migrant Workers:' The Average Age of Migrant Workers is 28.6 Years Old" [Zhongguo nongmingong diaoyan baogao: nongmingong pingjun nianling wei 28.6 sui], Xinhua, reprinted in China.org, 16 April 06.<《中国农民工调研报告》: 农民工平均年龄为28.6岁 | www.china.org.cn> Between 50 and 80 million workers are also employed in rural township and village enterprises. "'Report on Rural Migrant Workers:' The Average Age of Migrant Workers is 28.6 Years Old," Xinhua; Information provided by U.S. Embassy Beijing.

187 "State Council Research Center Issues Report: China's Rural Workers Are Experiencing Three Big Changes," Xinhua.<国务院研究室发布报告:我国农民工正发生3大转变 | www.gov.cn>

188 Ibid.<国务院研究室发布报告:我国农民工正发生3大转变 | www.gov.cn>.

189 Ibid.<国务院研究室发布报告:我国农民工正发生3大转变 | www.gov.cn>

190 "70 Percent of Migrant Workers Receive No Compensation for Overtime," Beijing News (Online), 2 May 06.<逾七成农民工加班未获补偿 | news.thebeijingnews.com>

191 Ministry of Health Circular on Implementing the "State Council Opinion on Resolving Rural Worker Problems."<卫生部关于贯彻落实《国务院关于解决农民工问题的若干意见》的通知 | www.moh.gov.cn>

192 "Communist Party, State Council Set Rural Reform Goals for 2006," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 8.<中共中央国务院关于推进社会主义新农村建设的若干意见 | www.cecc.gov>

193 "Beijing Scraps Regulation on Managing Migrants" [Beijing feizhi wailai renyuan guanli tiaoli], Beijing News (Online), 26 March 05;<北京废止外来人员管理条例 | www.thebeijingnews.com> "Labor Ministry Officials Remove Regulatory Barrier to Migrants Seeking Work in Cities," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 3.<农民工外出务工无需办就业证卡了 | www.cecc.gov>

194 "Allowing Rural Workers To Participate in Worker Compensation Programs Becomes an Issue of Concern" [Canjia gongshang baoxian nongmingong cheng zhongdian], Beijing News (Online), 8 April 06;<参加工伤保险农民工成重点 | www.cecc.gov> "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 14-16.<中办、国办转发《关于深入开展平安建设的意见》 | www.cecc.gov>

195 "State Council Research Center Issues Report: China's Rural Workers Are Experiencing Three Big Changes," Xinhua.<国务院研究室发布报告:我国农民工正发生3大转变 | www.gov.cn>

V(d) FREEDOM OF RELIGION

FINDINGS

Chinese government restrictions on the practice of religion violate international human rights standards. Freedom of religious belief is protected by the Chinese Constitution and laws, but government implementation of Communist Party policy on religion, and restrictions elsewhere in domestic law, violate these guarantees. The Chinese government tolerates some aspects of religious belief and practice, but only under a strict regulatory framework that represses religious and spiritual activities falling outside the scope of Party-sanctioned practice. Religious organizations are required to register with the government and submit to the leadership of "patriotic religious associations" created by the Party to lead each of China's five recognized religions: Buddhism, Catholicism, Daoism, Islam, and Protestantism. Those who choose not to register with the government, or groups that the government refuses to register, operate outside the zone of protected religious activity and risk harassment, detention, imprisonment, and other abuses. Registered communities also risk such abuse if they engage in religious activities that authorities deem a threat to Party authority or legitimacy.
The 2004 Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA) has not afforded greater religious freedom to Chinese citizens, despite government claims that it represented a "paradigm shift" by limiting state control over religion. Like earlier local and national regulations on religion, the RRA emphasizes government control and restrictions on religion. The RRA articulates general protection only for freedom of "religious belief," but not for expressions of religious belief. Like earlier regulations, it also protects only those religious activities deemed "normal," without defining this term. Although the RRA includes provisions that permit registered religious organizations to select leaders, publish materials, and engage in other affairs, many provisions are conditioned on government approval and oversight of religious activities.
Chinese government enforcement of Party policy on religion creates a repressive environment for the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. Party policies toward the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, the second-ranking Tibetan spiritual leader, seek to control the fundamental religious convictions of Tibetan Buddhists. Government actions to implement Party policies caused further deterioration in some aspects of religious freedom for Tibetan Buddhists in the past year. Officials began a patriotic education campaign in Lhasa-area monasteries and nunneries in April 2005. Expressions of resentment by Tibetan monks and nuns against the continuing campaign resulted in detentions, expulsions, and an apparent suicide. Chinese officials continue to hold Gedun Choekyi Nyima, the boy the Dalai Lama recognized as the Panchen Lama in May 1995, in incommunicado custody along with his parents.
Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns constituted 21 of the 24 known political detentions of Tibetans by Chinese authorities in 2005, compared to 8 of the 15 such known detentions in 2004, based on data available in the Commission's Political Prisoner Database. None of the known detentions of monks and nuns in 2005 took place in Sichuan province, a shift from the previous three years, but known detentions of monks and nuns in Qinghai and Gansu provinces increased during the same period. Based on data available for 50 currently imprisoned Tibetan monks and nuns, their average sentence length is approximately nine years and six months. In one positive development, the government permitted the resumption of a centuries-old Tibetan Buddhist tradition of advanced study that leads to the highest level of scholarly attainment in the Gelug tradition.
Government repression of unregistered Catholic clerics increased in the past year. Based on NGO reports, officials in Hebei and Zhejiang provinces detained a total of 38 unregistered clerics in 13 incidents in the last year, while in the previous year officials detained 11 clerics in 5 incidents. The government targets Catholic bishops who lead large unregistered communities for the most severe punishment. Bishop Jia Zhiguo, the unregistered bishop of Zhengding diocese in Hebei province, has spent most of the past year in detention. Bishop Jia has been detained at least eight times since 2004.
Government harassment and abuse of registered Catholic clerics also increased in the past year. In November and December 2005, three incidents were reported in which officials or unidentified assailants beat registered Catholic nuns or priests after they demanded the return of church property. In April and May 2006, officials began a campaign to increase control over registered Catholic bishops. Officials detained, sequestered, threatened, or exerted pressure on dozens of registered Catholic clerics to coerce them into participating in the consecration of bishops selected by the state-controlled Catholic Patriotic Association but not approved by the Holy See.
Government authorities also restricted contact between registered clergy and the Holy See, denying bishops permission to travel to Rome in September 2005 to participate in a meeting of Catholic bishops. Authorities continued to permit some registered priests and nuns to study abroad.
The Chinese government strictly controls the practice of Islam. The state-controlled Islamic Association of China aligns Islamic practice to Party goals by directing the training and confirmation of religious leaders, the publication of religious materials, the content of sermons, and the organization of Hajj pilgrimages, as well as by indoctrinating religious leaders and adherents in Party ideology and government policy.
The government severely represses Islamic practice in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), especially among the Uighur ethnic group. Local regulations in the XUAR impose restrictions on religion that are not found in other parts of China. The government's religious repression in the XUAR is part of a broader policy aimed at diluting expressions of Uighur identity and tightening government control in the region. The government continues to imprison Uighurs who engage in peaceful expressions of dissent and other non-violent activities. Writer Nurmemet Yasin and historian Tohti Tunyaz remain in prison for writing a short story and conducting research on the XUAR.
The Chinese government continues to repress Chinese Protestants who worship in house churches. From May 2005 to May 2006, the government detained nearly 2,000 house church members, according to one U.S. NGO. Almost 50 percent of the reported detentions of Protestant house church members and leaders took place in Henan province, where the house church movement is particularly strong. In June 2006, Pastor Zhang Rongliang, the leader of one of China's largest house churches, was sentenced to seven years and six months in prison for "illegally crossing the national border" and "fraudulently obtaining a passport." Authorities have detained or imprisoned Pastor Zhang multiple times since 1976. Pastor Gong Shengliang is serving a life sentence in declining health, and was beaten in prison during the past year.
The Chinese government continues to maintain strict control over the registered Protestant church. The RRA requires that all Protestants worship at registered churches, regardless of their differences in doctrine and liturgy. The state-controlled Three-Self Patriotic Movement, which leads the registered Protestant church in China, continues to impose a Party-defined theology, called "theological construction," on registered seminaries that is intended to "weaken those aspects within Christian faith that do not conform with the socialist society." In the past year, authorities detained a registered Protestant pastor in Henan province for conducting a Bible study meeting at a registered Protestant church outside his designated geographic area.
The Chinese government continues to disrupt the relationships that many house churches maintain with co-religionists outside China, including raiding meetings between house church leaders and overseas Protestants, and preventing foreign travel by house church leaders. The Chinese government also continues to restrict and monitor the ties of the registered Protestant Church with foreign denominations.
Government persecution of the Falun Gong spiritual movement continued during the past year. Authorities use both criminal and administrative punishments to punish Falun Gong practitioners for peacefully exercising their spiritual beliefs. The state-controlled press has reported on at least 149 cases of Falun Gong practitioners currently in prison, but Falun Gong sources estimate that up to 100,000 practitioners have been detained since 1999. Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, reported after his November 2005 visit to China that Falun Gong practitioners account for two-thirds of victims of alleged torture by Chinese law enforcement officers. Tsinghua University student Wang Xin was sentenced to nine years' imprisonment in 2001 for downloading Falun Gong materials from the Internet and printing leaflets.
Despite strict government controls on the practice of religion, Chinese authorities accommodate the social programs of Buddhist, Daoist, Catholic, Muslim, and Protestant communities when these programs support Party goals. For example, domestic Muslim civil society organizations carry out social welfare projects, and international Muslim charities have supported projects in Gansu and Shaanxi provinces, as well as in the XUAR. The Amity Foundation, affiliated with the registered Protestant Church, sponsors projects in social services and development aid, including education, healthcare, and care for the elderly.

Introduction

Chinese government restrictions on the practice of religion violate international human rights standards.1 Freedom of religious belief is protected by the Chinese Constitution2 and laws,3 but government implementation of Communist Party policy on religion, and restrictions elsewhere in domestic law, violate these guarantees. Although Party doctrine acknowledges the presence of religion in Chinese society, the Party's central tenets remain at odds with religion.4 The Party promotes atheism among Chinese citizens, and has continued efforts to dismiss religious believers from its ranks.5

The government acknowledges only five belief systems as religions entitled to legal protection: Buddhism, Catholicism, Daoism, Islam, and Protestantism. While the State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA) has established an office to oversee religions and folk beliefs other than these five,6 legal protections are restricted to these five in practice,7 with only limited exceptions.8 Some local regulations also restrict legal protections to these five religions.9 Religious organizations affiliated with recognized religions must register with the government and apply for government approval to establish churches, mosques, temples, or other religious venues. The government claims that citizens do not need official approval to conduct worship services in private homes "mainly attended by relatives and friends for religious activities such as praying and Bible reading,"10 but no national law or regulation specifically protects worship at home,11 and authorities have shut down services held in private homes.12

The Chinese government tolerates some aspects of religious belief and practice, but only under a strict regulatory framework that represses religious and spiritual activities falling outside the scope of Party-sanctioned practice. The government's policies create a hierarchy of religious communities subject to different forms of government control. The government and Party exercise control over registered religious communities through the "patriotic religious associations" created by the Party to lead each recognized religion.13 The patriotic associations ensure that religious doctrine conforms to state policy by controlling such matters as the training of religious leaders, contacts with religious groups outside China, the interpretation of religious texts, the content of sermons, and the publication of religious materials.14 Despite such controls, a visiting delegation from the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom found that the government nonetheless provides a "zone of toleration" for registered religious communities acting within the parameters set by the government.15 Religious adherents also have reported being able to worship in authorized venues without direct government interference.16 Those who choose not to register with the government, or groups that the government refuses to register, operate outside the zone of protected religious activity and risk harassment, detention, imprisonment, and other abuses. Members of approved organizations also risk harassment, detention, imprisonment, and other abuses if they engage in religious activities that authorities deem a threat to Party authority or legitimacy.

Legal protections for freedom of religion are narrow. By stating only that "religious belief" is under constitutional protection,17 the Constitution does not broadly protect the exercise of religion, including public expressions of belief. Instead, the Constitution and Chinese laws and regulations provide protection only for "normal religious activity." Laws and regulations do not clearly define what constitutes "normal religious activity," and this vague term is subject to arbitrary interpretation by implementing officials.18

Officials interpret and implement domestic laws and policies on religion inconsistently, resulting in uncertainty among religious believers about potential government actions. Such inconsistencies have led to additional restrictions in practice beyond those specified in law. In some cases, regional variations in implementation have resulted in more official tolerance for religion, and in unregistered groups being allowed to operate.19 In a few cases, local authorities have registered groups affiliated with a religion not recognized by the central government, as well as groups that are part of a recognized religion but have not affiliated with a patriotic religious association.20 In other cases, however, variations in implementation have resulted in official abuses and repression of religious activities.

Although the SARA acknowledges and manages some "folk" beliefs, the government does not give them the same protections as recognized religions, despite widespread practice throughout China. The government tolerates some practices associated with "folk" religions,21 but also designates some other popular practices as "feudal superstitions," which it denounces and in some cases penalizes.22

The government does not recognize spiritual movements as belief systems protected under the law, and in some cases, the government persecutes practitioners. The government designates some spiritual movements, such as the Falun Gong, as "cults" and applies criminal and administrative punishments against them.23 In 2006, the government continued its campaign of persecution against Falun Gong members.

Foreign residents or visitors may conduct worship services for foreign members of their own religious communities,24 and foreign faith-based NGOs operate in China.25 National rules governing foreigners' religious activities forbid them, however, from "cultivating followers from among Chinese citizens," distributing "religious propaganda materials," and carrying out other missionary activities.26

Regulation on Religious Affairs

The 2004 Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA)27 has not afforded greater religious freedom to Chinese citizens, despite government claims that it represented a "paradigm shift" by limiting state control over religion.28 Like earlier local and national regulations on religion,29 the RRA emphasizes government control and restrictions on religion. The RRA articulates general protection only for freedom of "religious belief,"30 but not for expressions of belief. Like earlier regulations, it also protects only those religious activities deemed "normal,"31 without defining this term. Although the RRA includes provisions that permit registered religious organizations to select leaders, publish materials, and engage in other affairs, many provisions are conditioned on government approval and oversight of religious activities.32

Party doctrine guides implementation of the RRA. The Party's United Front Work Department continues to administer religious matters alongside the government's religious affairs bureaus,33 and in doing so, ensures that the RRA is implemented in line with Party directives. During 2006, local authorities cited Party policy as a guiding influence when addressing religious issues and implementing the RRA.34

The RRA and related regulations35 subject religious communities to onerous and arbitrary registration requirements that give the government discretion to deny recognition to religious communities. Like earlier regulations,36 the RRA requires religious groups to apply for approval from the government to operate as an organization or to establish a venue for religious activities.37 Among other requirements, a group must have 50 or more members to apply for recognition as an official organization.38 Once recognized, religious organizations must fulfill conditions such as demonstrating a "necessity to frequently carry out collective religious activities" to gain permission to build a venue for religious activities.39

The RRA's protections for religious activities are limited. Although the RRA states that it protects the "lawful rights and interests" of religious believers, it does not specifically protect individual public displays of religious belief, which is a protected component of religious freedom under international human rights standards.40 In addition, it requires collective religious activities "in general" to be conducted at registered venues41 and does not specify that religious believers or religious members of a family may practice a religion within their own homes, although some local regulations appear to permit this practice.42

International human rights standards define freedom of religion to include the "freedom to prepare and distribute religious texts or publications."43 While the RRA provides that authorized religious organizations and venues may compile and print materials for internal and public distribution, the RRA requires such publications to be prepared in accordance with national regulations.44 The Chinese government imposes strict prior restraints on religious literature in national regulations that go beyond restrictions on other types of publications45 [see Section V(a)--Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression].

The RRA provides for government oversight of the appointment of religious personnel. Although the RRA permits authorized religious organizations to select religious personnel, it requires them, in most cases, to report this selection to the local religious affairs bureau.46 In addition, the RRA singles out the appointment of reincarnated Tibetan Buddhist lamas and Catholic bishops for reporting to higher levels of government, and in the case of reincarnated Tibetan Buddhist lamas, appointments require government approval.47

The RRA provides administrative penalties, ranging from fines to the possibility of administrative detention, for violations of its provisions.48 While it sanctions government officials who abuse their authority when administering religious policy,49 it is unclear whether this provision protects unregistered organizations and venues that lack legal standing. The RRA directs most of its provisions on legal liability at ordinary citizens, religious organizations, or venues that violate its provisions.50 Some of the RRA's penalties are absent in earlier regulations. For example, the RRA for the first time proscribes Hajj pilgrimages that are organized without government authorization and subjects violators to fines.51

The RRA also represents a codification, and in some cases expansion, of limited protections for authorized religion found in older regulations on religion. For example, the RRA permits registered religious organizations and venues to engage in social welfare activities, as earlier local regulations have allowed.52 It also permits registered religious organizations and venues to accept contributions from abroad,53 while previous regulations have not granted this permission in such explicit terms.54 The RRA specifies time limits for decisionmaking by government agencies, and permits administrative appeal of actions and decisions by religious affairs bureaus.55

At the same time, the RRA lacks some of the restrictions found in earlier regulations. For example, the RRA does not specify that only the five recognized religions are protected, and does not reinforce the authority of patriotic religious associations by naming them, as in the case of some local regulations.56 Some observers suggest that the omission of previous controls, coupled with vague language within the RRA, may signify more tolerance toward religion.57 Without further clarification, however, such omissions and wording do not grant new rights. Moreover, the RRA's vague language, including the lack of a definition of "normal religious activity," generates inconsistent interpretations not only in the implementation of the RRA itself but also in the drafting of new local regulations.

The RRA does not mention the status of local regulations.58 Since the RRA entered into force, however, at least six provincial-level governments have issued new or amended comprehensive regulations on religion. These regulations are generally consistent with the RRA with respect to provisions on establishing religious organizations and venues,59 but differ in other areas. For example, a new regulation from Henan province restricts the term "religion" to Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Catholicism, and Protestantism.60 In April 2005, the Shanghai municipal government amended its 1995 regulation on religious affairs to remove a previous reference to the five recognized religions.61 All of the new and amended regulations appear to provide citizens with a degree of permission to practice an authorized religion at home, but the wording of each regulation on this issue varies.62 The amended Shanghai regulation expands its previous section on legal liability, increasing both penalties and protections for religious believers;63 the Henan regulation contains the most detailed provision on the liability of government officials.64

Other Developments

In December 2005, the government announced the establishment of the China Religious Culture Communication Association (CRCCA), which it described as a non-profit social organization designed to promote religious exchanges, cooperation with other countries, and the dissemination of information about religion in China. Ye Xiaowen, Director of the State Administration for Religious Affairs (SARA), leads the association. CRCCA honorary chairman Bishop Fu Tieshan, Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Chairman of the Catholic Patriotic Association, called the association's establishment "beneficial for accurately publicizing China's policies on freedom of religious belief and the real state of affairs for religious belief."65

The government adopted measures during 2005 that provide freer access to information on religious regulations and to religious sites that charge admission. The SARA launched a Web site on December 1, 2005, that posts religion-related news and regulations, bringing greater transparency to the administration of religious affairs.66 The government also issued a circular in December 2005 requiring that religious sites charging admission to tourists must provide free entrance to religious adherents, although Chinese journalists investigating the circular in January 2006 found that implementation was inconsistent.67

Religious Freedom for Tibetan Buddhists

Chinese government enforcement of Communist Party policy on religion creates a repressive environment for the practice of Tibetan Buddhism. The Party tolerates religious activity only within the strict requirements of the Chinese Constitution, laws, regulations, and policies.68 The government interprets and enforces these requirements in a manner that interferes with the Tibetan Buddhist monastic education system and discourages devotion to the Dalai Lama and other important Tibetan Buddhist teachers who live in exile.69

Party polices toward the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama, the second-ranking Tibetan spiritual leader, seek to control the fundamental religious convictions of Tibetan Buddhists. Government actions to implement Party policies caused further deterioration in some aspects of religious freedom for Tibetan Buddhists during the past year. Officials began a patriotic education campaign in Lhasa-area monasteries and nunneries in April 2005.70 The Chinese government and the Party mandate patriotic education as a recurrent feature of religious education to indoctrinate Tibetans on the relationship between religion and patriotism toward China, and to end the Dalai Lama's influence among Tibetans. Monks and nuns must pass examinations on political texts,71 agree that Tibet is historically a part of China, accept the legitimacy of the Panchen Lama installed by the Chinese government, and denounce the Dalai Lama.

In May 2006, Zhang Qingli,72 Secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) Party Committee, called on senior government and Party officials to widen the patriotic education campaign to include a broader population, and to intensify the "rectification" and restructuring of each monastery and nunnery's Democratic Management Committee (DMC),73 according to the TAR Party newspaper.74 Zhang told the officials that the Party is engaged in a "fight to the death struggle" against the Dalai Lama and his supporters, and that the Dalai Lama is "the biggest obstacle hindering Tibetan Buddhism from establishing normal order." Comprehensive implementation of the Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA)75 will lead to the "normalization of religious order" and the "standardization of religious activity," Zhang said. Li Guangwen, Executive Vice Chairman of the TAR People's Congress Standing Committee, stressed "the need to step up legislative work in the area of the anti-separatism struggle and the management of religious affairs"76 at a meeting of Standing Committee members, probably in early June. In August, Zhang confirmed the Party's plans to broaden patriotic education in an interview with Western media: "We are organizing patriotic education everywhere, not just in monasteries. Those who do not love their country are not qualified to be human beings."77

Expressions of resentment by Tibetan monks and nuns against the continuing campaign resulted in detentions, expulsions, and an apparent suicide. At Sera Monastery, when monks were to be tested on patriotic education in July 2005, officials reportedly expelled 18 monks, of whom police detained 8.78 At about the same time, public security officials detained monk Tsering Dondrub and subjected Jangchub Gyaltsen, a Sera "disciplinarian,"79 to one year of surveillance80 for their roles in arranging an oral reading of a prayer that mentioned the Dalai Lama.81 Drepung Monastery monk Ngawang Jangchub apparently committed suicide in October 2005, after he argued with patriotic education instructors.82 Public security officials detained five Drepung monks (Abbot Ngawang Phelgyal, Ngawang Namdrol, Ngawang Nyingpo, Ngawang Thubten, and Phuntsog Thubwang) on November 23 after they refused instructions from patriotic education instructors to sign a document denouncing the Dalai Lama as a splittist, pledging loyalty to the Chinese government, and agreeing that Tibet is part of China.83 On November 25, some 400 monks gathered in Drepung's main courtyard and protested together silently against the patriotic education campaign and the accompanying crackdown.84 Authorities threatened to remove them by force and sealed the monastery for two days.85 Officials conducting patriotic education at Gyabdrag Nunnery in June 2005 expelled more than 40 nuns, and authorities expelled 13 nuns from Shugsib Nunnery.86

In December 2005, the government and Party stepped up a campaign to challenge the Dalai Lama's role as the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists by increasing the prominence of Gyaltsen Norbu, the boy the State Council installed in 1995 as the 11th Panchen Lama.87 An official Chinese report on the 10th anniversary of Gyaltsen Norbu's installation referred to him as "the highest ranking figure in Tibetan Buddhism" and "the leader of Tibetan Buddhism."88 Chinese news media reports that rank Gyaltsen Norbu above the Dalai Lama, however, contradict previous official statements about the relationship between the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama. In November 1995, Li Ruihuan, then a senior Politburo member, described the late 10th Panchen Lama89 as "a prominent leader of China's Tibetan Buddhism,"90 and a 1992 Chinese government White Paper described the 10th Panchen Lama as the "co-leader of Tibetan Buddhism with the Dalai Lama."91

Gyaltsen Norbu demonstrated support of the Party's policy92 to merge Tibetan Buddhism with patriotism toward China when he pledged at a December 2005 ceremony to be "a good living Buddha who loves his motherland, his religion, and serves his country and its people."93 A week later, he concluded a Buddhist ritual at the tombs of his predecessors by saying that he would "live up to the expectations of the Chinese Communist Party and the central government."94 Gyaltsen Norbu made his first appearance before an international gathering at the First World Buddhist Forum in Hangzhou city, Zhejiang province, on April 13, 2006.95 He told some 1,000 monks, nuns, and scholars from more than 30 countries that, "Defending the nation and working for the people is a solemn commitment Buddhism has made to the nation and society."96 The forum's organizers97 did not allow the Dalai Lama, Tibetan Buddhism's foremost representative, to attend. Qi Xiaofei, Deputy Director of the State Administration of Religious Affairs (SARA) told reporters on April 12 that the Dalai Lama is a stubborn secessionist who would "surely pose a really disharmonious note" if he had been invited.98

Chinese officials continue to hold Gedun Choekyi Nyima, the boy the Dalai Lama recognized as the Panchen Lama in May 1995, in incommunicado custody along with his parents.99 After the Dalai Lama announced his recognition of Gedun Choekyi Nyima, Chinese officials took the then six-year-old boy and his parents into custody. The State Council declared the Dalai Lama's announcement "illegal and invalid"100 and installed Gyaltsen Norbu, whose appointment continues to stir widespread resentment among Tibetans. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child recommended in September 2005 that the Chinese government "allow an independent expert to visit and confirm the well-being" of Gedun Choekyi Nyima.101 In an official response to the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief in September 2005, Chinese officials claimed that Gedun Choekyi Nyima is leading a "normal, happy life and receiving a good cultural education."102

The Party intends to strengthen its authority over Tibetan Buddhism by controlling the selection of the religion's most important leaders, including the Dalai Lama. Party officials assert that the next Dalai Lama will be selected in the same manner as Gyaltsen Norbu: by drawing a name from a golden urn. In July 2005, Jampa Phuntsog (Xiangba Pingcuo), Chairman of the TAR government, referred to the Dalai Lama's advancing age and told reporters that the next Dalai Lama will be identified by "the traditional rules of Tibetan Buddhism since the Qing dynasty."103 He denied that the Party interferes in the process.104 In 1995, however, Party Central Committee member and State Councilor Luo Gan, who is now a Politburo Standing Committee member, presided when Gyalsten Norbu's name was pulled from a golden urn.105 Jampa Phuntsog's comment about "the traditional rules of Tibetan Buddhism" refers to a 1792 Qing Dynasty edict demanding that the Tibetan government in Lhasa reform religious, administrative, economic, and military practices to suit the Qing court.106 The first of the edict's 29 articles directed that the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama be selected by drawing lots from a golden urn, and that a high-ranking Chinese official must be present to confirm the result. Tibetans used their own methods, however, to identify the current Dalai Lama and his predecessor.107 Article 27 of the Regulation on Religious Affairs issued in 2004 includes the principle of the Qing directive by requiring that the identification of reincarnated lamas be performed in accordance with "religious ritual and historic conventions" and be subject to government approval.108

Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns constituted 21 of the 24 known political detentions of Tibetans by Chinese authorities in 2005, compared to 8 of the 15 such known detentions in 2004, based on data available in the Commission's Political Prisoner Database (PPD) as of August 2006. This increased proportion in part reflects monks imprisoned for expressing their resentment of the patriotic education campaign. None of the known detentions of monks and nuns in 2005 took place in Sichuan province, a shift from the previous three years,109 but known detentions of monks and nuns in Qinghai and Gansu provinces in 2005 increased during the same period.110 Tibetan monks and nuns make up about 70 percent of the 103 currently detained or imprisoned Tibetan political prisoners, according to PPD data. Thirty-two of the monks and nuns were detained or imprisoned in the TAR, 22 in Sichuan province, 12 in Qinghai province, and 6 in Gansu province. Based on data available for 50 currently imprisoned Tibetan monks and nuns, their average sentence length is approximately nine years and three months. Several monks reportedly detained during patriotic education in Lhasa in 2005 remain unidentified and these figures do not reflect their cases.111

In one positive development, the government permitted the resumption in July 2004112 of a centuries-old Tibetan Buddhist tradition of advanced study that leads to the highest level113 of scholarly attainment in the Gelug tradition.114 A small number of lamas successfully completed the program in 2005 and 2006.115 Tibetan human rights monitors pointed out that even advanced lamas are required to study political texts promoting patriotism toward China,116 but also noted that the resumption of the program is a "welcome gesture."117 Chinese authorities shut the program down in 1966 at the start of the Cultural Revolution, and did not allow it to resume until 1986.118 Officials closed it again in March 1988 after Tibetan monks staged a peaceful pro-independence protest march in central Lhasa.119

Religious Freedom for China's Catholics and China-Holy See Relations

Government repression of unregistered Catholics increased in the past year.120 Based on NGO reports, officials in Hebei and Zhejiang provinces detained a total of 38 unregistered clerics and 90 unregistered laypersons in 13 incidents during the past year, while the preceding year officials detained 11 clerics in 5 incidents.121 Twelve of the 13 detention incidents reported since October 2005 occurred in Hebei province, where the unregistered Catholic community is particularly strong.122 The other reported detention incident occurred in Zhejiang province.123 Officials in Fujian province demolished an unregistered Catholic church in September.124

The government targets Catholic bishops who lead large unregistered communities for the most severe punishment. The government has detained Bishop Jia Zhiguo, the unregistered bishop of Zhengding diocese in Hebei province, at least eight times since 2004.125 Bishop Jia has spent most of the past year in detention. The government detained Bishop Jia from November 2005 to April 2006, when officials released him into residential surveillance.126 In May 2006, officials admitted Bishop Jia to the hospital for medical treatment, releasing him the following month into detention at an unknown location.127 Su Zhimin, the unregistered bishop of Baoding diocese in Hebei province, was detained in October 1997, and the government has refused to provide any information about his health or location.128 Su's auxiliary bishop, An Shuxin, was released after 10 years' detention in August 2006. An reportedly agreed to register with the government but not with the state-controlled Catholic Patriotic Association (CPA).129

Government harassment and abuse of registered Catholic clerics also increased in the past year. In November and December 2005, three incidents were reported in which officials or unidentified assailants beat registered Catholic nuns or priests after they had demanded that local governments return church property. In November 2005, officials beat a group of registered Catholic nuns in Tongyuan village, Shaanxi province.130 Also in November, unidentified assailants beat a group of registered Catholic nuns in Xi'an city, Shaanxi province.131 In December 2005, unidentified assailants beat a group of registered Catholic priests in Tianjin municipality.132 A Catholic news service reported additional incidents in which officials beat registered priests in Hebei province, but supplied no details.133 The recent increase in reports of violence toward registered clergy contrasts sharply with the situation between 2000 and 2004, during which there were no such reports. The same period was marked by a relative relaxation of control over registered bishops.134

In the beating incidents in Tongyuan, Xi'an, and Tianjin, the nuns or priests sought to recover property that had once belonged to Catholic dioceses or religious orders and that local governments had confiscated during the 1950s and 1960s.135 In violation of a 1980 State Council directive, local officials had refused to return the properties.136 One NGO reported that local governments in Xi'an and Tianjin have rented or sold church properties to third parties and retained the income.137 Incidents like these have occurred elsewhere in China.138

In April and May 2006, officials began a campaign to increase control over registered Catholic bishops, coercing bishops and priests to participate in episcopal consecrations not approved by the Holy See, and demanding that registered bishops uphold the government's authority to select bishops. Since the 1950s, the government has insisted that the Holy See lacks the authority to select Chinese bishops, and the state-controlled Catholic Patriotic Association (CPA) has selected bishops for the registered Church.139 Nevertheless, the registered Catholic community has increasingly acknowledged the spiritual leadership of the Holy See, and Catholic bishops and news agencies outside China have reported that, in recent years, the CPA has accepted the Holy See's discreet involvement in the selection process. Most or all recently consecrated registered bishops had been approved by the Holy See before their consecration.140

In April 2006, however, officials detained, sequestered, threatened, or otherwise exerted pressure on dozens of registered Catholic clerics to coerce them into participating in the consecration of bishops selected by the CPA but not approved by the Holy See. On April 30 and May 3, a group of registered bishops consecrated two new bishops who had not been approved by the Holy See.141 The CPA installed the new bishops in episcopal sees in Kunming city, Yunnan province, and Wuhu city, Anhui province. The CPA also installed a bishop, who was consecrated in 2000 without the approval of the Holy See, in the see of Mindong diocese in Fujian province.142 On May 19, the CPA convened a meeting of 18 registered bishops involved in recent episcopal consecrations and demanded they uphold the CPA's authority to select bishops without seeking approval from the Holy See.143 On May 27, CPA officials announced their refusal to recognize a bishop in Shaanxi province, a former registered priest who was consecrated by a registered bishop without the approval of the CPA, but with the approval of the Holy See. Officials forbade him to act as a bishop, harassed him for several months, and on September 11 detained him at an unknown location.144

Although a generation of elderly bishops has been passing away, the CPA has been slow to approve candidates for the registered sees. Over 40 registered dioceses had no bishops in April 2006.145 Because no priests were ordained during the Cultural Revolution period in the 1960s and 1970s, new bishops must be selected from priests in their thirties and early forties.146 Government officials and the Holy See are competing for the loyalty of the new bishops, since many who will be selected in the next few years are likely to be young men who will govern the Church into the distant future.147

The Holy See has not approved the consecration of new bishops for the unregistered community since 1999.148 In October 2005, an authoritative Vatican periodical recommended that the Holy See should unite the unregistered and registered communities by continuing its policy of approving the consecration of bishops only for the registered community.149 According to the proposal, as the unregistered bishops pass away, Holy See-approved registered bishops would become the sole point of reference for both communities. As a result of reports from authoritative Catholic sources abroad that most registered bishops have been legitimated or approved by the Holy See, unregistered Catholics increasingly have accepted Catholics practicing in the registered church.150

Government authorities restricted contact between registered clergy and the Holy See over the past year. In September 2005, the CPA denied bishops permission to travel to Rome to participate in a meeting of Catholic bishops.151 Since 2005, authorities have required registered clergy to report on their activities on a weekly basis.152 Authorities continued to permit some registered priests and nuns to study abroad, including in the United States. Authorities also permitted the continued development of the registered community's Catholic social service agencies, and new charitable groups have reportedly been founded.153

The Chinese government has not altered its longstanding public position that the Holy See must break relations with Taiwan and renounce its role in the selection of Chinese bishops before the government will open formal talks on establishing diplomatic relations.154 After the election of Pope Benedict XVI, the Chinese government reiterated its desire for diplomatic relations with the Holy See, but the tone of these public statements became progressively cooler during late 2005.155 In February 2006, the government responded to the elevation to the College of Cardinals of Bishop Zen Ze-kiun of Hong Kong by warning him to stay out of politics.156 In April 2006, Ye Xiaowen, Director of the State Administration for Religious Affairs, said that the issue of whether the CPA or the Holy See has the authority to select Catholic bishops "may be open to consultation."157 Church figures, however, interpreted the government's coerced consecration of bishops without Holy See approval in April and May as a diplomatic rebuff to the Holy See.158 In June, Chinese government officials met with Holy See representatives in Beijing, although the meeting reportedly yielded few concrete results.159

Religious Freedom for China's Muslims

The Chinese government strictly controls the practice of Islam. The state-controlled Islamic Association of China160 aligns Islamic practice to Communist Party goals by directing the training and confirmation of religious leaders, the publication of religious materials, and the content of sermons, as well as by indoctrinating religious leaders and adherents in Party ideology and government policy.161 The Regulation on Religious Affairs acknowledges that Muslims may make pilgrimages abroad but limits such trips to those organized by the Islamic Association of China162 and penalizes those organizing pilgrimages without authorization.163 In May 2006, the Islamic Association of China announced it would establish an office to manage pilgrimages to Mecca.164 In 2005, the Association's Islamic Affairs Steering Committee, which controls the content of religious publications, announced that it was compiling a fourth edition of its "new collected sermons," noting that messages on patriotism and unity within the text contribute to building a "socialist harmonious society."165 In May 2006, the China Islamic Congress, which met to define the goals of the Islamic Association for the coming five years, passed a measure on confirming religious personnel that requires knowledge of the sermons.166

Official policy toward Islam reflects government and Party concern about maintaining control over, and stability within, China's Muslim population, which includes 10 ethnic groups under the government's classification system.167 In November 2005, the government said it was formulating national legislation to regulate halal foods, in part because of concerns that misuse of the halal label could "influence ethnic unity and social stability, and harm ethnic relations."168 After Muslims protested the publication of materials that they found offensive to Islam, the government issued a national circular in 1993 requiring strict examination of publications that "touch upon the Islamic religion" in order to "uphold social stability" and avoid "hurting the feelings of religious believers."169 A 1995 national circular on pilgrimages abroad requires provincial-level authorities to instruct pilgrims before departure on patriotism, socialism, "defending the unity of the motherland," and ethnic unity.170

The government accommodates Muslim communities in certain respects. Outside the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), some Muslim communities and mosques have openly set up schools to provide children and adults with secular and religious education.171 Domestic Muslim NGOs carry out social welfare projects,172 and international Muslim charities have supported projects in Gansu and Shaanxi provinces, as well as in the XUAR.173

Islam in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region

The Chinese government severely represses Islamic practice in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR), especially among the Uighur ethnic group.174 Some restrictions on religion in the XUAR are not found elsewhere in China. The XUAR's 1993 Implementing Measures for the Law on the Protection of Minors forbid parents and guardians to allow minors to engage in religious activity.175 No other provincial-level or national regulation on minors or religion contains this restriction.176 Amendments177 in 2001 to the XUAR's 1994 Regulation on the Management of Religious Affairs eliminated a clause that protected "normal religious activities," and limited the publication of religious materials to provincial-level religious organizations.178 Internal policy directives and handbooks also control the practice of religion in the region.179 One Chinese official said, "Xinjiang is different from other places in China. Islam is administered much more strictly there than elsewhere."180

In addition to these formal legal strictures, the government also implements harsh policies in practice. Authorities have detained Muslims for unauthorized possession and study of religious materials,181 forbidden students and discouraged adults from fasting during Ramadan,182 barred university students from conducting prayers in dormitory rooms,183 posted signs forbidding children from entering mosques,184 and revoked the credentials of imams deemed not to uphold Communist Party policy.185 The government limits the ability of Muslim communities in the XUAR to support social welfare programs.186 A visiting U.S. delegation in 2005 was told that the government has not authorized Uighurs to build new mosques since 1999.187

The government continued severe repression of religious practice in the XUAR during 2006, including a reported new restriction on who may enter mosques. According to one report, authorities now have included women in restrictions on mosque entry already enforced against children, Party members, and government workers, including retirees.188 Another report stated in January that authorities were conducting a month-long investigation aimed at "the masterminds of religious extremist forces" and other groups.189 In February, authorities raided a minority-language publishing market and confiscated 350 "illegally printed" religious posters.190 During the same month, official news media reported that XUAR authorities had confiscated 9,860 illegal publications involving religion, Falun Gong, or "feudal superstitions" during 2005.191 In April, Wang Lequan, XUAR Party Secretary, said that the XUAR government would intensify its work on religion and called for "resolutely curb[ing] illegal religious activities" and strengthening the "ideological and political consciousness" of religious figures.192

The government uses counterterrorism policies as a pretext for severely repressing religion in the XUAR.193 The government describes security conditions in the XUAR in a manner that suggests terrorist attacks continue in the region,194 even as official sources indicate that no terrorist attacks have taken place in the XUAR since 1999.195 Authorities continue to detain and arrest XUAR residents engaged in religious activities deemed unauthorized and have charged them with a range of offenses, including state security crimes.196 The government targets "religious extremism," splittism, and terrorism in anti-crime campaigns, calling them the "three evil forces."197 The government began tightening control over religious practice in the region in the early 1990s, following unrest in the region, but intensified its crackdown after September 11, 2001.198 Official sources published in 2001 recorded an increase in the number of Uighurs sent to prison or reeducation through labor centers since the mid-1990s because of religious activity.199

The government's religious repression in the XUAR is part of a broader policy aimed at diluting expressions of Uighur identity and tightening government control of the region. The government promotes Han migration to the XUAR, claiming it is necessary to foster "social stability," "ethnic unity," and the "unity of the state,"200 and has staffed top government and Party positions with high numbers of ethnic Han Chinese [see Section V(c)--Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights--Non-discrimination in Employment and Occupation].201 In January and February 2006, the XUAR government acknowledged that migrants contribute to the region's high population growth rate, even as it announced plans to direct its population planning measures at controlling birth rates in impoverished ethnic minority regions.202 The government also announced plans throughout the year to promote language programs that decrease the use of ethnic minority languages in XUAR schools and preschools.203 The government continues to imprison Uighurs who engage in peaceful expressions of dissent and other non-violent activities. Foreign news media reported in November 2005 that Korash Huseyin, editor of the Kashgar Literature Journal, received a three-year sentence for publishing writer Nurmemet Yasin's story "Wild Pigeon."204 Yasin received a 10-year sentence in February 2005 for "inciting splittism." Other Uighurs engaged in peaceful activities, including Tohti Tunyaz, Abdulghani Memetemin, and Abduhelil Zunun, remain in prison.205 In addition, since Uighur activist Rebiya Kadeer's 2005 release into exile in the United States, the government has continued to harass her relatives in the XUAR.206 In June 2006, authorities charged Alim, Ablikim, and Qahar Abdurehim, three of Kadeer's sons, with state security and economic crimes.207 Authorities beat Alim and Ablikim, and in early July, Alim confessed to the charges against him after reportedly being tortured.208 The local procuratorate indicted Alim and Qahar on July 10.209 Authorities also have placed other family members under house arrest and surveillance.210

Religious Freedom for China's Orthodox Christians

The Chinese government has not officially recognized its small and slowly reawakening Orthodox Christian community, nor has it accommodated its need for priests and bishops.211 In recent years, Chinese officials have met with representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church to discuss these issues.212 The central government has not recognized Orthodoxy as a religion, as many had hoped after the 2004 Regulation on Religious Affairs omitted mention of the government's five recognized religions. The provincial regulations of Heilongjiang and Inner Mongolia, however, have recognized Orthodoxy, and some other localities have published documents that appear to recognize Orthodoxy while including it under the category of Protestantism.213 Local authorities have not accepted the registration of any Orthodox parishes other than the four that were registered before 2005 in Harbin city, Heilongjiang province, Labdarin city, in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, and Ghulja and Urumqi cities, in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR).214 In the XUAR, authorities have reportedly advised Orthodox Christians not to communicate with foreigners.215 The Chinese government has not permitted Chinese Orthodox priests trained in Russia to minister to Chinese Orthodox, who still have no priests to conduct divine liturgy and administer sacraments.216

Religious Freedom for China's Protestants

The Chinese government continues to repress Chinese Protestants who worship in house churches. According to reports from a U.S. NGO that monitors religious freedom in China, officials raided house church services or meetings, and detained and questioned leaders and members.217 Although public security officials held most of those whom they detained in such raids for short periods, they held house church leaders for more extended periods, sometimes for weeks or months.218 Officials also reportedly tortured or physically abused some of the house church detainees.219 Officials confiscated personal property belonging to house church leaders and members, and officials also detained foreign missionaries who provided training to house church leaders.220

From May 2005 to May 2006, the government detained nearly 2,000 house church members, according to the same U.S. NGO.221 Almost 50 percent of the reported detentions of Protestant house church members and leaders took place in Henan province, where the Protestant house church movement is particularly strong.222 Detentions were also reported in Beijing municipality and in Anhui, Hubei, Jiangsu, Jilin, Shandong, Shanxi, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Zhejiang provinces, and in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR).223 In addition, officials demolished a large house church in Hangzhou city, Zhejiang province, and beat hundreds of house church members. Municipal officials had denied repeated requests for permission to build a church.224

The government targets house church leaders for the most severe punishment. In November 2005, officials convicted Cai Zhuohua, a house church pastor in Beijing, of "illegal operation of a business" for printing and giving away Bibles without government authorization225 [see Section V(a)--Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression]. The court sentenced Cai to three years' imprisonment. Xiao Yunfei and Xiao Gaowen, his wife and brother-in-law, were sentenced to shorter terms.226 House church pastors Liu Yuhua and Wang Zaiqing also reportedly printed Bibles without permission, and in 2006 officials detained the former and formally arrested the latter.227 In December 2004, officials arrested Zhang Rongliang, a leader of the China for Christ house church network in Henan province, and several months later charged him with "illegally crossing the national border" and "fraudulently obtaining a passport."228 In June 2006, Pastor Zhang was sentenced to seven years and six months in prison.229 Officials convicted Gong Shengliang, founder of the South China Church in Hubei province, of premeditated assault and rape in 2001. Gong continues to serve a sentence of life in prison in Hubei province, although nine of the government's witnesses against him have recanted their testimony, alleging that their testimony was extracted under torture [see Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants--Torture and Abuse in Custody]. In 2006, Gong's daughters reported that he is in poor health, and that another inmate beat Gong in prison. His lawyers have applied for his release on medical parole.230

Chinese authorities have banned some house churches as "cults," and harassment and repression of unregistered Protestants for involvement in "cults" became more prominent in mid-2006. Religious practitioners involved in what the government classifies as a "cult" are subject to prosecution under Article 300 of the Criminal Law. On five occasions in June and July 2006, officials reportedly accused or investigated house church members for involvement in "cults" (xiejiao).231 In July 2006, Xu Shuangfu and 15 additional leaders of the Three Grades of Servants house church, which was banned as a "cult" in 1999, were convicted on charges of murder and fraud.232

The Chinese government continues to maintain strict control over the registered Protestant church. The Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA) requires that all Protestants worship at registered churches,233 regardless of their differences in doctrine and liturgy. The state-controlled Three-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM), which leads the registered Protestant church in China, does not allow Protestants to express these differences freely.234 The TSPM continues to impose a Communist Party-defined theology, called "theological construction," on registered seminaries that, according to TSPM leader Ding Guangxun, will "weaken those aspects within Christian faith that do not conform with the socialist society."235 TSPM publications indicate that the aspects to be weakened include fundamental Protestant beliefs, such as justification by faith alone.236 TSPM publications also contain indications that some Chinese Protestants resist "theological construction," and that this resistance may be gaining in strength.237 In the past year, one instance was reported in which officials detained a registered Protestant pastor in Henan province, when the pastor conducted a Bible study meeting at a registered Protestant church outside his designated geographic area.238 The Henan provincial Regulation on Religious Affairs requires visiting registered religious personnel to secure permission from both the religious organization in their designated geographic area and the religious organization in the area they propose to visit.239 A TSPM official in the XUAR, where Protestantism is spreading rapidly among the Han Chinese population, has reportedly said that, although several years ago children used to attend church, authorities now have forbidden this throughout the region.240 A foreign expert who has done extensive research on the TSPM has said that authorities have been "siphoning off the church's main source of revenue--rental income."241

The Chinese government continues to restrict the relationships of unregistered Chinese Protestants with their co-religionists abroad, in contravention of international human rights standards.242 House church Protestants reported that authorities raided meetings between house church leaders and Protestants visiting China to conduct theological or organizational training.243 Officials have prevented some house church leaders from traveling abroad, and imprisoned others upon their return.244 Senior government officials continue to incite suspicion of overseas Christians by accusing them of "religious infiltration" intended to weaken China. Press reports have associated Protestantism with "foreign imperialism" and warn that Protestantism must be "patriotic" and not harm China.245 Despite these restrictions, Chinese house churches have become increasingly interested in theological and denominational issues,246 and major house church networks continued to have regular contacts with each other and with Protestants abroad.247

The government also restricts and monitors the foreign relationships of the registered Protestant church. Although the government permits the TSPM to maintain contact with foreign denominations and educational institutions, and to conduct exchanges with interdenominational Protestant organizations abroad, it strictly regulates these contacts and limits them to the TSPM's top leadership.248 Registered churches, however, continue to receive financial support from abroad, a right protected by Article 35 of the RRA.249

The number of reported house church and registered Protestants in China continued to increase in the past year.250 Foreign estimates of the total number of Protestants range from 30 million to 100 million. Official Chinese estimates exclude those who worship in unregistered house churches.251 In response to the rapid growth in the numbers of unregistered house churches, the government has instructed registered churches to hold home services.252 According to some reports, Protestants constitute a significant proportion of the religious practitioners within the Communist Party.253 An internal Party study found that of some 60 million Party members, 20 million engage in religious activities (9 million do so regularly), and that a majority of them are Christians.254 In October 2005, Party leaders concluded that this high level of religious practice will "change the ideology of Party members and lead to the disintegration of their political belief . . . and this will create all kinds of social and political crises in the Party and in the country." The same leaders also called for all religious adherents to be expelled from the Party.255 Party members in Liaoning province and certain members of the Party Central Committee in Beijing reportedly expressed their disagreement with this policy, and said that it is time to permit Party members to be believe in and practice a religion.256

The government continues to welcome some of the effects and influences of Protestantism, specifically those that support the Party's societal goals. Chinese Protestants report that many local officials believe that religious influence reduces criminality and contributes to social welfare.257 The government continues to welcome social service projects undertaken by the Amity Foundation, a Protestant foundation that recently sponsored projects in social services and development aid, including education, healthcare, and care for the elderly.258 A U.S.-based NGO plans to open the first private university with an openly Christian mission in China since 1949.259 A growing number of urban entrepreneurs who have become Protestants use their influence to protect and promote their religious communities.260 Likewise, a growing number of urban intellectuals who have joined the house church movement advocate for political and legal reform in China.261

Government Persecution of Falun Gong

Government persecution of Falun Gong practitioners, which began in 1999 after thousands of practitioners demonstrated peacefully outside the senior leadership compound in Beijing,262 continued during the past year. Falun Gong and other sources reported cases of arrest, abuse, detention, torture, and execution of practitioners in 2005 and 2006.263 Based on official Chinese government information, at least 202 Falun Gong practitioners are currently in prison.264 Falun Gong sources estimate that since 1999, at least 6,000 practitioners have been sentenced to prison, over 100,000 practitioners have been sentenced to reeducation through labor (RTL), and almost 3,000 Falun Gong practitioners have died from torture while in custody.265 Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, reported after his November 2005 visit to China that Falun Gong practitioners account for 66 percent of victims of alleged torture while in government custody.266 Multiple allegations of government-sanctioned organ harvesting from Falun Gong prisoners surfaced in 2006. The U.S. State Department investigated one set of charges, but was unable to confirm them.267 A former senior Canadian government official provided transcripts of telephone calls to detention facilities and transplant centers in China, where officials there confirmed the availability of organs from Falun Gong prisoners.268 [See Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants--Harvesting of Organs from Executed Prisoners.]

Chinese government persecution of Falun Gong practitioners contravenes the standards in Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).269 Article 18(1) of the ICCPR guarantees everyone "the right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion . . . [and] to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship, and observance." Article 18(3) specifies that "freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals or the fundamental rights or freedoms of others."270 The Chinese government justifies its persecution of Falun Gong on the grounds that it is necessary to protect public safety, order, and morals, an argument based on Article 36 of the Constitution.271 The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD), however, has rejected this argument. In 2004, the UNWGAD found the detention of Falun Gong practitioner Qiu Minghua arbitrary, and added that the Chinese government had "failed to adduce any argument explaining why and how Ms. Qiu's affiliation with, or profession of, the ideas or principles of Falun Gong was or could have been detrimental to the society as a whole, or to other individuals."272

Article 300 of the Criminal Law273 and Article 27 of the newly enacted Public Security Administration Punishment Law274 provide the legal pretext for penalizing Falun Gong activities. Public security officials punish the majority of detained Falun Gong practitioners administratively, including by detaining them in RTL centers.275 [See Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants--Administrative Detention.] According to a 1999 joint Supreme People's Court and Supreme People's Procuratorate interpretation, "cult" activities that merit punishment under the Criminal Law include publishing sect-related materials and inciting others to disturb public order.276 Individuals sentenced under Article 300 of the Criminal Law for organizing the April 1999 demonstration in Beijing, and who remain in prison today, include Li Chang, Wang Zhiwen, Ji Liewu, and Yao Jie. In 2001, officials sentenced Chongqing practitioners Chen Qi, He Haiou, Li Zongyu, and Xu Linfen to sentences from 8 to 12 years in prison for using the Internet to create and distribute information about Falun Gong. In December 2001, a Beijing court sentenced Wang Xin, Dong Yanhong, Meng Jun, Yao Yue, and Liu Wenyu, five practitioners associated with Tsinghua University, and Wang Xuefei, a university student from Shanghai, to sentences ranging from 3 to 12 years. The practitioners were convicted of using the Internet to download materials from foreign Falun Gong Web sites and printing leaflets for posting and distribution on Beijing streets.277

Officials harass and punish Chinese rights defenders and lawyers who defend Falun Gong practitioners against government persecution. [See Section V(b)--Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants--Access to Counsel and Right to Present a Defense.] In November 2005, authorities suspended the operating license of the Beijing Shengzhi Law Firm and its director Gao Zhisheng after he wrote an open letter to President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao criticizing official abuses against Falun Gong practitioners.278 In January 2006, a Guangxi law firm dismissed lawyer Yang Zaixin after he represented three Falun Gong practitioners.279

The Chinese government continues its propaganda campaign against Falun Gong and other qigong disciplines that it has designated as "cults." The government alleges that "Falun Gong is not only a cult but also an anti-China political organization with base political intentions."280 The government reports that "in some places, the illegal activities of Falun Gong and other cults are not completely contained," and has maintained a campaign to distribute posters illustrating the "nature and danger" of these organizations throughout the country.281 The government campaign against Falun Gong extends to all written materials that practitioners use. In 2005, the government confiscated 4.62 million "illegal" Falun Gong and "other cult propaganda materials."282 One email provider in China blocked almost 20,000 emails relating to Falun Gong and other "reactionary" topics in 2005.283

Notes to Section V(d)--Freedom of Religion

1 See, e.g., the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) of 10 December 48, art. 18;<www.un.org> International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), adopted by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 66, entry into force 23 March 76, art. 18.<www.ohchr.org> China has signed, but has not yet ratified, the ICCPR.<www.ohchr.org> The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China's top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005 statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004 speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

2 PRC Constitution, art. 36.

3 For examples of protections in Chinese law, see, e.g., the PRC Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law, enacted 31 May 84, amended 28 February 01, art. 11,<中华人民共和国民族区域自治法 | www.cecc.gov> the PRC Education Law, enacted 18 March 95, art. 9,<中华人民共和国教育法 | www.cecc.gov> and the PRC Labor Law, enacted 5 July 94, art. 12.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov> Article 251 of the PRC Criminal Law penalizes state officials who infringe on citizens' right to freedom of religious belief. PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 25 December 99<中华人民共和国刑法修正案 | www.cecc.gov>, 31 August 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（二） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 December 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 December 02<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（四） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 February 05<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（五） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 June 05<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（六） | www.cecc.gov>.

4 See, e.g., Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, Concerning Our Country's Basic Viewpoints and Policies on the Religion Question During Its Socialist Period [Guanyu woguo shehuizhuyi shiqi zongjiao wenti de jiben guandian he jiben zhengce], issued 31 March 82 (Document 19).< 关于我国社会主义时期宗教问题的基本观点和基本政策 | www.sara.gov.cn> This document recognized the "complex" nature of the religious situation in China and stated that the Party's policy toward religion is to "respect and protect freedom of religious belief" as a long-term policy until religion extinguishes itself. For overviews of this document and subsequent party policy, see, e.g., Beatrice Leung, "China's Religious Freedom Policy: The Art of Managing Religious Activity," 184 The China Quarterly 894, 903-13 (2005); Pitman B. Potter, "Belief in Control: Regulation of Religion in China," 174 China Quarterly 317, 319-24 (2003); Kim-Kwong Chan and Eric R. Carlson, Religious Freedom in China: Policy, Administration, and Regulation (Santa Barbara, CA: Institute for the Study of American Religion, 2005), 2-3, 18-19, 42-57.

5 See, e.g., Cheng Ming, "One-Third of CPC Members Attend Religious Activities," 1 November 05, 8-9 (Open Source Center, 24 May 06); Communist Party Committee Handan City People's Government State Property Supervision Board of Management (Online), "Communist Party Members Cannot Believe in Religion" [Gongchangdangyuan buneng xinyang zongjiao], 13 March 06.<共产党员不能信仰宗教 | gzwdw.hd.gov.cn> While Party membership is not mandatory in China, it can further career opportunities and social advancement. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 November 05.<www.cecc.gov>

6 State Administration for Religious Affairs (Online), "Fourth Operation Office" [Yewu sisi], last visited 5 September 06.<业务四司 | www.sara.gov.cn>

7 Some government documents have referred to the five religions as China's "main" religions. In practice, the state has created a regulatory system that institutionalizes only these five religions for recognition and legal protection, even though neither the Constitution nor national Chinese law restricts the definition of religion to these five belief systems. See, e.g., State Council Information Office, White Paper on Freedom of Religious Belief in China, 16 October 97 (stating that China's "main religions" are Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Catholicism, and Protestantism).< 中国的宗教信仰自由状况 | www.sara.gov.cn> Officials told a visiting U.S. delegation in August 2005 that they were considering at the national level whether to allow some other religious communities to register to establish organizations or religious activity venues, but no decisions in this area have been reported. U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), "Policy Focus: China," 9 November 05, 4.<www.uscirf.gov> See also Human Rights Watch (Online), "A Year After New Regulations, Religious Rights Still Restricted, Arrests, Closures, Crackdowns Continue," 1 March 06.<hrw.org>

8 There is some limited tolerance outside this framework for some ethnic minority and "folk" religious practices, as well as some regional variation in the recognition of other religious groups. See, e.g., discussions on regional variations in implementation of religious policy and government policy toward folk religions, infra; "Religious Freedom for China's Orthodox Christians," infra; Kim-Kwong Chan, "Religion in China in the Twenty-first Century: Some Scenarios," 33 Religion, State & Society, No. 2, 87, 92; and Putian City Licheng District Ethnic and Religious Affairs Bureau (Online), "Putian Patriotic Religious Organizations" [Putian zongjiao aiguo tuanti], last visited 14 September 06.<莆田宗教爱国团体 | www.fjptlc.gov.cn>

9 See, e.g., Hebei Province Regulation on Religious Affairs [Hebeisheng zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 18 July 03, art. 2.<河北省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

10 State Council Information Office, White Paper on Freedom of Religious Belief in China.< 中国的宗教信仰自由状况 | www.sara.gov.cn>

11 Local religious regulations have specified that individuals (and in some cases "members of a family") may carry out religious activities at home or "live a religious life" at home, but none have extended this to relatives and friends. See, e.g., Shanxi Province Regulation on Religious Affairs [Shanxisheng zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 29 July 05, art. 22.<山西省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> One local regulation allows some limited religious activity at home for participation by relatives and friends, but it appears to limit activities to rites related to illness, funerals, and memorials. Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region Temporary Provisions on the Administrative Management of Religious Work [Guangxi zhuangzu zizhiqu zongjiao shiwu xingzheng guanli zanxing guiding], issued 22 March 94.<广西壮族自治区宗教事务行政管理暂行规定 | www.cecc.gov>

12 Local authorities' actions toward such "house churches" have varied. In some places, local authorities have tolerated such services, while in other places have shut them down. U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China.<www.cecc.gov> The government reportedly has instructed registered Protestant organizations to hold services at home, in response to the growth of such services by unregistered groups. See "Religious Freedom for China's Protestants," infra.

13 Leung, "China's Religious Freedom Policy," 897. The patriotic religious associations are "mass organizations" established under the Communist Party.

14 See, e.g., "Clear Tasks, Carrying Out Our Functions: Thoughts on the Issue of Completely Bringing into Play the Functions of the Islamic Associations" [Mingque renwu luxing zhineng--guanyu chongfen fahui yixie zuoyong wenti de sikao], 2 China Muslim, 25-27 (2005);<明确任务履行职能——关于充分发挥伊协作用问题的思考 | china.eastview.com> "Catholic Patriotic Association Leaders Deny Bishops Permission to Attend Synod in Rome," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, October 2005, 7.<www.cecc.gov>

15 U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom, "Policy Focus: China," 9 November 05, 4.<www.uscirf.gov>

16 U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China.<www.cecc.gov>

17 PRC Constitution, art. 36.

18 Chinese laws and regulations have not provided an explicit definition of this term. Article 36 of the Constitution does not clearly define the scope of "normal religious activity." It notes only, "No one may make use of religion to engage in activities that disrupt public order, impair the health of citizens or interfere with the educational system of the state." Some local regulations have indicated what activities constitute "religious activities" but not explicitly "normal" religious activities. See, e.g., Shanxi Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 20.<山西省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> It is unclear whether such lists, which describe activities including Buddhist worship, Ramadan observance, and baptism, are exclusive. While such an exclusive list would at least provide citizens with more notice of what activities are protected under law, this would also contravene international human rights standards, which define religion to include a broad range of practices beyond specific acts (like Ramadan or Buddhist worship). General Comment No. 22: The Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion (Art. 18), 30 July 93, para. 4.<www.unhchr.ch>

19 U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China.<www.cecc.gov>

20 Ibid.<www.cecc.gov> See also, "Religious Freedom for China's Orthodox Christians," infra.

21 The State Department reports that such folk practices "are tolerated to varying degrees as loose affiliates of Taoism, Buddhism, or ethnic minority cultural practices." U.S. Department of State, International Religious Freedom Report--2005, China.<www.cecc.gov>

22 It also refers to such activities simply as "superstitions." Some activities related to "superstitions" or "feudal superstitions" are penalized under the Criminal Law and administrative regulations. See, e.g., PRC Criminal Law, art. 300; PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, enacted 28 August 05, art. 27(1).<中华人民共和国治安管理处罚法 | www.cecc.gov>

23 See, "Government Persecution of Falun Gong," infra, for more information. The government also has labeled some unregistered religious groups as cults. See, e.g., "UN Petition Submitted for Jailed Ailing Church Leader; Medical Parole Appeal Filed by Family Members," China Aid Association (Online), 6 March 06 (describing the case of Pastor Gong Shengliang, whom authorities sentenced in a first-instance trial for crimes including cult-related activities).<www.chinaaid.org>

24 Provisions on the Management of the Religious Activities of Foreigners within the PRC [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo jingnei waiguoren zongjiao huodong guanli guiding], issued 31 January 94, art. 4.<中华人民共和国境内外国人宗教活动管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

25 See, e.g., China Development Brief (Online), "NGOs: the Diverse Origins, Changing Nature and Growing Internationalisation of the Species," 31 December 04;<www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com> China Development Brief (Online), "Muslim Hands Reach Out to Gansu," 6 May 05.<www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com>

26 Detailed Implementing Rules for the Provisions on the Management of the Religious Activities of Foreigners Within the PRC [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo jingnei waiguoren zongjiao huodong guanli guiding shishi xize], issued 26 September 00, art. 17.<中华人民共和国境内外国人宗教活动管理规定实施细则 | www.cecc.gov>

27 Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA) [Zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 30 November 04.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

28 Nailene Chou Wiest, "Religious Groups Get More Room to Move," South China Morning Post (Online), 20 October 04, (quoting Zhang Xunmou, Policy and Law Department of SARA).<china.scmp.com>

29 For a listing of national and local regulations as of 2005, see Chan and Carlson, Religious Freedom in China, 27-42.

30 RRA, art. 2.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

31 Ibid., art. 3.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

32 See, e.g., RRA, arts. 8, 13-15, 27. Some provisions permit certain acts in accordance with other regulations, such as Article 7, which permits religious organizations to publish religious materials in accordance with relevant national regulations. The relevant regulations referred to require approval to publish religious materials.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> See, e.g., Regulation on the Administration of Printing Enterprises, arts. 7, 15, 18, 30-31;<印刷业管理条例 | www.cecc.gov> Provisions Regarding the Administration of Contracts to Print Bible Texts [Guanyu chengjie "shengjing" yinshua de guanli guiding], issued 22 November 94.<新闻出版署国务院宗教事务局海关总署关于承接《圣经》印件的管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

33 See, e.g., Hubei Province United Front Department (Online), "Xiangfan City Makes Great Efforts in Study Sessions for the Regulation on Religious Affairs" [Xiangfanshi zhashi zhuahao zongjiao shiwu tiaoli de xuexi peixun], 25 February 05;<襄樊市扎实抓好《宗教事务条例》的学习培训 | www.zytzb.org.cn> Shenzhen Luohu District E-Government Affairs (Online), "Luohu District Party Committee and Government Adopt Multiple Steps to Practically Strengthen Religious Work Under Their Jurisdiction" [Luohuquwei, quzhengfu caiqu duoxiang cuoshi qieshi jiaqiang xiaqu zongjiao gongzuo], 9 June 05.<罗湖区委、区政府采取多项措施切实加强辖区宗教工作 | www.szlh.gov.cn>

34 See, e.g., Jilin Province Ethnic Affairs Commission and Religious Affairs Bureau (Online), "Provincial Religious Affairs Bureau Launches a Circuit Study Tour at the Grassroots Level" [Sheng zongjiaoju shenru jiceng kaizhan xunhui jiaoxue], 18 April 06;<省宗教局深入基层开展巡回教学 | mw.jl.gov.cn> Henan Province Ethnic Affairs Commission and Religious Affairs Bureau (Online), "Zhengzhou Launches 'Religious Work Enters the Community' Activity" [Zhengzhoushi kaizhan "zongjiao gongzuo jinshequ" huodong], 21 March 06.<郑州市开展“宗教工作进社区”活动 | www.hnmw.gov.cn>

35 Under Article 6 of the RRA, religious organizations must register in accordance with the rules established under the Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations [Shehui tuanti dengji guanli tiaoli], issued 25 October 1998.<社会团体登记管理条例 | www.cecc.gov> In addition to provisions within the RRA on the registration of venues for religious activity, new Measures on the Examination, Approval, and Registration of Venues for Religious Activity [Zongjiao huodong changsuo sheli shenpi he dengji banfa], issued 21 April 05, also govern this process.<宗教活动场所设立审批和登记办法 | www.cecc.gov>

36 Management of Venues for Religious Activity [Zongjiao huodong changsuo guanli tiaoli], issued 31 January 94 (repealed);<宗教活动场所管理条例　 | www.cecc.gov> Measures on the Registration of Venues for Religious Activity [Zongjiao huodong changsuo dengji banfa], issued 13 April 94 (repealed);<宗教活动场所登记办法 | www.cecc.gov> Implementing Measures on the Management of the Registration of Religious Social Organizations [Zongjiao shehui tuanti dengji guanli shishi banfa], issued 6 May 91.<宗教社会团体登记管理实施办法 | www.cecc.gov> For registration requirements in local regulations, see, e.g., Beijing Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs [Beijingshi zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 18 July 02, amended 28 July 06, arts. 6, 18.<北京市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov><北京市宗教事务条例修正案 | www.cecc.gov>

37 RRA, arts. 6, 12-15.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

38 Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations, art. 10.<社会团体登记管理条例 | www.cecc.gov>

39 RRA, art. 14(2).<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

40 General Comment No. 22: The Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion (Art. 18), para. 4.<www.unhchr.ch>

41 RRA, art. 12.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

42 See, e.g., Shanxi Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 22.<山西省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

43 General Comment No. 22: The Right to Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion (Art. 18), para. 4.<www.unhchr.ch>

44 RRA, arts. 7, 21.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

45 See, e.g., Regulations on the Administration of Printing Enterprises, arts. 18, 30-31;<印刷业管理条例 | www.cecc.gov> Provisions Regarding the Administration of Contracts to Print Bible Texts.<新闻出版署国务院宗教事务局海关总署关于承接《圣经》印件的管理规定 | www.cecc.gov>

46 RRA, art. 27.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

47 Ibid.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

48 Ibid., arts. 38-46.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

49 Ibid., art. 38.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> In addition to providing disciplinary sanctions, this provision also states that where a crime has been committed, criminal liability shall be investigated.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

50 See, e.g., Ibid., arts. 40-45.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

51 Ibid., art. 43.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Article 1 of an earlier Circular of Provisions on Self-Funded Pilgrimages [Guanyu zifei chaojin ruogan guiding de tongzhi], issued 28 January 01 (partly annulled) states only that no organization other than those authorized by the circular may organize pilgrimages.< 关于自费朝觐若干规定的通知 | www.cecc.gov> Local regulations on religion do not mention restrictions on pilgrimages or penalties for their organization, except for a 2001 amendment (not yet made public in China) to the 1994 Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region Regulation on the Management of Religious Affairs, which states that no organization or individual other than authorized government organizations may organize pilgrimages. Human Rights Watch and Human Rights in China (Online), "Devastating Blows: Religious Repression of Uighurs in Xinjiang," April 2005, 39, 87.<hrw.org> Although the RRA's articulation of which specific acts constitute violations of the regulation promotes more transparency, it also may indicate new national restrictions.

52 RRA, art. 34.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> See, e.g., Beijing Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 8.<北京市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

53 RRA, art. 35.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

54 Earlier local regulations have not stated this provision in such clear terms. See, e.g., Jiangsu Province Regulation on Religious Affairs [Jiangsusheng zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 5 February 02, art. 34 (stating only that donations received from abroad be handled in accordance with national regulations);<江苏省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Beijing Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 36, 39 (allowing organizations and venues to receive contributions but not specifying that they may come from overseas, and stating that donations received from abroad be handled in accordance with national regulations).<北京市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

55 RRA, art. 46.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

56 See, e.g., Hebei Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 2, 8.<河北省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> In some cases, the RRA refers to the national-level association of a particular religion but does not use the patriotic association's precise name or make reference to all the associations. See, e.g., RRA, arts. 11, 27.

57 For example, some observers have suggested that the lack of mention of five religions within the RRA may indicate that the government will recognize more religious groups. See, e.g., Lauren Homer, "The New Regulation on Religious Affairs in China: A Legal Analysis," presented at the Christian Leadership Exchange and Fuller Theological Seminary Forum on China's Religious Regulations 2005 (Online), March 2005.<www.christianityinchina.org>

58 The RRA states only that the 1994 national Regulation on the Management of Venues for Religious Activity is annulled. RRA, art. 48. On April 21, 2005, the State Administration for Religious Affairs issued new Measures on the Examination, Approval, and Registration of Venues for Religious Activity.

59 RRA, arts. 6, 13-15.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> The wording of the local regulations varies, but the requirements imposed generally track those in the national regulation. Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs [Shanghaishi zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 30 November 95, amended 21 April 05, arts. 7, 17;<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Henan Province Regulation on Religious Affairs [Henansheng zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], arts. 7, 8, 16-18;<河南省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Zhejiang Province Regulation on Religious Affairs [Zhejiangsheng zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 6 December 97, amended 29 March 06, arts. 9, 22-23;<浙江省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Shanxi Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 8-9, 12-13;<山西省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Beijing Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 6, 18;<北京市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov><北京市宗教事务条例修正案 | www.cecc.gov> Anhui Province Regulation on Religious Affairs [Anhuisheng zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 15 October 99,<安徽省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> amended 29 June 06, art. 9.<安徽省人民代表大会常务委员会关于修改《安徽省宗教事务条例》的决定 | www.cecc.gov> But see Anhui Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 19. Amendments to the Anhui regulation change only two provisions in the original 1999 regulation. According to Article 19, which was unchanged by the amendments, the establishment of a religious venue must be done in accordance with the Regulation on the Management of Venues for Religious Activity, which was annulled by the RRA. For an overview of four of the new or amended regulations, see "Zhejiang and Other Provincial Governments Issue New Religious Regulations," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 9-10.<www.cecc.gov>

60 Henan Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 2.<河南省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

61 Compare the amended Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs,<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> and the original Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, issued 30 November 95, art. 3.<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

62 Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, amended 21 April 05, art. 27;<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Henan Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 21;<河南省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Zhejiang Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, amended 29 March 06, art. 36;<浙江省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Shanxi Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 22;<山西省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Beijing Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 23;<北京市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov><北京市宗教事务条例修正案 | www.cecc.gov> Anhui Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 28.<安徽省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> / <安徽省人民代表大会常务委员会关于修改《安徽省宗教事务条例》的决定 | www.cecc.gov> The Zhejiang, Henan, Beijing, and Anhui regulations permit citizens to "live a religious life" (guo zongjiao shenghuo) within their homes, and the Shanghai Municipality Regulation specifies that religious members of a family may do so. In contrast, the Shanxi regulation uses different language, stipulating in Article 22 that religious citizens may "carry out normal religious activities (jinxing . . . zhengchang zongjiao huodong) within their own residence that are participated in by religious members of a family." See also "Zhejiang and Other Provincial Governments Issue New Religious Regulations," 9-10.<www.cecc.gov>

63 See the amended Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 51-61,<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> and the original Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 54-59.<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

64 Henan Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 26.<河南省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Compare to the Shanghai Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, amended 21 April 05, art. 60;<上海市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Zhejiang Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, amended 29 March 06, art. 49;<浙江省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Shanxi Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 34;<山西省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> Beijing Municipality Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 49;<北京市宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov><北京市宗教事务条例修正案 | www.cecc.gov> and Anhui Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, art. 53.<安徽省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov> / <安徽省人民代表大会常务委员会关于修改《安徽省宗教事务条例》的决定 | www.cecc.gov> Article 51 of the original Zhejiang regulation contained a similar provision to the one in the amended Zhejiang regulation, but it applied only to state officials from religious affairs bureaus, whereas Article 49 in the amended version applies to all state officials acting in the course of religious work. See the original Zhejiang Province Regulation on Religious Affairs, issued 6 December 97, art. 51.<浙江省宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

65 State Administration for Religious Affairs (Online), "China Religious Culture Communication Association Established in Beijing" [Zhonghua zongjiao wenhua jiaoliu xiehui zai jing chengli], 30 December 05;< 中华宗教文化交流协会在京成立 | www.sara.gov.cn> "New Religious Exchange Association Disseminates Government Views of Religion," China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2005, 11.<www.cecc.gov>

66 See the SARA Web site at www.sara.gov.cn. Although the Web site provides citizens with another forum for access to religious information, its content is limited. The Web site does not provide a comprehensive posting of all local regulations on religion and provides only select news. Web sites from local religious affairs bureaus are often more thorough.

67 "Why Are Religious People Still Buying Tickets To Enter Their Own Places of Worship? " [Zongjiao renshi jin ben zongjiao changsuo weihe hai maipiao?], China Ethnicities News (Online), 7 February 06.<宗教人士进本宗教场所为何还买票 | www.mzb.com.cn>

68 For example, Article 36 of the Constitution protects religious activities that the state considers "normal," that do not "interfere" with the state's educational system, and that are not subject to "foreign domination." Article 3 of the Regulation on Religious Affairs requires religious citizens to "abide by the Constitution, laws, regulations and rules, and safeguard unification of the country, unity of all nationalities and stability of society," and not to engage in "activities that harm State or public interests."

69 Additional information about the Chinese government's and Party's application of the Constitution and law is available in CECC Annual Reports 2002-2005.

70 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (Online), "China Recommences 'Patriotic Education' Campaign in Tibet's Monastic Institutions," 13 October 05.<www.cecc.gov> Teams of officials began conducting patriotic education classes at Sera Monastery in April, at Taglung Monastery and Gyabdrag Nunnery in June, at Drepung Monastery in October, and at Shugsib Nunnery at an unspecified time. (Although the patriotic education campaign began in April 2005, public reports were not available until October. Unpublished information referred to patriotic education activity at Gaden Monastery and Garu Nunnery. Information is not available on whether or not the patriotic education campaign affected all Lhasa area monastic institutions, or if the campaign extended beyond the Lhasa area.)

71 Ibid.<www.cecc.gov> During the session at Sera, officials required the monks to study six texts in preparation for examinations: "Handbook of History of Tibet," "Handbook on Crushing the Separatists," "Handbook of Policies on Religion," "Handbook on Law," "Handbook of Contemporary Policies," and "Handbook on Ethics for the Masses."

72 "Zhang Qingli Becomes New Party Chief of Tibet," Xinhua (Online), 29 May 06.<news.xinhuanet.com> The Party Central Committee appointed Zhang Qingli Secretary of the TAR Party Committee on May 29, 2006, after appointing him acting TAR Party secretary in November 2005. Between October 1999 and March 2005, Zhang held (at different times) senior positions in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) that included deputy secretary of XUAR Party Committee, Vice Chairman of the XUAR government, and commander of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps (also known as the Bingtuan).

73 Monks or nuns who administer a monastery or nunnery form the Democratic Management Committee (DMC). DMC members must implement Party policies on religion and ensure that monks and nuns obey government regulations on religious practice.

74 "Zhang Qingli Delivers Major Address at Opening of Party Conference in Tibet," Tibet Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 16 May 06.<西藏全区党员领导干部大会召开张庆黎发表重要讲话 | www.cecc.gov> (Some of the Party officials attending the meeting also hold senior positions in the provincial government or people's congress. For example, Party executive deputy secretary Jampa Phuntsog (Xiangba Pingcuo) is Chairman of the TAR government, and Legchog (Lieque) is Chairman of the TAR People's Congress.)

75 Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA) [Zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 30 November 04.<www.chinaelections.org>

76 "Standing Committee of Tibet Autonomous Regional People's Congress Holds Special Meeting to 'Expose and Criticize Dalai Lama's Separatist Group,' Calls for Steadfastness in Fighting Separatism," Sing Tao Daily, 10 June 06 (Open Source Center, 11 June 06). The meeting took place "a few days" before Sing Tao published the article.

77 "Spiegel Interview With Tibet's Communist Party Chief: Dalai Lama 'Deceived His Motherland,' " Spiegel Magazine (Online), 16 August 06.<www.cecc.gov>

78 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, "China Recommences 'Patriotic Education' Campaign in Tibet's Monastic Institutions."<www.cecc.gov> (No additional information about the reported expulsions and detentions of the Sera monks in July 2005 is available.)

79 In Tibetan Buddhist monasteries and nunneries, a "disciplinarian" supervises monks and nuns who participate in religious ceremonies or attend monastic assemblies.

80 "Tibetan Monk Detained, Another Expelled, Amid Chinese Crackdown," Radio Free Asia (Online), 18 November 05.<www.cecc.gov> (The report does not specify whether the period of surveillance is "residential surveillance" or "public surveillance." The maximum period of residential surveillance is six months (Criminal Procedure Law, Article 58), compared to a maximum period of two years of public surveillance (PRC Criminal Law, Article 38).

81 Ibid.<www.cecc.gov> Tsering Dondrub "disappeared" immediately after the prayer request, according to RFA, but police later detained him and held him in the Lhasa PSB Detention Center (Gutsa). Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (Online), "Human Rights Situation in Tibet, Annual Report 2005," 21 February 06, 24.<www.tchrd.org> According to Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, police detained Tsering Dondrub because they suspected him of putting up pro-independence posters. (No further information about his case is available.)

82 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (Online), "Monk Dies Following Dispute with Patriotic Education Instructors," 8 November 05.<www.cecc.gov> Monks who discovered Ngawang Jangchub's body speculated that he committed suicide. He apparently refused to comply with a requirement to denounce the Dalai Lama as a "splittist" and pledge loyalty to the Chinese government, and defended the Dalai Lama's role as a Buddhist leader. In addition, he said that Tibet is not a historical part of China.

83 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (Online), "Five Monks from Drepung Monastery in Lhasa Arrested After Conduct of 'Patriotic Reeducation' Campaign," 30 November 05.<www.cecc.gov>

84 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (Online), "Mass Silent Protest in Tibet's Drepung Monastery Following China's Continued Implementation of 'Patriotic Education,' " 29 November 05.<www.tchrd.org> TCHRD reported that "more than four hundred monks sat on a peaceful solidarity protest." "Tibetan Monks Arrested, Monastery Closed Amid Protests," Radio Free Asia (Online), 29 November 05.<www.rfa.org> RFA reported that "an unknown number of monks from Drepung monastery staged a rare protest in which they gathered at the monastery cathedral courtyard and sat in silence."

85 "Tibetan Monks Arrested, Monastery Closed Amid Protests," Radio Free Asia.<www.rfa.org> A Drepung official confirmed that the monastery was closed for two days, and said security officials, regular PSB officers, and People's Armed Police "conducted fire drills and completed the annual inspection of cultural items" in the monastery.

86 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, "China Recommences 'Patriotic Education' Campaign in Tibet's Monastic Institutions."<www.cecc.gov> According to the report, more than 40 of the 50 nuns at Gyabdrag Nunnery (in Linzhou county) refused to pose for photographs that they believed would be used for propaganda. Officials canceled their enrollment permits and demanded that nunnery officials expel them. (No additional information is available about the alleged 13 expulsions at Shugsib Nunnery, located in Qushui county.)

87 "New Panchen Lama Enthroned at Ceremony, 8 December Events Summarized," Xinhua, 8 December 95 (Open Source Center, 8 December 95). The enthronement ceremony in Rikaze (Shigatse) was on December 8, 1995. "The ceremony was jointly presided over and monitored by Li Tieying, the representative of the State Council and a State Councilor, Gyalcan Norbu [Gyaltsen Norbu], special commissioner and chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Regional People's Government, and Ye Xiaowen, special commissioner and director of the State Council's Religious Affairs Bureau."

88 "Tibet Marks Panchen Lama's Enthronement Anniversary," Xinhua (Online), 8 December 05.<news.xinhuanet.com> The report on the tenth anniversary of the December 8, 1995, enthronement states that Gyaltsen Norbu "became the highest ranking figure in Tibetan Buddhism" when he was enthroned at age six, and that the past decade has seen him change from "grow-up [sic] from a child to the leader of Tibetan Buddhism."

89 Tibetan Government-in-Exile, "Chronology of Events Surrounding Recognition of 11th Panchen Lama," 2002.<www.tibet.net> The 10th Panchen Lama (Lobsang Trinley Choekyi Gyaltsen, or Qoigyi Gyaincan) died on January 28, 1989.

90 " 'Excerpts' of Li Ruihuan's Speech at the Third Meeting of the Leading Group for Locating the Panchen Lama's Child Reincarnation in Beijing on 10 November," Xinhua, 12 November 95 (Open Source Center, 12 November 95).

91 State Council Information Office, "Tibet--Its Ownership and Human Rights Situation," People's Daily (Online), September 1992.<news.xinhuanet.com>

92 "An Historical Study of the Communist Party of China's Theory and Policy Concerning Religion," People's Daily, 14 November 03 (Open Source Center, 14 November 03). The article cites a 1990 Party Central Committee Circular on Enhancing United Front Work that said, "We must guide patriotic religious groups and persons to integrate love of religion and love of country, to bring religious activities within the scope of the constitution and law, and adapt to the socialist system."

93 "Tibet Marks Panchen Lama's Enthronement Anniversary," Xinhua.<news.xinhuanet.com>

94 "11th Panchen Lama Vows to Serve Motherland," Xinhua (Online), 15 December 05.<www.cecc.gov>

95 "Panchen Lama Makes Rare Public Appearance," Associated Press, reprinted in Yahoo! (Online), 13 April 06.<news.yahoo.com>

96 "Panchen Lama Calls for Self-cultivation for World's Harmony," Xinhua (Online), 13 April 06.<www.cecc.gov>

97 "Harmony With the Environment Through Buddhism," Xinhua (Online), 14 April 06.<news.xinhuanet.com> The Buddhist Association of China and the China Religious Culture Communication Association jointly organized the forum.

98 "Dalai Lama's Presence at Buddhist Forum Disharmonious: Official," Xinhua (Online), 12 April 06.<news.xinhuanet.com> Qi Xiaofei is the Vice President of the China Religious Culture Communication Association, according to the report.

99 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06. "The government continued to refuse to allow access to Gendun Choekyi Nyima . . . and his whereabouts were unknown. . . . All requests from the international community to access the boy, in order to confirm his well-being, have been refused."

100 "It Is Both Illegal and Invalid for the Dalai Lama to Universally Identify the Reincarnated Soul Boy of the Panchen Lama," People's Daily, 1 December 95 (Open Source Center, 1 December 95).

101 UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Committee on the Rights of the Child (Online), "Consideration of Reports Submitted by States Parties Under Article 44 of the Convention: Concluding Observations," 30 September 05.<www.cecc.gov>

102 UN Commission on Human Rights (Online), "Summary of Cases Transmitted to Governments and Replies Received," 27 March 06, 24-25.<daccessdds.un.org> The Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief sent a request to the Chinese government for information about Gedun Choekyi Nyima on June 9, 2005. The Chinese government provided a response on September 7, 2005.

103 "Beijing Pledge on Next Dalai Lama," South China Morning Post (Online), 19 July 05.<www.cecc.gov> Jampa Phuntsog, the deputy Party secretary of the TAR, told reporters in Hong Kong, "The choice [of reincarnated lamas] has never been arranged by the Chinese Communist Party."

104 Ibid.<www.cecc.gov>

105 "Selection of 10th Panchen Lama Announced," Xinhua, 29 November 95 (Open Source Center, 29 November 95).

106 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Online), "Did Tibet Become an Independent Country after the Revolution of 1911?," 15 November 00.<www.fmprc.gov.cn> "In 1792 the Twenty-Nine Article Imperial Ordinance was issued. It stipulated in explicit terms for the reincarnation of the Living Buddhas in Tibet as well as the administrative, military and foreign affairs." (The edict sought to impose Qing control over religious, administrative, military, fiscal, commercial, and foreign affairs. The edict demanded that the Amban, the "Resident Official" representing the imperial court, would have equal status to the Dalai and Panchen Lamas, and function as the supervisor of the Tibetan administration.)

107 Tibet Information Network, "Search Party Abbot and Assistant 'Held Incommunicado' for 12 Days," 31 May 95.<www.tibet.ca> "The ferocity of Chinese anger at the Dalai Lama's pre-emptive announcement has taken observers by surprise, but much of Beijing's claim to rule Tibet rests on its right to appoint the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. China had no involvement in the selection of the 13th Dalai Lama, and its claim to have had a hand in the selection of the current, 14th, Dalai Lama was rubbished by Ngawang Ngapo Jigme, then the seniormost Tibetan official in China, in a newspaper article in China in 1991."

108 RRA, art. 27, translated on the Web site of China Elections and Governance.<www.chinaelections.org> "The succession of living Buddhas in Tibetan Buddhism shall be conducted under the guidance of Buddhism bodies and in accordance with the religious rites and rituals and historical conventions, and be reported for approval to the religious affairs department of the people's government . . . ." (At the December 1995 installation of Gyaltsen Norbu, his parents reportedly expressed support for the policy of drawing lots from a golden urn to select the Panchen Lama. They used wording similar to that which appears in Article 27: "We resolutely support the drawing of lots from the golden urn in front of the statue of the Buddhist patriarch, who will choose the soul boy. This conforms to religious ritual and historic convention.") "Panchen Soul Boy Comes From Ordinary Family," Ta Kung Pao, 11 December 95 (Open Source Center, 12 December 95).

109 The CECC Annual Report for 2005 referred to the period 2002-2004 saying, "About two-thirds of the Tibetan political prisoners detained from 2002 onward are in Sichuan province, according to the PPD. Half of them are monks."

110 Based on PPD information current in August 2006, there were a total of 14 cases of known political detentions of Tibetan monks and nuns in Gansu and Qinghai provinces in 2005. In comparison, the largest total for any of the years 2000-2004 was six.

111 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, "China Recommences 'Patriotic Education' Campaign in Tibet's Monastic Institutions."<www.cecc.gov> For example, as many as eight Sera monastery monks reportedly detained in July 2005 remain unidentified. (In addition, reports about disagreements between monks and nuns and patriotic education officials at other Lhasa area monasteries and nunneries remain vague.)

112 "Buddhism Exam in Tibet," People's Daily (Online), 29 July 04.<english.people.com.cn> Preliminary examinations for the Geshe degree resumed on July 28, 2004.

113 Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Online), "The Geshe Degree," last visited 30 August 06.<www.tibet.com> The Geshe degree was established by the 5th Dalai Lama in the 17th century. Of the four levels of Geshe, Lharampa is the highest.

114 The Gelug tradition, established in the late 14th century, is the largest of several traditions of Tibetan Buddhism that are currently practiced. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama are the most revered spiritual teachers of the Gelug.

115 China Tibet Information Center (Online), "Six Tibetan Monks Receive Geshe Lharampa," 28 June 05.<en.tibet.cn> Six monks received the Geshe Lharampa degree on June 27, 2005. (The examinations apparently took place during June, not during the traditional Monlam Chenmo period that spans several days during the first lunar month.) "China Exclusive: Lamas Honored Highest Tibetan Buddhism Degree," Xinhua, 22 March 06 (Open Source Center, 22 March 06). Seven monks received the Geshe Lharampa degree on March 22, 2006. (The monks reportedly passed examinations during the Monlam Chenmo, the traditional period when the examinations take place. Monlam Chenmo was March 11-15 in 2006.)

116 Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (Online), "Human Rights Situation in Tibet, Annual Report 2005," 21 February 06, 104.<www.tchrd.org> "Due to a policy introduced by Chinese authorities, applicants for the degree have to study six books on political thoughts known as 'Love Your Country, Love Your Religion' which are taught in the 'patriotic reeducation' campaign."

117 The Gu-Chu-Sum Movement of Tibet, "Tibetan Envoy Newsletter," September 2004.<www.guchusum.org>

118 Ibid.<www.guchusum.org>

119 "Buddhism Exam in Tibet," People's Daily.<english.people.com.cn> "The exam has been suspended for 16 years after a separatist group headed by Dalai Lama took advantage of this religious event in 1988 to start a riot." (According to eyewitness accounts, the "riot" was a large, peaceful pro-independence demonstration that developed during a religious procession led by Jokhang Temple monks on March 5, 1988. People's Armed Police suppressed the resulting confrontation with overwhelming force.)

120 The Catholic Church in China is divided into unregistered and registered communities. This division resulted from the government's formation of a "patriotic" Catholic community independent from the Catholic Church in the rest of the world. In the late 1950s the Chinese government established the Catholic Patriotic Association (CPA), a mass organization under Party control, gave it control of all Church property, and convinced a small group of bishops to register with and subordinate themselves to the CPA. Since that time, the government has worked to persuade and coerce Catholic clergy and laity to do the same. The majority of the Catholic clergy refused to register with the CPA and went "underground." Yet it should be noted that in recent years the Chinese government has permitted three "underground" bishops to register with the SARA without registering with the CPA. Roman Malek, "Normalization 'de Jure' and 'de Facto': Remarks on Sino-Vatican Relations," Tripod (Online), Vol. 26, No. 141, Summer 2006. On the situation of the Catholic Church in China today, see Betty Ann Maheu, "The Catholic Church in China: Journey of Faith. An Update on the Catholic Church in China: 2005," paper presented at the 21st National Catholic China Conference, Seattle, Washington, 24 June 05 (available at the Web site of the U.S. Catholic China Bureau).

The Hong Kong diocese's Holy Spirit Study Centre estimates that there are 12 million Catholics in China. "Estimated Statistics for China's Catholic Church (October 2005)," Tripod (Online), Vol. 25, No. 139, Winter 2005.<www.hsstudyc.org.hk> Other foreign analysts give higher estimates. Sandro Magister, "The Bishop of Xi'an's Long March to Rome," L'espresso (Online), 15 March 04 (12-15 million);<www.chiesa.espressonline.it> "China's Christians Suffer for Their Faith," BBC (Online), 9 November 04 (15-20 million).<news.bbc.co.uk> The Chinese government says there are slightly more than 5 million Catholics, but excludes the unregistered community. "Chinese Catholics Mourn for Pope, Better Ties With Vatican Hoped," People's Daily (Online), 4 April 05.<english.people.com.cn>

121 Most detention reports for Catholic clerics originate from the Cardinal Kung Foundation, a U.S. NGO which monitors religious freedom for unregistered Chinese Catholics. In the past year two detention reports have originated from AsiaNews, an Italian Catholic news agency. "Two Underground Priests Arrested," AsiaNews (Online), 28 October 05 (two priests detained in Zhejiang province);<www.asianews.it> "Underground Roman Catholic Bishop Jia Zhiguo Arrested Again in China; Two Other Underground Priests of the Same Diocese Also Arrested," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 9 November 05 (one bishop and two priests detained in Hebei province); "Underground Roman Catholic Priest and Ten Seminarians Arrested," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 17 November 05 (one priest and ten seminarians detained in Hebei province); "Six Underground Roman Catholic Priests Arrested," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 28 November 05 (six priests detained in Hebei province); "Underground Catholic Priest and Seven Deacons Abducted," AsiaNews (Online), 7 December 05 (one priest and seven deacons detained in Hebei province);<www.asianews.it> "An Underground Roman Catholic Priest Arrested in Hebei; Another Underground Bishop Has Disappeared," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 4 January 06 (one priest detained in Hebei province--missing bishop was already in detention);<www.cardinalkungfoundation.org> "Two Underground Roman Catholic Priests Arrested in Hebei; Bishop Jia Zhiguo is Still in Detention," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 23 February 06 (two priests detained in Hebei province);<www.cardinalkungfoundation.org> "Underground Bishop Jia Zhiguo is Arrested Again," Cardinal Kung Foundation, 6 July 06 (one bishop detained in Hebei province); <www.cardinalkungfoundation.org> "Underground Catholic Bishop Yao Liang is Arrested Again in China; Another Priest and Some 90 Catholics Are Also Arrested," Cardinal Kung Foundation, 2 August 06 (one bishop, one priest, 90 Catholic laypersons detained in Hebei province); "Hebei Priest Tortured and Bishop Arrested To Stop Pilgrimage," AsiaNews, 11 August 06 (one priest missing in Hebei province).<www.asianews.it>

122 In October, there was one incident in Zhejiang; in November, five incidents in Hebei; in December, one incident in Hebei; and in February, one incident in Hebei. Regarding Hebei, see Xing Guofang, "A New Wave of Persecution Against Hebei Catholics," AsiaNews (Online), 27 September 05;<www.asianews.it> Han Li, "Persecution Strengthens Underground Church in Hebei Province," AsiaNews (Online), 29 November 05.<www.asianews.it>

123 "Two Underground Priests Arrested," AsiaNews.<www.asianews.it>

124 "Church Destroyed in Fujian, Another To Follow Shortly," AsiaNews (Online), 4 September 06.<www.asianews.it>

125 "Underground Roman Catholic Bishop Jia Zhiguo Arrested Again in China," Cardinal Kung Foundation.

126 Ibid; "Bishop Jia of Zhengding Reportedly Released After Five-Month Detention," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 25 April 06.

127 Bernardo Cervellera, "A Vatican Delegation Goes to Beijing," AsiaNews (Online), 27 June 06;<www.asianews.it> "Underground Bishop Jia Zhiguo is Arrested Again," Cardinal Kung Foundation.

128 "Re-Arrest of Bishop Su Zhimin, Underground Catholic Bishop of Baoding, in Hebei Province, China," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 11 October 97.<www.cardinalkungfoundation.org>

129 "An Underground Catholic Bishop Released After More Than 10 Years of Detention," Cardinal Kung Foundation (Online), 25 August 06;<www.cardinalkungfoundation.org> "Monsignor Francis An Shuxin Released After 10 Years," AsiaNews (Online), 26 August 06.<www.asianews.it>

130 "Uberfall auf Ordensschwestern in Xi'an und andere 'Harmoniebruche' " [Attack on Nuns in Xi'an and Other "Breaches of Peace"], China heute. Informationen uber Religion und Christentum im chinesischen, Vol. 24, No. 142, 2005, 198-200.

131 "Xi'an: 16 Nuns Brutally Beaten for Having Defended a School of the Diocese," AsiaNews (Online), 28 November 05.<www.asianews.it> "Nuns Beaten in Xi'an: the Government Asks the Diocese to Pay for the School That It Already Owns," AsiaNews (Online), 30 November 05;<www.asianews.it.> Philip P. Pan, "Five Chinese Nuns Hospitalized After Land Dispute," Washington Post (Online), 2 December 05;<www.washingtonpost.com> "Nuns Beaten in Xi'an: 11 of 40 'Thugs' Under Police Detention," AsiaNews (Online), 12 December 05.<www.asianews.it> A government-controlled Xi'an newspaper also reported the incident. "November 23 Wuxing Jie Catholic Church: The Case of the Beaten Nun Has Been Broken Open," Xi'an Evening News (Online), 8 December 05.<www.xawb.com> In recent years, some local Chinese officials have resorted to hiring "thugs" to intimidate or beat activists, critics, lawyers, journalists, or citizens who challenge corrupt practices. Paul Wiseman, "Young Chinese Make a Living Through Fists," USA Today (Online), 22 November 05.<www.usatoday.com>

132 "Chinese Priests Brutally Beaten in Tianjin: Like the Nuns of Xi'an," AsiaNews (Online), 19 December 05;<www.asianews.it> "The Priests of Taiyuan Call for Justice After Attack," AsiaNews (Online), 19 December 05;<www.asianews.it> "Shanxi Catholics Appeal to Beijing to Get Church Property Back," AsiaNews (Online), 20 December 05;<www.asianews.it> "Priests Return to Shanxi; Government Promises to Defend Church's Property Rights," AsiaNews (Online), 2 January 06.<www.asianews.it> A government-controlled Shanghai newspaper also reported the incident. "Church Land Dispute Solved," Shanghai Daily (Online), 24 December 05.<www.shanghaidaily.com>

133 Cervellera, "Vatican Delegation Goes to Beijing."<www.asianews.it>

134 The relaxation of control is evident in the authorities permitting the consecration of bishops who had, prior to their consecration, secured Holy See approval. Carol Glatz, "Hong Kong Bishop Calls Ordinations 'Breakthrough' in Chinese Affairs," Catholic News Service (Online), 21 October 05; "New Bishop of Suzhou First of Several Ordinations Expected This Year," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 21 April 06.

135 Anthony Lam, "A Review of Catholic Real Estate Issues in China," Tripod (Online), Vol. 26, No. 140, Spring 2006.<www.hsstudyc.org.hk>

136 State Council Authorization of the Report by the Religious Affairs Office, National Basic Construction Committee, and Other Agencies Regarding Carrying Out Religious Groups' Real Property Policies and Other Issues [Guowuyuan pizhuan zongjiao shiwuju, guojia jiben jianshe weiyuanhui deng danwei guanyu luoshi zongjiao tuanti fangchan zhengce deng wenti de baogao], issued 16 July 80.<国务院批转宗教事务局、国家基本建设委员会等单位关于落实宗教团体房产政策等问题的报告 | www.cecc.gov>

137 Forum 18 (Online), "The Economics of Religious Freedom," 16 August 06. See also the analyses in the reports of the news agency AsiaNews (Online).

138 Lam, "Review of Catholic Real Estate Issues in China;"<www.hsstudyc.org.hk> "Elderly Bishop Spends Birthday Attending to Church Property Duties," UCAN (Online), 26 June 06. "Church Endures Economic Persecution as Patriotic Association Tries to Seize Church Property," AsiaNews (Online), 1 September 06.<www.asianews.it>

139 "Bishop With Papal Blessing," Beijing Review (Online), 11 May 06; "Independent Ordination of Bishops Right Path for China," Xinhua (Online), 16 May 06.<news.xinhuanet.com> See also "China Defends Ordination of Catholic Bishops," Xinhua (Online), 6 May 06;<news.xinhuanet.com> "Criticism on Bishops Ordination Unfounded: FM," Xinhua (Online), 7 May 06;<news.xinhuanet.com> "Ordination of Bishops in Line With Rules: Chinese Catholics," Xinhua (Online), 12 May 06.<news.xinhuanet.com> For an account of official intimidation and manipulation in the process of selecting bishops, see Zhen Yan, "New Challenges Facing the Catholic Church in Mainland China," Tripod (Online), Vol. 26, No. 141, Summer 2006. CPA domination of the registered Catholic community has extended beyond the selection of Catholic bishops and priests to altering Catholic moral teaching. In 1995, the registered bishops issued a pastoral letter approving the government's population planning policy. "Dignity and Responsibility of Women," Catholic International, Vol. 7, No. 1, January 1996, 24-27. Insisting that the Holy See lacks the authority to select bishops, the government does not permit unregistered bishops to be buried as priests. "No Solemn Funeral Service for Mgr. Guo Wenzhi, Underground Bishop of Qiqihar," AsiaNews (Online), 30 June 06.<www.asianews.it>

140 Ren Yanli, "China and the Vatican Will Create a Win-Win Situation by Improving Bilateral Ties," Ming Pao, 22 June 06 (Open Source Center, 22 June 06) (authored by a Chinese academic); "A New Chinese Bishop Consecrated With Vatican Approval," AsiaNews (Online), 19 October 05;<www.asianews.it> "Government Approves New Bishop After Six Year Wait," Hong Kong Sunday Examiner (Online), 30 April 06.<sundayex.catholic.org.hk>

141 "Chinese Government Selects Catholic Bishops Over Holy See Objections," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 2;<www.cecc.gov> Anthony Lam, "Unauthorized Ordinations An Obstacle to Sino-Vatican Relations," Tripod (Online), Vol. 26, No. 141, Summer 2006.

142 "Nine Bishops Take Part in Episcopal Ordination Lacking Papal Mandate," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 1 May 06; "New Bishop Ordained in Anhui Without Pope's Permission," AsiaNews (Online), 3 May 06; "Zhan Silu, a Bishop Against Everything and Against Everyone," AsiaNews (Online), 15 May 06.<www.asianews.it>

143 "Young Bishops Arrive in Beijing to Attend Government-Organized Meeting," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 20 May 06; "State Officials Say China Will Ordain More of Its Own Bishops," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 24 May 06.

144 "Clandestinely Ordained Bishop Taken Away by Force," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 14 September 06. "Rome-Approved Bishop Defies Ban," South China Morning Post (Online), 29 May 06; Bernardo Cervellera, "Beijing Has to Free Itself of the Ridiculous Politics of the Patriotic Association," AsiaNews (Online), 29 May 06.<www.asianews.it>

145 Betty Ann Maheu, "The Catholic Church in China," America (Online), 7 November 05;<www.hsstudyc.org.hk> "Estimated Statistics for China's Catholic Church," Tripod (138 dioceses and 103 bishops, 64 registered, 39 unregistered);<www.hsstudyc.org.hk> Jeroom Heyndrickx, "Confrontation and Lack of Dialogue Cause a New China-Vatican Conflict," Union of Catholic Asian News (Online), 8 May 06;<www.kuleuven.ac.be> "China to Defy Rome, Ordain Second Bishop in Days," Reuters (Online), 2 May 06.<www.boston.com>

146 Maheu, "Catholic Church in China."<www.hsstudyc.org.hk>

147 CECC Staff Interviews; Ibid.<www.hsstudyc.org.hk>

148 CECC Staff Interview.

149 Hans Waldenfels, S.J., "La Cina sta aprendo: Impressioni di un viaggio" [China Is Opening Up: Impressions from a Journey], La Civilta Cattolica, No. 3278, 15 October 05, 186-196.

150 CECC Staff Interviews. In March 2004, a Vatican journal stated that 49 of 79 registered bishops had been approved by the Holy See. "C'e un Risveglio Religioso in Cina? " [Is There a Religious Reawakening in China?], La Civilta Cattolica Vol. 155, No. 3689, 6 March 04. See also, Maheu, "Catholic Church in China."<www.hsstudyc.org.hk>

151 "Catholics Regret Over Vatican Decision," China Daily (Online), 12 September 05;<news.xinhuanet.com> Bernardo Cervellera, "Chinese Bishops Invited to Rome: Government Has the Last Word," AsiaNews (Online), 12 September 05;<www.asianews.it> "Negotiations Still On for Chinese Bishops' Rome Visit," AsiaNews (Online), 16 September 05.

152 CECC Staff Interview. Dorian Malovic, Le Pape Jaune: Mgr. Jin Luxian, Soldat de Dieu en Chine Communiste [The Yellow Pope: Monsignor Jin Luxian, Soldier of God in Communist China], (Paris, 2006), 255.

153 CECC Staff Interviews; China Church Quarterly (Online), nos. 64 (Fall 2005), 65 (Winter 2006). Verbiest Koerier/ Christenen en China (Online), March 2006; China heute. "First Catholic-Run Non-Profit Organization Registered With Government," UCAN (Online), 3 August 06; "La Riconciliazione Non e un'Utopia" [Reconciliation Is Not a Utopia], Mondo e Missione (Online), August-September 06 (Caritas groups established in Beijing parishes).<www.pimemilano.com>

154 Malek, "Normalization 'de Jure' and 'de Facto': Remarks on Sino-Vatican Relations."

155 One analyst has pointed out that signs indicating that the Chinese government was hardening its attitude toward the Holy See began to accumulate in July and August of 2005. Cervellera, "Beijing Has to Free Itself of the Ridiculous Politics of the Patriotic Association."<www.asianews.it>

156 Ambrose Leung, "Stay Out of Politics, Beijing Warns Cardinal Zen," South China Morning Post (Online), 24 February 06;<hongkong.scmp.com> Ambrose Leung, "Cardinal Unfazed by Beijing Warning," South China Morning Post (Online), 25 February 06.<hongkong.scmp.com> The government's warning led to an exchange between CPA head Liu Bainian and Cardinal Zen; Ambrose Leung, " 'Scaremonger' Is Denounced by Zen: Cardinal Says 'Self-Proclaimed' Catholic Spokesman Is Fearful of Sino-Vatican Ties," South China Morning Post (Online), 10 March 06;<hongkong.scmp.com> "Chinese Catholic Official Says Hong Kong's Zen Bad for Ties With Vatican," Apple Daily (Online), 13 March 06; "Joy in the Church, Fears in Beijing Over Msgr. Zen's Nomination as Cardinal," AsiaNews (Online), 24 March 06;<www.asianews.it> "Gentle Cleric's Stature Grows As He Risks Ire of China," New York Times (Online), 8 July 06.<www.nytimes.com>

157 "China, Vatican in Contact for Restoring Ties," People's Daily (Online), 3 April 06.<www.cecc.gov>

158 "Beijing's Bishop Is a Slap in the Vatican's Face," South China Morning Post (Online), 1 May 06.<focus.scmp.com> "Dichiarazione del Direttore della Sala Stampa della Santa Sede, Dr. Joaquin Navarro-Valls, circa le Ordinazioni Episcopali nella Cina Continentale" [Declaration of the Director of the Press Office of the Holy See, Dr. Joaquin Navarro-Valls, Regarding the Episcopal Ordinations in Mainland China], Press Office of the Holy See, 4 May 06;<212.77.1.245> "Usurping Proper Authority," Hong Kong Sunday Examiner (Online), 14 May 06.

159 Bernardo Cervellera, "A Vatican Delegation Goes to Beijing," AsiaNews (Online), 27 June 06;<www.asianews.it> Ambrose Leung, "No Consensus in Secret Beijing-Vatican Talks," South China Morning Post (Online), 21 July 06.<china.scmp.com>

160 The Islamic Association encompasses a national-level association and local associations at the provincial level and lower.

161 See, e.g., "Clear Tasks, Carrying Out Our Functions: Thoughts on the Issue of Completely Bringing into Play the Functions of the Islamic Associations" [Mingque renwu luxing zhineng--guanyu chongfen fahui yixie zuoyong wenti de sikao], China Muslim, Vol. 2, 2005, 25-27;<明确任务履行职能——关于充分发挥伊协作用问题的思考 | china.eastview.com> "Strengthen Quality on the Inside, Cultivate Good Form on the Outside, Lead Muslims of All Ethnicities to Establish a Socialist Harmonious Society--Work Report from the 7th Session of the 3rd Standing Committee of the Islamic Association of China" [Nei qiang suzhi wai shu xingxiang dailing gezu musilin gongjian shehuizhuyi he hexie shehui--zai Zhongguo yixie qijie sanci changweihui huiyishang de gongzuo baogao], China Muslim, Vol. 6, 2005, 7-11;< 内强素质外树形象带领各族穆斯林共建社会主义和谐社会——在中国伊协七届三次常委会会议上的工作报告 | china.eastview.com> "Committee to Spread True Koran," China Daily (Online), 24 April 01;<www.china.org.cn> "Islamic Association of China Islamic Affairs Steering Committee Holds Second Meeting in Beijing" [Zhongguo yisilanjiao jiaowuzhidao weiyuanhui dierjie huiyi zai jing juxing], China Muslim, Vol. 6, 2005, 12.<中国伊斯兰教教务指导委员会第二届会议在京举行 | china.eastview.com>

162 Regulation on Religious Affairs (RRA) [Zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 30 November 04, art. 11.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

163 RRA, art. 43.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

164 "China Exclusive: Chinese Muslims to Get Mecca Service," Xinhua, 13 May 06 (Open Source Center, 13 May 06).

165 "Islamic Association of China Islamic Affairs Steering Committee Holds Second Meeting in Beijing," China Muslim.<中国伊斯兰教教务指导委员会第二届会议在京举行 | china.eastview.com>

166 "The Management Science of Chinese Mosques: Employing Mosque Personnel" [Zhongguo qingzhensi de guanli kexue: qingzhensi jiaozhi renyuan pinren shanggang], China News Agency (Online), 12 May 06.<中国清真寺的管理科学：清真寺教职人员聘任上岗 | www.chinanews.com.cn> See also "Islamic Congress Establishes Hajj Office, Issues New Rules," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 12-13.<www.cecc.gov>

167 These groups are the Hui, Uighur, Kazak, Dongxiang, Kirgiz, Salar, Tajik, Bonan, Uzbek, and Tatar.

168 State Ethnic Affairs Commission (Online), "State Ethnic Affairs Commission Opens First Consulting Work Group Meeting of the Leading Group for Drafting 'State Council Regulation on Managing Halal Foods' " [Guojia minwei zhaokai "Guowuyuan qingzhen shipin guanli tiaoli" qizao gongzuo lingdao xiaozu diyici guwen gongzuo huiyi], 15 November 05.<国家民委召开《国务院清真食品管理条例》起草工作领导小组第一次顾问工作会议 | www.seac.gov.cn>

169 Circular on Comprehensively Examining Publications Regarding Islam [Guanyu quanmian jiancha sheji yisilanjiao de chubanwu de tongzhi], issued 15 October 93;<关于全面检查涉及伊斯兰教的出版物的通知 | www.cecc.gov> Dru Gladney, "Islam in China: Accommodation or Separatism," 174 China Quarterly 451, 461 (2003).

170 Circular of Provisions on Self-Funded Pilgrimages [Guanyu zifei chaojin ruogan guiding de tongzhi], issued 28 January 01 (partly annulled), art. 5.< 关于自费朝觐若干规定的通知 | www.cecc.gov>

171 Elisabeth Alles, "Muslim Religious Education in China," 45 Perspectives Chinoises (Online) (January-February 2003);<www.cefc.com.hk> Will Religion Flourish Under China's New Leadership? Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 24 July 03, Testimony of Dr. Jacqueline M. Armijo-Hussein, Assistant Professor, Department of Religious Studies, Stanford University; Jackie Armijo, "Islamic Education in China," 9 Harvard Asia Quarterly (Online), (Winter 2006).<www.asiaquarterly.com> Armijo reports that, according to some of her informants, authorities have not permitted independent Islamic colleges to be established in recent years.

172 China Development Brief (Online), "Local Resources, Government, Are Keys to Sustainability for Muslim NGOs," 21 March 06.<www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com>

173 One charity organization has established an office in Gansu. Another organization, which supports projects in the XUAR, does not have a direct presence there and works with local Chinese charity organizations. See China Development Brief, "Muslim Hands Reach Out to Gansu" (Online), 6 May 05;<www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com> "MH in China: 70 Kids have Cleft Lip Correction," Muslim Hands Feedback 2004 (Online);<www.muslimhands.org> CECC Staff Correspondence.

174 The government's 2000 census listed Uighurs as 45.21 percent of the XUAR population and the Han population as 40.57 percent, out of a total population of 18.46 million. Statistics cited in Stanley Toops, "Demographics and Development in Xinjiang after 1949," East-West Center Washington Working Papers No. 1, May 2004, 1.<www.eastwestcenterwashington.org>

175 Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region Implementing Measures for the Law on the Protection of Minors [Xinjiang weiwuer zizhiqu shishi "weichengnianren baohufa" banfa], issued 25 September 93, art. 14.<新疆维吾尔自治区实施《未成年人保护法》办法 | www.cecc.gov>

176 The national law on the protection of minors includes no such provision. PRC Law on the Protection of Minors, enacted 4 September 91.<中华人民共和国未成年人保护法 | www.cecc.gov> Other provincial-level regulations have dealt with aspects of religious practice among minors but are not as restrictive as the XUAR measures. See, e.g., Fujian Province Implementing Measures on the Law on the Protection of Minors [Fujiansheng shishi "Zhonghua renmin gongheguo weichengnianren baohufa" banfa], issued 21 November 94, amended 25 October 97, art. 33.<福建省实施《中华人民共和国未成年人保护法》办法（修正） | www.cecc.gov> See also Human Rights Watch and Human Rights in China, "Devastating Blows: Religious Repression of Uighurs in Xinjiang," April 2005, 58.<hrw.org>

177 The 2001 amendments, obtained by Human Rights Watch and Human Rights in China, have not been made public. Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 33-34.<hrw.org>

178 Ibid., 33-42.<hrw.org> This protection for normal religious activities is stated in Article 36 of China's Constitution, as well as in national and regional regulations on religion. See, e.g., RRA, art. 3.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

179 Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 31-32, 42-47.<hrw.org>

180 Cited in Graham E. Fuller and Jonathan N. Lipman, "Islam in Xinjiang," in Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland, ed. S. Frederick Starr (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2004), 331.

181 "Teacher and 37 Students Detained for Reading Koran in China," Agence-France Presse (Online), 15 August 05;<news.yahoo.com> Uyghur Human Rights Project (Online), "Three Detained in East Turkistan for 'Illegal' Religious Text," 3 August 05.<www.uhrp.org>

182 Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 62-63;<hrw.org> "China Cracks Down on Its Muslims," Agence France-Presse, reprinted in the Washington Times and posted on the East Turkistan Information Center Web site, 23 November 01;<www.uygur.org> "China Steps Up Religious Controls Over Muslim Uyghurs," Radio Free Asia (Online), 17 November 04.<www.rfa.org>

183 Authorities expelled a university student in 2001 after they found her praying in her dorm room. "China Cracks Down on Its Muslims," Agence France-Presse.<www.uygur.org>

184 "China Bans Officials, State Employees, Children from Mosques," Radio Free Asia (Online), 6 February 06.<www.rfa.org> Will Religion Flourish Under China's New Leadership?, Testimony of Dr. Jacqueline M. Armijo-Hussein.

185 Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 52, 55-57.<hrw.org>

186 While the authorities permit authorized religious leaders and some groups to take part in social programs, they ban meshrep, which are small informal social gatherings with religious overtones that traditionally discuss and address social issues such as drug abuse. See, e.g., Jay Dautcher, "Public Health and Social Pathologies in Xinjiang," in Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland, 285-86; U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), Policy Focus: China, 9 November 05, 7.<www.uscirf.gov>

187 USCIRF, Policy Focus: China, 6.<www.uscirf.gov>

188 "China Bans Officials, State Employees, Children from Mosques," Radio Free Asia.<www.rfa.org>

189 "Chinese Communist Party Takes Strict Precautions Against Separatist Activities at Mosques During Kurban" [Zhonggong yanfang xinjiang qingzhensi zai ku'erbangjie gao fenlie huodong], Central News Agency, reprinted in Epoch Times (Online), 9 January 06.<中共严防新疆清真寺在库尔邦节搞分裂活动 | www.dajiyuan.com>

190 "Urumqi Strikes Against Illegal Activities in Minority Language Publishing Market" [Wulumuqishi daji minzu yuyan chubanwu shichang feifa huodong], Tianshan Net (Online), 15 February 06.<乌鲁木齐市打击民族语言出版物市场非法活动 | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

191 "Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region Destroys 29 Tons of Illegal Books" [Xinjiang weiwuer zizhiqu xiaohui 29 dun feifa tushu], Tianshan Net (Online), 16 March 06.<新疆维吾尔自治区销毁29吨非法图书 | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

192 "Wang Lequan Points Out, Resolutely Resist the Use of Religion to Carry Out Infiltration from Outside," Xinjiang Daily, 3 April 06 (Open Source Center, 3 April 06).

193 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China.<www.state.gov>

194 "Uighurs Face Extreme Security Measures; Official Statements on Terrorism Conflict," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2005, 12.<www.cecc.gov>

195 Ibid. See also U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China.<www.state.gov>

196 Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 71-75.<hrw.org>

197 The term is also referred to as the "three forces." Chinese sources list "extremism" as one of the three forces and use the term to mean religious extremism. See, e.g., "Establishing a Harmonious Society Cannot Be Separated From an Environment of Good Social Order" [Goujian hexie shehui libukai lianghao de shehui zhi'an huanjing], Xinjiang Daily, reprinted in Tianshan Net (Online), 13 January 06.<构建和谐社会离不开良好的社会治安环境 | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

198 See, e.g., Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 14-21;<hrw.org> Nicolas Becquelin, "Xinjiang in the Nineties," No. 44, The China Journal, (July 2000), 65, 69. Becquelin and Human Rights Watch and Human Rights in China pinpoint the 1990 Baren uprising as the "turning point" for government policies in the XUAR. Becquelin notes unrest also took place throughout the 1980s, although these are less documented.

199 Human Rights Watch, "Devastating Blows," 73.<hrw.org>

200 State Administration for Ethnic Affairs (Online), "Important Meaning" [Zhongyao yiyi], 13 July 04.<重要意义 | www.seac.gov.cn> See also Gardner Bovingdon, "Autonomy in Xinjiang: Han Nationalist Imperatives and Uyghur Discontent," East-West Center Washington 2004, Policy Studies 11, 44;<www.eastwestcenterwashington.org> Becquelin, "Xinjiang in the Nineties," 74-76; Stanley W. Toops, "The Demography of Xinjiang," in Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland, 247; "Some Suggestions of the State Council on Continuing to Press Ahead with the Development of the Western Region," Xinhua, 22 March 04 (Open Source Center, 22 March 04).

201 See, e.g., Bovingdon, "Autonomy in Xinjiang," 11, 29-30, 44;<www.eastwestcenterwashington.org> "Xinjiang Will Recruit Through Examination 700 Civil Servants to Enrich Cadre Ranks in Southern Xinjiang" [Xinjiang jiang mianxiang shehui zhaokao 700 ming gongwuyuan chongshi nanjiang ganbu duiwu], Xinjiang Daily, reprinted in Tianshan Net (Online), 7 April 05;<新疆将面向社会招考700名公务员充实南疆干部队伍 | www.tianshannet.com.cn> "947 'Assist Xinjiang' Cadres Leave for North and South of the Tianshan" [947 ming yuanjiang ganbu fenfu tianshan nanbei], Xinjiang Daily, reprinted in Tianshan Net (Online), 1 September 05.<947名援疆干部分赴天山南北 | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

202 "Xinjiang Focuses on Reducing Births in Minority Areas to Curb Population Growth," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 15-16;<www.cecc.gov> "Xinjiang Reports High Rate of Population Increase," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 16-17.<www.cecc.gov> The government did not acknowledge Han migration as the primary cause of the region's population growth, but demographer Stanley Toops has noted that Han migration since the 1950s is responsible for the "bulk" of the XUAR's high population growth in the past half-century. Toops, "Demographics and Development in Xinjiang after 1949," 1.<www.eastwestcenterwashington.org>

203 The government's language program, which it calls "bilingual education," focuses on transitioning students away from using minority languages in school. See, e.g., "Xinjiang Government Promotes Mandarin Chinese Use Through Bilingual Education," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 17-18;<www.cecc.gov> "Xinjiang Official Describes Plan to Expand Use of Mandarin in Minority Schools," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 13;<www.cecc.gov> "Craze for Studying Mandarin on Rise in Artush" [Atushi xingqi xue hanyu re], Xinjiang Daily, 11 July 06.< 阿图什兴起学汉语热 | www.xjdaily.com>

204 "Chinese Court Jails Uyghur Editor for Publishing Veiled Dissent," Radio Free Asia (Online), 10 November 05.<www.rfa.org>

205 See the CECC Political Prisoner Database for more information on these cases.

206 "Xinjiang Authorities Question Rebiya Kadeer's Son, Name Him A Criminal Suspect," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 5-6;<www.cecc.gov> "Rebiya Kadeer's Children Held in Custody, Beaten," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 2.<www.cecc.gov>

207 "Rebiya Kadeer's Sons Charged with State Security and Economic Crimes," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 3-4.<www.cecc.gov>

208 "Rebiya Kadeer's Children Held in Custody, Beaten," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 2;<www.cecc.gov> Uyghur Human Rights Project (Online), "Rebiya Kadeer's Youngest Son 'Confesses' to Crimes under Torture," 6 July 06.<www.uyghuramerican.org>

209 Uyghur Human Rights Project (Online), "Two of Rebiya Kadeer's Sons Arraigned, Trial Imminent," 12 July 06.<www.uhrp.org>

210 "Rebiya Kadeer's Sons Charged with State Security and Economic Crimes," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 3.<www.cecc.gov>

211 Russian Orthodox Church claims that there are about 12,000 Chinese Orthodox, most of them Chinese citizens of Russian or mixed-Russian descent. Most of them are located in northern China, Beijing, or Shanghai. "The Revival of the Orthodox Church in China Is in the Hands of Our Lord," No. 15, Sobornost (Online), (April 2006);<www.orthodox.cn> "Keeping the Faith," South China Morning Post (Online), 28 March 05; "About Orthodoxy in China: Interview with Archpriest Nikolai Balashov," RIA Novosti (Online), 13 October 04.<www.orthodox.cn>

212 In December 2005, Father Dionisy Pozdnyaev, a Russian Orthodox priest in Hong Kong, met with SARA officials in Beijing. "A Priest of the Russian Orthodox Church Visited the Religious Affairs Bureau of the People's Republic of China," Orthodoxy in China (Online), 19 December 05.<www.orthodox.cn> In May 2006, a senior SARA official met with Russian Orthodox clerics in Moscow. "Metropolitan Kyrill Met with Delegation of PRC's Religious Affairs Bureau," Orthodoxy in China (Online), 26 May 06.<www.orthodox.cn> In July 2006, on the occasion of the World Summit of Religious Leaders, Ye Xiaowen, Director of the SARA, met with Russian Orthodox clerics in Moscow. According to the South China Morning Post, "Ye Xiaowen pledged to 'resolve issues of concern' " but made it clear that a re-established Orthodox Church in China would have to be self-governing, self-supporting, and self-propagating.

213 "Zhejiang and Other Provincial Governments Issue New Religious Regulations," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 9-10.<www.cecc.gov> The South China Morning Post reported that SARA has established an office of Orthodox affairs, headed by Wang Yanming. "Visit Points to Revival of Orthodox Church," South China Morning Post (Online), 7 July 06.<china.scmp.com>

214 AsiaNews reported that the Russian Orthodox Church will build a chapel in Beijing within the perimeter of the Russian Embassy, and Northeast reported that a Russian Orthodox church will be rebuilt in Harbin city, Heilongjiang province to house an exhibition of Russian arts and crafts. "Russian Orthodox Church To Be Set Up in Beijing Shortly," AsiaNews (Online), 6 July 06;<www.asianews.it> "'Saint Nicholas Church' To Be Recreated in Bingcheng" ["Sheng nigula jiaotang" jiang zaixian bingcheng], Northeast (Online), 6 July 06.<“圣·尼古拉教堂”将再现冰城 | heilongjiang.northeast.cn>

215 "China's Isolated Xinjiang Religious Minorities," Forum 18 (Online), 15 August 06.<www.forum18.org>

216 CECC Staff Interview; "Visit Points to Revival of Orthodox Church," South China Morning Post;<china.scmp.com> "Russian Orthodox Church To Be Set Up in Beijing Shortly," AsiaNews.<www.asianews.it>

217 The China Aid Association, which monitors official treatment of house church members, reported on June 25, 2006 that between May 2005 and May 2006, officials detained 1,958 house church members and leaders. "Persecution Report by Province in China Released Today," China Aid Association (Online), 25 June 06.<www.chinaaid.org> For reports of torture and abuse in 2005, see, "China Torture and Abuse Report Released Today; Attention on Religious Freedom in China Urged by US Rights Organizations," China Aid Association (Online), 18 April 06.<www.chinaaid.org> Regarding the campaign against house church Protestants and others which began in 2002, see, David Murphy, "Mass Appeal," Far Eastern Economic Review (Online), 27 December 01;<www.feer.com> Sandro Magister, "Lo Strano Ritiro Spirituale di Jiang Zemin e Compagni" [The Strange Spiritual Retreat of Jiang Zemin and His Companions], L'espresso (Online), 15 January 02.<www.chiesa.espressonline.it> For earlier documents dating from 1999-2001, see, "Report Analyzing Seven Secret Chinese Government Documents," Freedom House (Online), 11 February 02; CECC, 2002 Annual Report, 2 October 2002.

218 "24 House Church Leaders Missing After Police Raid; CAA Releases the Defense Statement of Religious Group Leader Xu Shuangfu by His Lawyers," China Aid Association (Online), 17 March 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

219 "House Church Pastor Detained in Hubei for Religious Study; 15 House Church Leaders Still Detained After Brutal Police Raid in Henan; Prominent Rights Lawyers Intervene," China Aid Association (Online), 21 March 06;<www.chinaaid.org> "5 Christians Receive Formal Arrest Notifications from Xiaoshan Zhejiang Police, 3 Christians Suffer Broken Ribs in Prison, Christian Reporter Fired," China Aid Association (Online), 9 August 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

220 "Massive Arrest of Church Leaders including Americans in Yunnan Province; CAA Issues Heartbreaking True Stories on Persecution inside China," China Aid Association (Online), 19 April 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

221 "Persecution Report by Province in China Released Today," China Aid Association.<www.chinaaid.org>

222 Ibid. 823 of 1,958 detentions between July 2005 and May 2006.<www.chinaaid.org> CECC Staff Interview; "Six House Church Leaders Arrested in Henan; Arrested Church Leaders in Hunan Drugged for Information," China Aid Association (Online), 7 November 05;<www.chinaaid.org> "Registered Church Raided in Henan; Prominent Musician in Beijing under House Arrest over Christian Fears; Multiple Arrests of House Church Leaders Occurred in Xinjiang and Shanxi," China Aid Association (Online), 10 March 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

223 "Nearly 50 House Church Leaders Arrested in Hebei; Some Beaten," China Aid Association (Online), 20 October 05;<www.chinaaid.org> "Lawyer for House Church Pastor Asked to Leave Beijing Before U.S. Presidential Visit; One Well-Known House Church Leader Kidnapped in Beijing; Eight More House Church Pastors and Believers Arrested," China Aid Association (Online), 18 November 05;<www.chinaaid.org> "On Christmas Day, Christmas Services Stopped in Xinjiang; House Church Leaders Arrested; Persecution Against Beaten Christian Businessman Intensified," China Aid Association (Online), 27 December 05;<www.chinaaid.org> "House Churches in Beijing and Jilin Raided; Public Security Denied Jailed Beijing Pastor to Meet with His Mother; Five Detained Church Leaders in Xinjiang Released," China Aid Association (Online), 16 January 06;<www.chinaaid.org> "Chinese Public Security Bureau Close School with Mass Arrests in Anhui Province; Government Crack Down on Independent House Church Movement Intensified," China Aid Association (Online), 1 March 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

224 "Large House Church Destroyed in Zhejiang; Hundreds of Christians Wounded and Arrested," China Aid Association (Online), 31 July 06; "Zhejiang Officials Demolish House Churches, Beat and Detain House Church Members,"<www.chinaaid.org> CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 6.<www.cecc.gov>

225 "Jailed Church Leader Sentenced to Three Years for Printing Christian Literature," China Aid Association (Online), 8 November 05.<www.chinaaid.org>

226 "Beijing Pastor Forced to Withdraw Further Appeal; Only One Defendant Decides to Appeal," China Aid Association (Online), 16 November 05.<www.chinaaid.org>

227 "Officials Arrest Third House Church Pastor for Giving Away Bibles," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 9.<www.cecc.gov>

228 "Senior Chinese House Church Leader Arrested; More Churches Raided Before Christmas," China Aid Association (Online), 10 December 04.<www.chinaaid.org>

229 Timothy Chow, "Chinese House Church Pastor Sentenced to 7.5 Years," Compass Direct (Online), 6 July 06; "Prominent House Church Leader Zhang Rongliang Sentenced to Seven and a Half Years in Prison; Family Members Concerned About His Health; CAA Released Prosecution Paper," China Aid Association (Online), 8 July 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

230 "Message from Pastor Gong Shengliang's Daughters Regarding His Health," China Aid Association (Online), 27 March 06;<www.chinaaid.org> "Petition for Medical Parole for Pastor Gong by Family Members," China Aid Association (Online), 6 April 06;<www.chinaaid.org> "South China Church Senior Leader Abused Again in Prison," China Aid Association (Online), 2 June 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

231 "House Church Members in Henan, Inner Mongolia, Jilin, and Sichuan Accused of Cult Activities," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 7.<www.cecc.gov>

232 "Three Controversial Religious Leaders Sentenced to Death; One More House Church Leader Arrested in Sichuan," China Aid Association (Online), 6 July 06;<www.chinaaid.org> "China Sentences Sect Members to Death for Murders," Reuters (Online), 7 July 06.<news.yahoo.com>

233 Regulation on Religious Affairs [Zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 30 November 04, art.12.<宗教事务条例 | www.cecc.gov>

234 For discussion of discouraged practices (including praying for the sick), discouraged sermon subjects (including the redemptive value of suffering, heavenly life, and the return of Christ at the end of time), as well as of the occasional accommodation of denominational differences within the TSPM, see, "Three Self Patriotic Movement Churches," OMF International (Online), undated.<www.us.omf.org> For discussion of the theological directions in which the TSPM has applied pressure on its members, see, Li Xihyuan, Theological Construction--or Destruction, An Analysis of the Theology of Bishop K.H. Ting (Ding Guangxun) (Streamwood, Illinois: Christian Life Press, 2003).

235 Ding Guangxun, "A Call for Adjustment of Religious Ideas," Chinese People's Political Consultative News, 4 September 98, reprinted in Li Xinyuan, Theological Construction--or Destruction, 109-111. For further indications of the pressure to make Protestant theology conform to state ideology, see Chinese Theological Review 19 (2005); "Voices in the Dark: Quotes from the Suffering Church," Compass Direct (Online), 29 August 05.<www.compassdirect.org>

236 Other aspects which "theological construction" would weaken include belief in the centrality of salvation, the importance of faith, and the divinity of Jesus. Chinese Theological Review 17-19 (2003-2005).

237 Articles collected in the 2005 edition of Chinese Theological Review do not propound "theological construction" as directly as those in the 2004 and 2003 editions. The 2005 edition of Chinese Theological Review acknowledges the opposition to the official theological approach and asks for "tolerance," in effect, for "theological construction."

238 "Registered Church Raided in Henan; Prominent Musician in Beijing Under House Arrest Over Christian Fears; Multiple Arrests of House Church Leaders Occurred in Xinjiang and Shanxi," China Aid Association.<www.chinaaid.org>

239 Henan Regulation on Religious Affairs [Henan zongjiao shiwu tiaoli], issued 30 July 05, art. 15.<河南省宗教事务条例审议通过现予公布 | news.sina.com.cn> See also, "Three Self Patriotic Movement Churches," OMF International (Online), undated.<www.us.omf.org>

240 "China's Isolated Xinjiang Religious Minorities," Forum 18 (Online), 15 August 06;<www.forum18.org> "Authorities Raid House Churches, Arrest 80," Compass Direct (Online), 28 July 06.<www.compassdirect.org>

241 "The Economics of Religious Freedom," Forum 18 (Online), 16 August 06.

242 Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief, art. 6(i).<www.cecc.gov>

243 "Massive Arrest of Church Leaders Including Americans in Yunnan Province; CAA Issues Heartbreaking True Stories on Persecution inside China," China Aid Association (Online), 19 April 06;<www.chinaaid.org> "Multiple Arrests Occurred in Shandong and Jiangsu; One South Korea Missionary Expelled from China; Prominent Chinese Legal Scholar Banned to Go Abroad," China Aid Association (Online), 16 May 06 (one Korean expelled).<www.chinaaid.org>

244 CECC Staff Interviews. "Multiple Arrests Occurred in Shandong and Jiangsu; One South Korea Missionary Expelled from China; Prominent Chinese Legal Scholar Banned to Go Abroad," China Aid Association.<www.chinaaid.org> Regarding Zhang Rongliang's alleged travel and punishment, see Chow, "Chinese House Church Pastor Sentenced to 7.5 Years."

245 See, e.g., "Becoming a Believer," Beijing Review (Online), 1 June 06. Some observers consider that the Party fears Christianity more than other religions. Gerolamo Fazzini, "Cina. Se il Partito Teme la Fede" [China: If the Party Fears the Faith], Mondo e Missione (Online), February 2006.<www.pimemilano.com>

246 As an example of a theological statement produced by the house church movement, see the "Confession of Faith of the China House Church Alliance," China Aid Association (Online), 10 February 06.<www.chinaaid.org> There are early signs of an emerging denominational consciousness, sometimes developing over disagreements as to religious practices, and the growing theological sophistication of the unregistered house churches. CECC Staff Interviews. "Threat of Denominationalism Requires Vigilance," Amity News Service (Online), August 2004. On evangelicalism and Pentecostalism in China, see David Aikman, Jesus in Beijing: How Christianity Is Transforming China and Changing the Global Balance of Power (Washington, D.C.: Regnery, 2003); Samuel Pearson, "Jesus in Beijing: A Review Essay," Encounter LXV (Autumn 2004), 393-402.

247 Jason Kindopp and Carol Lee Hamrin, eds., God and Caesar in China: Policy Implications of Church-State Tensions (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2004), 137-139.

248 "China Exclusive: China Launches Association to Promote Outbound Religious Exchanges," Xinhua (Online), 30 December 05.<news.xinhuanet.com> Some of the most prominent contacts in the last year were made in connection with the Bible Ministry Exhibition which toured the United States in the first six months of 2006. TSPM leaders spoke at a number of events promoting the exhibit. "Bible Ministry Exhibition of Church in China to Be Held in US," Xinhua (Online), 18 April 06;<news.xinhuanet.com> "Chinese Central Government Launched Religious Propaganda Campaign in the US," China Aid Association (Online), 20 May 06.<www.chinaaid.org>

249 Regulation on Religious Affairs, arts. 35-37.

250 "China's Prosperity Inspires Rising Spirituality," Christian Science Monitor (Online), 9 March 06.

251 Paul Hattaway, Brother Yun, Peter Xu Yongze, and Enoch Wang, Back to Jerusalem: Three Chinese House Church Leaders Share Their Vision to Complete the Great Commission (Carlisle, UK: Piquant, 2003), 13 (80-100 million); Gianni Criveller, "Pechino nuova Antiochia? " [Beijing, the New Antioch?], Mondo e Missione (Online), July-August 2005 (less than 30 million);<www.pimemilano.com> "Millions All Over China Convert to Christianity," Telegraph (Online), 3 August 05;<washingtontimes.com> "Just How Many Christians and Communists Are There in China? " Ecumenical News International (Online), 14 September 05;<www.eni.ch> Caroline Fielder, "The Growth of the Protestant Church in China," paper presented at the 21st National Catholic China Conference, Seattle, Washington, 27 June 05 (available at the Web site of the U.S. Catholic China Bureau). As to estimates in official Chinese sources, see Ni Yanshuo, "Religious Training Remains Challenge in China," Beijing Review (Online), 2 June 06 (16 million Protestants in China).

252 "China to Try New Maneuver to Wrestle with House Churches," China Information Center (Online), 9 March 06.<cicus.org>

253 Fazzini, "Cina. Se il Partito Teme la Fede" [China: If the Party Fears the Faith;<www.pimemilano.com> Wang Zhicheng, "Communist Party in Crisis: 20 million Members Go to Church or Temple," AsiaNews (Online), 28 February 06;<www.asianews.it> Gerolamo Fazzini, "Non c'e Societa Senza Religione" [There Is No Society Without Religion], Mondo e Missione (Online), February 2006.<www.pimemilano.com>

254 Fazzini, "Cina. Se il Partito Teme la Fede" [China: If the Party Fears the Faith];<www.pimemilano.com> Magister, "Twenty Million Communists at Prayer."<www.chiesa.espressonline.it>

255 Ibid.

256 Angelo Lazzarotto, "Religione Censurata a Meta" [Religion Censored Halfway], Mondo e Missione (Online), April 2006.<www.pimemilano.com>

257 CECC Staff Interviews; You Bin, Wang Aiguo, and Gong Yukuan, "Christianity in a Culture of Ethnic Pluralism: Report on Christianity Among the Minorities of Yunnan," 19 Chinese Theological Review 100-124 (2005).

258 See the Web site of the Amity Foundation at www.amityfoundation.org. The TSPM also encourages the church in "participating in important social tasks to eliminate poverty." Wang Peng, "Koinonia and Ethical Thought in Paul's Epistles," 19 Chinese Theological Review 81 (2005).

259 CECC Staff Interview.

260 "The Economics of Religious Freedom," Forum 18 (Online), 16 August 06.

261 "House Church Lawyers Promote Religious Freedom Through the Rule of Law," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 3;<www.cecc.gov> "Yu Jie: Author Who Fights for Those Who Fear to Speak Out," AsiaNews (Online), 15 July 06;<www.asianews.it> "Christian Activists Visit 'Petitioners' Village in Beijing," AsiaNews (Online), 19 July 06;<www.asianews.it> "More Civic Activists Are Becoming Christian and Finding Support for Their Causes in the Bible," Newsweek (Online), 24 July 06;<msnbc.msn.com> "Intellectuals and Religious Freedom," Forum 18 (Online), 2 August 06;<www.forum18.org> David Aikman, "A More Practical Approach," Christianity Today (Online), 16 August 06.<www.christianitytoday.com>

262 Eric Eckholm, "China Enacts Tough Law to Undercut Banned Cult," New York Times (Online), 30 October 99.

263 "Harbin Police Kill [Falun Gong Practitioner], Destroy Corpse; Zhang Yanchao's Remains are Too Horrible to Look At" [Ha'erbin jing sha ren mieshi; Zhang Yanchao yiti canburenmu], Epoch Times (Online), 25 April 06;<哈尔滨警杀人灭尸张延超遗体惨不忍睹 | www.epochtimes.com> "20 Practitioners Kidnapped and Given Injections; Xinjiang Falun Gong Calls for Investigation" [20 wei xueyuan zao banjia dazhen; Xinjiang falun gong huyu checha], Epoch Times (Online), 24 April 06;<20位学员遭绑架打针新疆法轮功呼吁彻查 | www.epochtimes.com> "Letter to the Media: With My Own Eyes I Saw Two Female Falun Gong Practitioners Beaten to Death" [Toushu: wo qinyan kandao liang ming falun gong nu xueyuan bei guan si], Epoch Times (Online), 24 April 06;<投书：我亲眼看到两名法轮功女学员被灌死 | www.epochtimes.com> Amnesty International, Report 2006: The State of the World's Human Rights, 25 May 06;<web.amnesty.org> David Matas and David Kilgour, Report into Allegations of Organ Harvesting of Falun Gong Practitioners in China, 6 July 06;<investigation.redirectme.net> "Mentally Ill Falun Gong Practitioner Sentenced to 2.5 Years, Second Trial Upholds Original Sentence," [Huan jingshenbing de Falun Gong renshi bei panxing liang nian ban; ershen weichi yuanpan], Radio Free Asia (Online), 3 July 06.<患精神病的法轮功人士被判刑两年半　二审维持原判 | www.rfa.org>

264 Based on data in the CECC Political Prisoner Database.

265 "List and Case Description of the 2932 Falun Gong Practitioners Who Have Been Killed in the Persecution," Clear Wisdom (Online), 3 June 06.<www.clearwisdom.net>

266 Manfred Nowak, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Mission to China, Advance Edited Version, 10 March 06.<www.ohchr.org>

267 "China Lashes Falun Gong Followers' Lies on Sujiatun 'Concentration Camp,'" People's Daily (Online), 12 April 06;<english.people.com.cn> "No One Will Believe Falun Gong Followers' Lies: FM," Xinhua (Online), 29 March 06;<news.xinhuanet.com> U.S. Department of State (Online), Daily Press Briefing, 31 March 06.<www.state.gov>

268 Matas and Kilgour, "Report into Allegations of Organ Harvesting of Falun Gong Practitioners in China," 41: "Based on what we now know, we have come to the regrettable conclusion that the allegations are true."<investigation.redirectme.net>

269 China has signed, but not yet ratified, the ICCPR. The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China's top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005 statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004 speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

270 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted by General Assembly resolution 2200A(XXI) of 16 December 66, entry into force 23 March 76 [hereinafter ICCPR], art. 18. The official General Comment 22 to Article 18 states, "The right to freedom of thought, conscience, and religion (which includes the freedom to hold beliefs) in article 18(1) is far-reaching and profound; it encompasses freedom of thought on all matters, personal conviction and the commitment to religion or belief, whether manifested individually or in community with others."

271 UN Commission on Human Rights, Opinions Adopted by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, Opinion No. 32/2005, 2 September 05 [hereinafter UNWGAD Opinions];<www.ohchr.org> "Student Imprisoned for Falun Gong Activities Becomes Eligible for Parole," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 5; PRC Constitution, art. 36.

272 UNWGAD Opinions, Opinion No. 32/2005.<www.ohchr.org>

273 PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 25 December 99<中华人民共和国刑法修正案 | www.cecc.gov>, 31 August 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（二） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 December 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 December 02<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（四） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 February 05<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（五） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 June 06, art. 300<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（六） | www.cecc.gov>. After Falun Gong practitioners staged a demonstration involving 10,000 people outside the central government leadership compound in Beijing, the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) issued Article 300 of the Criminal Law, which outlaws organizing or using a cult to undermine implementation of the law. This charge carries a penalty from three to seven years in prison, or, in "serious" cases, over seven years. Supreme People's Court Circular on Thoroughly Implementing NPC "Decision on Banning Cults, Guarding Against and Punishing Cult Activities" and "Supreme People's Court/Supreme People's Procuratorate Judicial Interpretation," [Zuigao renmin fayuan guanyu guanche quanguo renda changweihui "guanyu qudi xiejiao zuzhi, fangfan he chengzhi xiejiao huodong de jueding" he "liang yuan" sifa jieshi de tongzhi], issued 30 Oct 99.<最高人民法院关于贯彻全国人大常委会《关于取缔邪教组、防范和惩治邪教活动的决定》和“两院”司法解释的通知 | www.law-lib.com> The Supreme People's Court issued this circular to clarify that Article 300 would be used against "cults, especially Falun Gong." The NPCSC issued a decision to articulate a need to separate the small number of "criminal offenders" who organize and use heretical sects to engage in illegal activities from the majority of practitioners who are "cheated" into following the sect. The former should be punished according to the Criminal Law, whereas the latter should receive education, which is provided for under the administrative punishment system. "Student Imprisoned for Falun Gong Activities Becomes Eligible for Parole," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 5. National People's Congress Standing Committee Decision on Banning Heretical Sects, Guarding Against and Punishing the Activities of Heretical Sects [Quanguo renmin daibiao dahui changwu weiyuanhui guanyu qudi xiejiao zuzhi, fangfan he chengzhi xiejiao huodong de jueding], issued 30 October 99.<全国人民代表大会常务委员会关于取缔邪教组织、防范和惩治邪教活动的决定 | www.cecc.gov>

274 PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law (PSAPL), enacted 28 August 05, art. 27.<中华人民共和国治安管理处罚法 | www.cecc.gov> At a February 2006 press conference, public security officials asserted that Falun Gong practitioners are subject to punishment under the PSAPL. Ministry of Public Security (Online), "Ministry of Public Security Convenes Press Conference to Announce the Status of Preparations for Implementing the 'Public Security Administration Punishment Law'" [Gongan bu zhaokai xinwen fabuhui tongbao "zhi'an guanli chufei fa" shishi zhunbei qingkuang], 28 February 06.<公安部召开新闻发布会通报《治安管理处罚法》实施准备情况 | www.mps.gov.cn> Article 27 of the PSAPL stipulates punishment for those who organize heretical sects or secret societies or use superstitious cults or qigong activities to disrupt public order or harm the health of another. Those who violate this article are subject to 5 to 15 days of detention and a fine of up to 1,000 yuan (US$125). "Falun Gong Practitioners to be Punished under New Administration Punishment Law," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 6.

275 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China;<www.state.gov> Human Rights Watch, "China Uses 'Rule of Law' to Justify Falun Gong Crackdown," 9 November 99.<hrw.org>

276 Supreme People's Court, Supreme People's Procuratorate Interpretation on Some Questions of Which Concrete Laws to Use when Dealing With the Crimes of Organizing and Using a Cult to Undermine Implementation of the Law [Zuigao renmin fayuan zuigao renmin jianchayuan guanyu banli zuzhi he liyong xiejiao zuzhi fanzui anjian juti yingyong falu ruogan wenti de jieshi], issued 9 October 99.<最高人民法院最高人民检察院关于办理组织和利用邪教组织犯罪案件具体应用法律若干问题的解释 | www.cecc.gov>

277 "Student Imprisoned for Falun Gong Activities Becomes Eligible for Parole," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 5. Based on data available in the CECC Political Prisoner Database.

278 Philip P. Pan, "China Shutters Prominent Lawyer's Firm; Rights Activist Had Refused To Disavow Letter Defending Religion, Falun Gong," Washington Post (Online), 6 November 06.<www.washingtonpost.com>

279 Xin Fei, "Exclusive Interview with Attorney Yang Zaixin--Walk Along with Attorney Gao," Epoch Times (Online), 30 January 06.<www.theepochtimes.com>

280 "China Condemns Falun Gong but Spares U.S. Criticism," Reuters (Online), 25 April 06.<today.reuters.com>

281 "Hebei Province To Distribute Free Anti-Cult Illustrated Posters to Villages and City Districts [Hebei sheng jiang xiang nongcun he chengshi shequ mianfei fafang fan xiejiao manhua guatu], China Anti-Cult Net (Online), 2 March 06.<河北省将向农村和城市社区免费发放反邪教漫画挂图 | www.anticult.org>

282 "People's Daily Publishes 2005 Censorship Numbers," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 5.<www.cecc.gov>

283 873 "Information Network Security Has Aroused Worldwide Concern," PLA Daily, 21 February 06 (Open Source Center, 21 February 06).

V(e) STATUS OF WOMEN

Laws and Institutions | Gender Disparities | Human Trafficking

FINDINGS

The Chinese Constitution and national laws provide that men and women should enjoy equal rights and list protections for the economic and social rights of women, but vague language and inadequate implementation hinder the effectiveness of these legal protections. Some provincial and municipal governments have passed regulations to strengthen the implementation of national laws. A 2005 amendment to the Law on the Protection of Rights and Interests of Women prohibits sexual harassment and domestic violence, promotes a greater voice for women in the government, and charges several government organizations with responsibility for preventing human trafficking and rehabilitating victims.

Civil society groups in China advocate on behalf of women's rights within the confines of government and Communist Party policy. The All-China Women's Federation, a Party-led mass organization, works with the Chinese government to support women's rights, implement programs for disadvantaged women, and provide a limited measure of legal counseling and training for women. Women, however, have limited earning power compared to men, despite government policies that guarantee women non-discrimination in employment and occupation.

Human trafficking remains pervasive in China despite efforts by government agencies to combat trafficking, a framework of domestic laws to address the problem, and ongoing cooperation with international anti-trafficking programs. The government's population planning policy has created a severe imbalance in the male-female birth ratio, and this imbalance exacerbates trafficking of women and girls for sale as brides. Between 10,000 and 20,000 men, women, and children are victims of trafficking within China each year, and NGOs estimate that 90 percent of those victims are women and children trafficked for sexual exploitation. Authorities are working with the International Labor Organization to build anti-trafficking capacity and raise domestic awareness of the problem.

Laws and Institutions

The Chinese Constitution and national laws provide that men and women should enjoy equal rights and list protections for the economic and social rights of women.1 A 2005 amendment to the Law on the Protection of Rights and Interests of Women (LPRIW) prohibits sexual harassment and domestic violence, promotes a greater voice for women in the government, and charges several government organizations with responsibility for preventing human trafficking and rehabilitating victims.2 Some provincial and municipal governments have passed regulations to strengthen the implementation of national laws. For example, 15 provinces and cities have passed anti-domestic violence regulations, and some localities have rules mandating that police respond to domestic abuse calls.3

Vague language and inadequate implementation hinder the effectiveness of these legal protections. The editor of the Beijing newspaper Women's News points out that the LPRIW does not define sexual harassment and domestic violence.4 According to one expert, many women know that laws exist to protect their rights, but do not understand what these rights are.5 Moreover, judges lack training on the laws protecting women's rights. One Peking University Law School professor notes that case rulings in domestic violence cases are inconsistent because Chinese laws and judicial explanations lack clear standards.6 Under a 1978 State Council regulation, employers can require women workers to retire five years before men.7 Courts have used this regulation to rule against women in employment cases, even though the practice contravenes the LPRIW.8 [See Section V(c)--Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights--Non-discrimination in Employment and Occupation.] When determining who is eligible to receive shares of collectively owned village assets, village committees have made decisions that legitimize discrimination against women who have moved to their husband's village, or who have remained in the village in contravention of traditional marriage arrangements.9 The Law of the PRC on Land Contract in Rural Areas and the Marriage Law guarantee women the same land rights as men, including land contracts and compensation for requisitioned land, and since August 2005, judges have ruled in favor of women in four lawsuits concerning land rights.10

The All-China Women's Federation (ACWF), a Communist Party-led mass organization, works with the Chinese government to support women's rights, implement programs for disadvantaged women, and provide a limited measure of legal counseling and training for women. The ACWF's close ties to the government allow it to secure funding for innovative methods to deal with women's problems.11 According to one Chinese official, ACWF loans have helped increase education and employment opportunities for rural women living in poverty.12 Urban district-level ACWFs are cooperating with judicial and law enforcement agencies to combat domestic violence by ensuring police intervention and improving evidence collection in domestic violence cases.13 The ACWF does not promote women's interests, however, when such interests conflict with Party policies that limit women's rights. For example, an ACWF representative in Yunnan refused to allow a leading women's rights activist to represent over 500 women in Yunnan who were seeking redress for lost land, on the grounds that such interference could "influence stability."14 In addition, the ACWF has been silent about the abuses of the government population planning policy and is complicit in coercive enforcement of birth limits15 [see Section V(h)--Population Planning].

Civil society groups in China advocate for women's rights within the confines of government and Party policy. Working with the ACWF, the Chinese Legal Aid Foundation has set up a fund to encourage volunteers to provide expert legal advice for economically disadvantaged women.16 Women lawyers represent women in lawsuits involving sexual harassment, domestic violence, and compensation for land seizures, and newspapers such as Women's News publicize the cases.17 In October 2005, six domestic Chinese women's organizations attended a symposium to share best practices,18 and women lawyers, entrepreneurs, mayors, and reporters have also begun to form associations to raise the profile of women in these professions.19

Gender Disparities

Women have limited earning power compared to men, despite government policies that guarantee women non-discrimination in employment and occupation. [See Section V(c)--Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights--Nondiscrimination in Employment and Occupation.] Women have fewer opportunities for promotion than men20 and have lower rates of employment at high-paying jobs than men.21 Employers demand that women have higher education levels than men to be hired for equivalent white-collar positions.22 Middle-aged women have lost their jobs more quickly than men as the state-owned manufacturing sector has undergone economic restructuring.23 Some local governments have established programs to provide loans and training to women who have lost their jobs.24

In rural areas, women have fewer economic opportunities than men and have less access to education. Men have more opportunities to engage in non-agricultural employment, and women are increasingly taking up uncompensated farming responsibilities.25 Women now account for 60 percent of total rural laborers.26 Some families emphasize the education of male children over female children.27 According to statistics in a 2006 Chinese Academy of Social Sciences report, 61 percent of boys and 43 percent of girls in rural areas have completed education higher than lower middle school.28 Young women migrate to urban areas to find work, leaving them vulnerable to trafficking, forced labor, and other abuses.29 According to a 2005 survey conducted in Hunan province, 74.8 percent of migrant women respondents in Changsha, the capital of Hunan province, had experienced sexual harassment while working.30

Chinese health statistics reflect women's disadvantaged status. Chinese women have a higher overall rate of infectious disease and disability than men.31 A lack of gender-sensitive anti-HIV/AIDS policies has led to a growing risk of infection for women32 [see Section V(g)--Public Health--HIV/AIDS]. According to one Chinese report, since the late 1990s, the proportion of female HIV/AIDS patients has risen. In the late 1990s, the ratio of infected men to women was 9:1. In 2006, the ratio was reported to be 3:1.33 China is the only country in the world where the rate of suicide is higher among women than among men.34 In rural areas, the instance of suicide among women is three to four times higher than the rate among men.35

Human Trafficking

Human trafficking remains pervasive in China despite efforts by government agencies to combat trafficking, a framework of domestic laws to address the problem, and ongoing cooperation with international anti-trafficking programs. Traffickers are often linked to organized crime and specialize in abducting infants and young children for adoption and household service.36 They also abduct girls and women for the bridal market in China's poorest areas and for sale as prostitutes.37 According to the U.S. State Department's Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, between 10,000 and 20,000 men, women, and children are victims of trafficking within China each year, and NGOs estimate that 90 percent of those victims are women and children trafficked for sexual exploitation.38 The government's population planning policy has created a severe imbalance in the male-female sex ratio, and the imbalance exacerbates trafficking of women for sale as brides [see Section V(h)--Population Planning]. The Chinese official media reported that employees at state-run welfare organizations in Hunan province and the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region engaged in infant trafficking in 2005.39

Article 240 of the Criminal Law provides for severe punishment, including the death penalty, for abducting and trafficking women and children, and Article 416 contains provisions to punish officials who fail to rescue women and children who are abducted and trafficked.40 Efforts by the Ministry of Public Security (MPS), however, have not kept pace with increased trafficking. The number of victims of child trafficking increased by 15 percent over a two-year period beginning in 2003, according to unofficial government sources cited by foreign news media,41 but the number of trafficking-related arrests has declined since reaching a peak during an MPS enforcement campaign that began in 2000.42 China is a signatory to the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, but not to its two protocols that address human trafficking and smuggling of migrants.43 China's Criminal Law does not specifically address the issue of human trafficking as it relates to forced labor, and although the Labor Law outlaws forced labor practices in the workplace, it only provides light penalties for violators.44 [For more information on forced labor, see Section V(c)--Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights--Elimination of Forced Labor.]

State Council ministries, as well as employers' and workers' organizations, are cooperating with the International Labor Organization (ILO) to build anti-trafficking capacity and raise domestic awareness of the problem.45 For example, an ILO pilot program begun in 2000 to reduce the vulnerability of women and children to trafficking in Yunnan province has coordinated the resources of the All-China Women's Federation and other local agencies to raise awareness and rehabilitate victims of trafficking. The program has been expanded to five other provinces.46

Notes to Section V(e)--Status of Women

1 PRC Constitution, art. 48.

2 PRC Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Women, enacted 3 April 92, amended 28 August 05, arts. 11, 39, 40, 46, 58, respectively [hereinafter LPRIW].<中华人民共和国妇女权益保障法 | www.cecc.gov> Article 58 gives victims of sexual harassment and domestic violence the right to seek redress under administrative punishment regulations and also to bring a civil suit against the harassers for damages.

3 "Henan To Introduce Anti-Domestic Violence Regulation" [Henan jiang chutai fan jiating baoli fagui chengzhi shibao zhe], China Youth Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 30 March 06.<河南将出台反家庭暴力法规惩治施暴者 | www.womenwatch-china.org> In March 2006, the Henan province Local People's Congress proposed a regulation mandating police response to domestic violence calls. "Henan Has New Regulation: Police Must Respond Quickly to Complaints of Domestic Violence" [Henan xin fagui: Jia-bao shouzhe qiujiu; jingcha xu xunsu chujing], China Youth Daily (Online), 31 March 06.<河南新法规：家暴受害者求救警察须迅速出警 | news.xinhuanet.com> Shaanxi, Hainan, Chongqing, Shenzhen, and Shanghai also have domestic violence regulations in various stages of the legislative process. "Xinjiang Three-Year Old Girl Suffers Physical Abuse From Parents and has Both Feet Amputated--Thoughts on Laws Difficult To Bring Into Operation; Suffering Caused by Domestic Violence Won't Go Away" [Xinjiang 3 sui nutong canzao fumu nuedai zhi shuangzu jiezhi; fagui nan caozuo; jiating baoli tong nan xiao], Legal Daily (Online), 19 January 06.<新疆3岁女童惨遭父母虐待致双足截肢法规难操作家庭暴力痛难消 | www.legaldaily.com.cn>

4 "Xinjiang Three-Year Old Girl Suffers Physical Abuse From Parents," Legal Daily;<新疆3岁女童惨遭父母虐待致双足截肢法规难操作家庭暴力痛难消 | www.legaldaily.com.cn> "How Can Chinese Women Defend Their Own Rights and Interests" [Zhongguo funu ruhe weihu zishen quanyi], Radio Free Asia (Online), 25 March 06 (quoting Song Meiya, editor of "Women's News");<中国妇女如何维护自身权益 | www.rfa.org> "Domestic Violence Cases Still a Thorny Issue for Courts To Get Involved With" [Sifa jieru jiating baoli yiran jishou], Legal Daily (Online), 24 November 05.<司法介入家庭暴力依然棘手 | www.legaldaily.com.cn> According to lawyer Chen Mei at China Law School, there is no provision on domestic violence under the criminal law, so if a woman wishes to bring a domestic violence case, she must prove "abuse" (nuedai zui).

5 "How Can Chinese Women Defend Their Own Rights and Interests," Radio Free Asia (quoting Wu Qing, retired professor at Beijing Foreign Language Institute).<中国妇女如何维护自身权益 | www.rfa.org>

6 "Same Domestic Violence Accusation, Different Results in Shanghai and Baotou Court Cases; Expert Calls for Unified Standard" [Tongshi shou nuesha fu Shanghai Baotou pan butong zhuanjia: tongyi biaozhun], Legal Daily (Online), 30 March 06.<同是受虐杀夫上海包头判不同专家：统一标准 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

7 "Revisions to Retirement Regulations Requiring Women to Retire Before Men Suggested to NPC Standing Committee" [Nannu tuixiu butong nian guiding quanguo renda changweihui tiqi weixian shencha jianyi shu], Women Watch--China (Online), 10 March 06.<男女退休不同龄规定向全国人大常委会提起违宪审查建议书 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

8 "Revisions to Retirement Regulations Requiring Women to Retire Before Men Suggested to NPC Standing Committee," Women Watch--China;<男女退休不同龄规定向全国人大常委会提起违宪审查建议书 | www.womenwatch-china.org> "Gender Retirement Issue to Go Before NPC" [Nannu gongwuyuan tongling tuixiu de tiaojian yijing jubei], China Woman (Online), 13 March 06.<男女公务员同龄退休的条件已经具备 | www.womenwatch-china.org> Due to a 1978 regulation that contravenes the LPRIW, employers can mandate that women retire five years before men, limiting their opportunities for promotion and better pensions. The Center for Women's Law and Legal Services of Peking University has consulted 118 women on this issue since 1995, raised the issue before the NPC, and is awaiting a response.

9 "Women Sue Village Committees for Denying Them Land Rights," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 8.<www.cecc.gov>

10 Ibid.; "Seeking Equal Treatment with Men: 28 Hohhot Women Who Married Out of Their Village Sue the Village Committee" [Qiu yu nanxing cunmin tong daiyu hu shi 28 wei chujia nu gao cunweihui], Xinhua (Online), 15 May 06;<求与男性村民同待遇呼市28位出嫁女告村委会 | news.xinhuanet.com> "Half the Sky Doesn't Mean Half the Earth" [Banbian tian debudao banbian di], China Youth Daily (Online), 22 May 06.<“半边天”得不到“半边地” | www.womenwatch-china.org> Village regulations based on traditional social structures that favor men trump national laws that protect women's property rights in theory, but lack systematic implementing measures. "Implement Village Land Rights Equally for Men and Women: It Is the Responsibility of Society" [Shixian nongcun tudiquan nannu pingdeng shi quan shehui de gongtong zeren], Women Watch--China (Online), 30 April 06.<实现农村土地权男女平等是全社会的共同责任 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

11 Liaoning province increased 2006 funding for the Double Learning, Double Emulation (shuangxue shuangbi) program, a successful women's microfinance program. "Liaoning Invests Heavily in Program to Economically Empower Rural Women" [Liaoning zheng toufang baiwan bangzhu nongcun funu yinjin zhifu xiangmu], China Woman Paper (Online), last visited 24 March 06.<辽宁省投放百万帮助农村妇女引进致富项目 | www.nwccw.gov.cn> Provincial and city ACWF branches fund shelters for victims of domestic violence. "Domestic Violence and Public Discussions: Why Do Many Shelters Not Help Enough?" [Jiating baoli nan yu renyan funu bihusuo weihe duo zao lengyu], Xinhua (Online), 19 December 06.<家庭暴力难与人言妇女庇护所为何多遭冷遇 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

12 "Number of Rural Chinese Women in Abject Poverty Down to 12 Million," Xinhua, 11 April 06 (Open Source Center, 12 April 06).

13 "Seventy Percent of Injured Women Don't Understand How To Defend Their Rights; Related Departments Open Passageways" [Qi cheng shou shanghai funu bu dong weiquan youguan bumen pi tongdao], Yangzi Wanbao (Online), 26 February 06.<七成受伤害妇女不懂维权有关部门辟通道 | www.womenwatch-china.org> Police in Beijing have agreed to work with district-level Women's Federations to ensure police response to domestic violence complaints and gather evidence to convict offenders. "Beijing Police to Interfere in Domestic Violence Cases: Police to Respond to 100 Percent of Wife-Beating Cases" [Beijing jingfang ganyu jiating baoli da laopo shijian 100 percent chu jing], China Times (Online), reprinted in Women Watch--China (Online), 22 February 06.<北京警方干预家庭暴力打老婆事件100%出警 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

14 The women's rights activist is Guo Jianmei of the Center for Women's Law and Legal Services of Peking University. "A Lawsuit That Overturned the 'Home Village Regulations' on Women's Property Rights" [Yi chang yinfa dianfu "xiangtu guize" de nongcun funu tudi quanyi guansi], China Philanthropy Times, reprinted in Women Watch--China (Online), 23 November 05.<一场引发颠覆“乡土规则”的农村妇女土地权益官司 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

15 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, Section V(f)--Status of Women.

16 "First Women's Legal Aid Foundation Established" [Shou xiang funu falu yuanzhu jijin sheli], Beijing News, reprinted in Women Watch--China (Online), 10 March 06.<首项妇女法律援助基金设立 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

17 "Same Domestic Violence Accusation," Legal Daily (citing to Peking University Law School professor Chen Xingliang).<同是受虐杀夫上海包头判不同专家：统一标准 | www.womenwatch-china.org> The expert is China Law School domestic violence expert, lawyer Chen Mei. "Domestic Violence Cases Still a Thorny Issue for Courts To Get Involved With," Legal Daily (Online);<司法介入家庭暴力依然棘手 | www.legaldaily.com.cn> "Beijing Sexual Harassment Case Settled Out of Court; Defendant Pays Plaintiff 6000 Yuan" [Beijing xingsaorao diyi an tingwai hexie beigao xiang mote peichang 6000 yuan], Beijing Morning Times, reprinted in Women Watch--China (Online), 4 November 05;<北京性骚扰第一案庭外和解被告向模特赔偿6000元 | www.womenwatch-china.org> "First Sexual Harassment Lawsuit Since Amendment to Women's Law," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 16;<www.cecc.gov> "Domestic Violence and Public Discussions: Why Do Many Shelters Not Help Enough? " Xinhua (Online);<家庭暴力难与人言妇女庇护所为何多遭冷遇 | www.womenwatch-china.org> "A Lawsuit that Overturned the 'Home Village Regulations' on Women's Property Rights," China Philanthropy Times.<一场引发颠覆“乡土规则”的农村妇女土地权益官司 | www.womenwatch-china.org>

18 Center for Women's Law and Legal Services of Peking University (Online), "October 21-24, Center Participated in Chinese Women's NGO Capacity Building Conference" [10 yue 21 ri-24 ri, Zhongxin canjia Zhongguo funu NGO nengli jianshe yantaohui], last visited 7 November 05.< 10月21日-24日,中心参加中国妇女NGO能力建设研讨会 | www.woman-legalaid.org.cn> Participants included: Center for Women's Law and Legal Services of Peking University, Shaanxi Research Association for Women and Family, Henan District Education and Research Center, Rural Women, Maple Women's Psychological Counseling Center, and Yunnan Xishuangbanna Women and Children's Law and Health Counseling Center.

19 China Gender Equality and Women's Development Report [Zhongguo xingbie pingdeng yu funu fazhan baogao], ed. Tan Lin (Beijing: Social Sciences Academic Press, 2006), reprinted in China Net (Online).<世纪之交的平等、发展与和谐 | www.china.org.cn>

20 Ibid.<世纪之交的平等、发展与和谐 | www.china.org.cn>

21 Ibid.<中国城市劳动力市场男女两性就业机会和工资差距分析 | www.china.org.cn> Employers prefer to hire men and women in a ratio of 7:3; college students graduate in a sex ratio of 5:5. "Does 'Gender Ratio' Tolerance Have Limits Too? 7:3 Grips Women College Graduates" ["Xingbiebi rongren" ye you jixian? 7:3 qiazhu nu daxuesheng], Xinhua (Online), 19 May 06.<“性别比容忍”也有极限？7:3卡住女大学生 | www.nwccw.gov.cn> Epoch Times report suggests women increasingly dominate higher education due to difficulties they have finding employment. "Employment Difficulties--Chinese Women Dominate Masters and Ph.D. Programs" [Jiuye kunnan Zhongguo nuxing chengba shuo-bo qunti], Epoch Times (Online), 12 April 06.<就业困难中国女性称霸硕博群体 | www.epochtimes.com>

22 China Gender Equality and Women's Development Report, ed. Tan Lin.<世纪之交的平等、发展与和谐 | www.china.org.cn> Women need higher education levels than men before they are considered for white collar jobs.

23 Ibid.<世纪之交的平等、发展与和谐 | www.china.org.cn>

24 "Chongqing District Employment Service: Redundant Women Workers Are Reemployed at the 'Family Door'" [Chongqing shequ jiuye fuwu xiagang nugong "jia menkou" shixian zaijiuye], Xinhua (Online), 9 May 06;<重庆社区就业服务下岗女工“家门口”实现再就业 | www.womenwatch-china.org> "Jimunai County Provides Favorable Loans to Help Redundant Woman Workers Find New Jobs" [Jimunai xian wei 70 ming xiagang funu fafang zaijiuye daikuan 140 wan yuan], Tianshan Net (Online), 31 May 06.<吉木乃县为70名下岗妇女发放再就业贷款140万元 | www.tianshannet.com>

25 "Poverty Alleviation Targets Gender Inequality," China Daily (Online), 12 April 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn>

26 "55 Million Chinese Women Are Illiterate," South China Morning Post (Online), 19 July 06.<china.scmp.com>

27 Reasons parents keep girls out of school include high school fees; a desire to keep girls at home to do household work; employment opportunities as domestic workers; a sense that girl children are not obligated to care for elderly parents and thus not worth educating; remote household locations; and concerns over their daughters' safety. World Bank, East Asia Environment and Social Development Unit, China Country Gender Review, June 2002.<www.worldbank.org.cn> On dangers that girls face from teachers, see "Fixing the Price of a Girl's Hymen" [Wei shouhai younu chunumo dingjia], Southern Metropolitan Daily (Online), 19 October 05.<为受害幼女处女膜定价 | www.nanfangdaily.com.cn>

28 China Gender Equality and Women's Development Report, ed. Tan Lin.<世纪之交的平等、发展与和谐 | www.china.org.cn>

29 "Verite's China Labor Center: Providing Women Workers with the Skills They Need." Date unknown.<www.verite.org> Cited in Human Trafficking in China: Domestic and International Efforts, Hearing of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 6 March 06, Testimony of Wenchi Yu Perkins, Director, Anti-Trafficking and Human Rights Program, Vital Voices.<www.cecc.gov>

30 "Survey of Young Female Migrant Workers Reveals 70 Percent Have Been Sexually Harassed" [Hunan nianqing nuxing nongmingong diaocha 7 cheng dagongmei zaoguo xingsaorao], Xinhua (Online), 15 May 06.<湖南年轻女性农民工调查 7成打工妹遭过性骚扰 | news.xinhuanet.com>

31 86.72 percent of women are healthy; 7.69 percent have an infectious disease, and 5.56 percent are handicapped. For men, the statistics are 89.27 percent, 5.55 percent, and 5.16 percent, respectively. China Gender Equality and Women's Development Report, ed. Tan Lin.< 中国妇女的健康状况 | www.china.org.cn>

32 "Chinese Women's Health Situation."< 中国妇女的健康状况 | www.china.org.cn>

33 "AIDS Is Most Severe in Yunnan; Women's Infection Rate Increases" [Yunnan aizibing yiqing zui yanzhong nuxing ganran zhe bili dafu shangsheng], Eastday Net (Online), 16 February 06.<云南艾滋病疫情最严重女性感染者比例大幅上升 | news.eastday.com>

34 China Gender Equality and Women's Development Report, ed. Tan Lin; "Traditions Weigh on China's Women," BBC (Online), 19 June 06;<news.bbc.co.uk> "Suicide Rampant Among China's Rural Women, City High-Flyers," Radio Free Asia (Online), 30 August 06.<www.rfa.org>

35 China Gender Equality and Women's Development Report, ed. Tan Lin.< 中国妇女的健康状况 | www.china.org.cn>

36 "Last Year Public Security Saved 9,000 Abducted Women and Children" [Gongan jiguan qunian jiejiu bei guaimai funu ertong jin 9000 ren], Xinhua, reprinted in Procuratorate Daily (Online), 15 February 05.<公安机关去年解救被拐卖妇女儿童近9000人 | www.jcrb.com>

37 Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report--China, 5 June 06, 91.<www.state.gov>

38 Ibid<www.state.gov>.

39 "Hengyang, Hunan Welfare Organization Officials Involved in Trafficking Case, Judgment Announced" [Hunan Hengyang bufen fuli jigou shoumai bei guaimai ertong an yishen xuanpan], Xinhua (Online), 24 February 06;<湖南衡阳部分福利机构收买被拐卖儿童案一审宣判 | news.xinhuanet.com> "Main Defendant in 5/11 Inner Mongolia Baby Trafficking Case Sentenced to Life Imprisonment" [Nei Menggu "5-11" teda fanying an zhufan bei pan wuqi tuxing], Xinhua (Online), 22 November 05.<内蒙古“５•１１”特大贩婴案主犯被判无期徒刑 | news.xinhuanet.com> See also "Orphanage Probed Over Baby Charges Claim," China Daily (Online), 19 April 06,<news.xinhuanet.com> for a case that involves a state welfare organization official requiring large donations in return for illegal adoptions.

40 PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 1 October 97, 25 December 99<中华人民共和国刑法修正案 | www.cecc.gov>, 31 August 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（二） | www.cecc.gov>, 29 December 01<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（三） | www.cecc.gov>, 28 December 02<中华人民共和国刑法修正案（四） | www.cecc.gov>, arts. 240, 416. See also PRC Adoption Law, enacted 29 December 91, art. 19 (forbids the sale of children for adoption);<中华人民共和国收养法 | www.law-lib.com> PRC Law on the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Women, art. 39 (prohibits the trafficking of women and children).<中华人民共和国妇女权益保障法 | www.cecc.gov> Neither stipulates criminal punishment for these crimes.

41 "AFP Report Says Baby Trafficking in PRC's Rural Areas 'Widespread,' " Agence France-Presse, 10 February 05 (Open Source Center, 10 February 05).

42 Government reports state that the police handled nearly 2,000 cases of trafficking in the first 10 months of 2005, resulting in over 3,000 women rescued. Combating Human Trafficking in China, Testimony of Ambassador John R. Miller, Director, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, U.S. Department of State;<www.cecc.gov> Trafficking in Persons Report 2006, 92.<www.state.gov> According to Ministry of Public Security (MPS) statistics, in 2005, the MPS docketed 2,884 cases of trafficking in women and children.<legal.people.com.cn> "China to Set National Anti-Trafficking Action Plan" [Zhongguo jiang zhiding guojia fan renkou guaimai xingdong jihua], Xinhua (Online), 12 July 06.<中国将制定国家反人口拐卖行动计划 | www.nwccw.gov.cn> In the first 10 months of 2004, almost 9,000 women and children were rescued. U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices--2005, China.<www.state.gov> China lacks reliable information, however, on trafficking numbers and anti-trafficking efforts.

43 UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, 8 January 01; Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (commonly known as Palermo Protocol); Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and Air.<www.unodc.org>

44 PRC Labor Law.<中华人民共和国劳动法 | www.cecc.gov> "[C]urrent penal legislation on trafficking covers only the trafficking of women and children. Article 240 of the Penal Code provides for a heavy prison sentence, plus a fine, for those persons abducting and trafficking women and children. The implication is that several of the offenses covered by the definitional articles of the Palermo 'Trafficking Protocol' to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (including forced labor or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery) are not covered by existing Chinese legislation." Combating Human Trafficking in China, Testimony of Roger Plant, Head of Special Action Program to Combat Forced Labor, International Labor Organization.

45 International Labor Organization (Online), Forced Labor and Trafficking: the Role of Labor Institutions in Law Enforcement and International Cooperation.<www.ilo.org> The ILO Special Action Program to Combat Forced Labor addresses law enforcement and capacity building among different Chinese government departments.

46 International Labor Organization (Online), "The Mekong Sub-Region Project, Yunnan Province," 19 March 04.<www.ilo.org>

V(f) THE ENVIRONMENT

Government Response to Environmental Degradation | Government Transparency and Environmental Protection | Public Participation in Environmental Protection | International Economic Cooperation

FINDINGS

The Chinese government acknowledges the severity of China's environmental problems and has taken steps to curb pollution and environmental degradation. Since 2001, it has formulated or revised environmental protection laws, administrative regulations, and standards, and has worked to strengthen enforcement of anti-pollution rules. The Chinese government has also welcomed international technical assistance to combat environmental degradation, and has increased cooperation with the U.S. government on environmental protection over the past year.

Despite these initiatives, local enforcement of environmental laws and regulations is poor, and underfunding of environmental protection activities continues to hinder official efforts to prevent environmental degradation. A lack of transparency hampers the Chinese government's ability to respond to civil emergencies, including environmental disasters. Government efforts to impose greater control over environmental civil society groups during the past year have stifled citizen activism.

Government Response to Environmental Degradation

The Chinese government acknowledges the severity of China's environmental problems. The State Council's White Paper on "Environmental Protection (1996-2005)," issued in June 2006, notes that "the contradiction between economic growth and environmental protection is particularly prominent" as the "relative shortage of resources, a fragile ecological environment and insufficient environmental capacity are becoming critical problems hindering China's development."1 Senior government officials also acknowledge the possible threat to social stability posed by severe environmental degradation.2 A U.S. expert has observed that environmental degradation and pollution "constrain economic growth, contribute to large-scale migration, harm public health, and engender social unrest."3 According to official Chinese estimates, environmental degradation and pollution cost China an estimated 8 to 12 percent of annual GDP,4 and the number of mass protests over pollution has increased by 29 percent per year since 2000.5

The Chinese government has taken steps to curb pollution and environmental degradation. In both its 10th (2001-2005) and 11th (2006-2010) Five-Year Programs, the government formulated or revised environmental protection laws, administrative regulations, and standards,6 and has worked to strengthen enforcement of anti-pollution rules.7 The State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) announced in October 2005 that city governments will be penalized if they fail to attain national air quality standards.8 SEPA has also continued to close factories and halt construction projects that violate the Environmental Impact Assessment Law and other environmental protection laws.9 In September 2005, a Sichuan court found environmental protection officials and commercial enterprise officers criminally liable for severely polluting the Tuojiang (Tuo River). This case is the first in which environmental protection authorities investigated officials and company officers at the same time for an environmental crime.10

Despite these initiatives, local enforcement of environmental laws and regulations is poor, and underfunding of environmental protection activities continues to hinder official efforts to prevent environmental degradation.11 Officials often seek to protect enterprises that pollute because local governments derive income from these enterprises and job evaluations for officials are based on local economic performance, not improvements in health or safety.12 Local officials have also pressured local environmental protection bureaus (EPBs) to overlook pollution and take no action against polluters. Moreover, EPB officials sometimes allow polluting enterprises to continue operation, because their often underfunded bureaus derive additional funds by collecting fines from polluters.13 In late 2005, poor local enforcement of environmental laws and corruption triggered mass protests by villagers in Zhejiang province.14

Government Transparency and Environmental Protection

A lack of transparency hampers the Chinese government's ability to respond to civil emergencies, including environmental disasters. An explosion in November 2005 at a petrochemical plant in Jilin province released over 100 tons of benzene and other toxic chemicals into the Songhua River.15 The Songhua flows into neighboring Heilongjiang province and is the main water source for Harbin, the provincial capital, and surrounding areas.16 Jilin officials and plant managers initially denied that the explosion caused any pollution and tried to dilute the spill by discharging water from a reservoir.17 Jilin officials also waited approximately five days to inform Heilongjiang provincial officials and the State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) about the spill.18 Once informed, Harbin officials announced that the water supply system would be shut down for "routine maintenance." Harbin officials revised the announcement amid rumors of a chemical spill, and informed the public 10 days after the spill that the water system would be unavailable for 4 days due to "possible" contamination.19 This delayed local government response impeded central government efforts to manage the crisis, led to panic among the citizens of Harbin city, and created a diplomatic incident with Russia.20 According to a U.S. expert, "there are few incentives for local officials in China to be bearers of bad news within the system, because they believe they will likely be penalized for it politically from the higher-ups."21

After the Songhua spill, the central government dismissed some officials and passed rules to discourage provincial and local officials from concealing information from the central government.22 These reforms were not intended to relax the government's control over the media or over the free flow of information to the general public. Rather, the goal was to increase the flow of information to central authorities in Beijing. In January 2006, the State Council issued a general plan on emergency response, stipulating that Class I ("most serious") or Class II ("serious") incidents must be reported to the State Council within four hours, and that the public should be provided with accurate information in a timely manner.23 In February 2006, SEPA issued a notice stating that serious incidents must be reported to SEPA within an hour of being discovered.24 Despite these steps to improve local reporting to higher authorities, the central government did not address the larger issue of government control over the news media,25 which led to a nearly two-week press blackout on the Songhua spill. Moreover, the National People's Congress is considering a new draft law that would fine news media organizations that report on sudden incidents, such as environmental disasters, without prior government authorization.26

Public Participation in Environmental Protection

The State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) has continued efforts to expand public participation in environmental protection work. In February 2006, SEPA released two provisional measures on public participation in Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) procedures. These measures are the first to contain specific arrangements and procedures for public involvement in environmental issues.27 The measures allow a limited role for the public in the EIA process through attendance at symposiums or public hearings, answering questionnaires, and consulting experts. In July 2006, a SEPA official announced that public hearings may be held on important, complex, or difficult environmental matters.28 In addition, before contractors launch a project, they are required to provide the public with details on how construction could affect the environment and what preventive measures will be taken.29

The Chinese government has altered or delayed some development projects in response to environmental concerns from civil society groups, but a continued lack of transparency limits public involvement and violates the government's own environmental protection laws. In February 2004, the government responded to citizen environmental concerns and agreed to suspend all 13 proposed hydroelectric dam projects on the Nujiang (Nu River) in Yunnan province, pending further review.30 In 2005, Chinese officials reversed this decision after a closed internal review, said that four of the proposed dams would be built, and banned further news media coverage of the topic.31 Officials released information regarding the proposed dam project under public pressure. In September 2005, environmental activists posted an open letter to the State Council on the Internet, pointing out violations of the EIA law and demanding that officials organize a public hearing on the dam project.32 Provincial authorities subsequently released the government's order approving the EIA report, after refusing to do so for two years.33

Despite these positive steps, government efforts to impose greater control over environmental civil society groups during the past year have stifled citizen activism. In June 2006, an unidentified assailant assaulted Three Gorges resettlement activist Fu Xiancai, leaving him paralyzed from the shoulders down, after he met with a public security official to discuss his interview with a German television station in May. Fu had been harassed and threatened for more than a year as a result of his petitioning efforts.34 The official investigation into the assault concluded in August that Fu's injuries were self-inflicted, a finding that is disputed by observers and those close to him.35 This assault follows the detention of environmental activists in October 2005 and April 2006.36 Tan Kai, who was detained in October 2005 for his involvement in the environmental group "Green Watch," went to trial in May on charges of illegally obtaining state secrets and was sentenced to 18 months' imprisonment in August.37 Authorities tried a villager from Zhejiang province in November 2005 for his role in a protest against air pollution.38 In August 2005, senior officials announced that the All-China Environment Federation would conduct a survey of environmental organizations.39 Some analysts believe that the goal of the survey is to rein in the activities of civil society organizations.40

International Environmental Cooperation

The Chinese government has welcomed international technical assistance to combat environmental degradation. The United States and China share a common interest in protecting the environment, and over the past year the two governments have increased bilateral cooperation on environmental protection, including:

In November 2005, the Joint Committee on Environmental Cooperation (JCEC) met in the United States for its inaugural session. The JCEC was formed on the basis of a 2003 agreement between the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and the China State Environmental Protection Administration to collaborate on environmental issues, beginning with air pollution, water contamination, and the environmental impact of toxic substances.41

The Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate, a U.S. initiative to promote the development and deployment of clean energy technologies to meet pollution reduction, energy security, and climate change concerns, was launched in January 2006. Member countries include the United States, China, Australia, India, Japan, and South Korea.42 One priority of the Partnership is to strengthen U.S.-China cooperation on environmental protection.43

In April 2006, EPA Administrator Stephen Johnson met in China with his counterpart, Minister Zhou Shengxian, to sign an agreement on hazardous-waste management, including finding and disposing of polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs). Johnson also toured an EPA-funded project to encourage the use of cleaner, safer home cooking fuels in Lijiang city, Yunnan province, and an EPA-supported project between the Port of Los Angeles and the Shanghai Municipal Port Administration to reduce air pollution.44

In May 2006, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency awarded a grant to the Shandong Provincial Environmental Protection Bureau (EPB) to develop cleaner energy sources and another grant to the Shanxi Provincial EPB to improve air quality.45

Notes to Section V(f)--The Environment

1 State Council Information Office, White Paper on Environmental Protection in China (1996-2005), People's Daily (Online), 5 June 06.<english.peopledaily.com.cn>

2 "Analysis: Stability Concerns Drive China's Environmental Initiatives," Open Source Center, 28 June 06; Ching-Ching Ni, "China Toughens Stance on Environmental Protection," Los Angeles Times (Online), 22 February 06.

3 Elizabeth C. Economy, The River Runs Black: The Environmental Challenge to China's Future (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 2004), 24.

4 Ibid., 25.

5 "Zhou Shengxian: If You Want To Be a Good Official, Don't Cause Pollution" [Zhou Shengxian: yao dang hao guan jiu bie gao wuran], Beijing News (Online), 20 April 06.<周生贤:要当好官就别搞污染 | news.thebeijingnews.com>

6 State Council Information Office, White Paper on Environmental Protection in China (1996-2005).<english.peopledaily.com.cn>

7 Andrew Baston, "China Takes on Pollution," Wall Street Journal, 6 June 06, A8.<online.wsj.com>

8 "China To Blacklist, Penalize Polluting Cities," Reuters, reprinted in China Daily (Online), 25 October 05;<www.chinadaily.com.cn> "China To Blacklist Cities With Substandard Air Quality," Xinhua (Online), 24 October 05.

9 "4 Projects Suspended for Violating Environmental Laws," Xinhua (Online), 25 October 05;<news.xinhuanet.com> "Punishment Urged in Child Lead-Poisoning Factory Case," Xinhua (Online), 19 October 05.<news.xinhuanet.com>

10 "Let Criminal Law Have Free Reign in Environmental Protection" [Rang xingfa zai baohu huanjing zhong fahui geng da zuoyong], China Court Net (Online), 15 September 05.<让刑法在保护环境中发挥更大作用 | www.chinacourt.org>

11 According to experts, "China has some of the best environmental laws in the world, but the sheer scale of development, inadequate planning, corruption and poor enforcement often result in uncontrolled pollution." David Lague, "Toxic Flow Reaches Chinese City; Oil Company Blamed," New York Times (Online), 24 November 05.<www.nytimes.com>

12 To help SEPA in its work, the central government plans to base local officials' performance ratings on their ability to promote not only economic development but also environmental protection. Ching-Ching Ni, "China Toughens Stance on Environmental Protection."

13 Deng Weihua, Lin Wei, and Li Zebing, "A Strange Circle of Pollution Control--the Worse the Pollution, the Wealthier the Environmental Protection Units" [Zhiwu guaiquan: wuran yue zhong huanbao bumen yue fu], Xinhua, reprinted in Legal Daily (Online), 12 July 05;<治污怪圈污染越重环保部门越富 | www.legaldaily.com.cn> Economy, The River Runs Black, 20-21.

14 Audra Ang, "Chinese Clash With Police in Protest Over Pollution," Associated Press, reprinted in Washington Post (Online), 22 August 05;<www.washingtonpost.com> Didi Kirsten Tatlow and Kristine Kwok, "Police Break Up Massive Riot in Zhejiang Province, Two Reportedly Killed," South China Morning Post (Online), 12 April 05 (Open Source Center, 12 April 05); Didi Kirsten Tatlow, "The Government is on the Run in Village Where Anti-Pollution Riot Occurred," South China Morning Post (Online), 13 April 05;<china.scmp.com> "Tensions Simmer Following 'Bloody Riot' by Thousands in China's Zhejiang," Agence France-Presse, 13 April 05 (Open Source Center, 13 April 05).

15 Philip P. Pan, "In Visit to Harbin, Chinese Leader Silent on Spill Coverup," Washington Post (Online), 27 November 05;<www.washingtonpost.com> "More on Heilongjiang Province To Suspend Water Supply Due To Possible River Contamination," Xinhua, 22 November 05 (Open Source Center, 22 November 05); Jennifer Turner and Kenji Otsuka, "Reaching Across the Water: International Cooperation Promoting Sustainable River Basin Governance in China," Woodrow Wilson Center, May 2006, 17.

16 Jim Yardley, "Spill in China Brings Danger, and Cover-Up," New York Times (Online), 26 November 05;<www.nytimes.com> Turner and Otsuka, "Reaching Across the Water," 17.

17 Yardley, "Spill in China Brings Danger, and Cover-Up;"<www.nytimes.com> Guo Shipeng and Benjamin Kang Lim, "China Officials Tried to Hush Up Toxic Spill," Reuters (Online), 25 November 05.<www.alertnet.org>

18 Yardley, "Spill in China Brings Danger, and Cover-Up."<www.nytimes.com>

19 "More on Heilongjiang Province To Suspend Water Supply Due to Possible River Contamination," Xinhua, 22 November 05 (Open Source Center, 22 November 05); "Response to China Toxic Spill Shows 'Lack of Good Governance,' Expert Says," Radio Free Asia, 7 December 05, reprinted in Broadcast Interview Source (Online), 14 December 05;<www.rfa.org> Joe McDonald, "China Tries to Ease Anger at Toxic Spill," Associated Press, reprinted in Lexis-Nexis (Online), 7 December 05; State Environmental Protection Administration Circular on the Songhua Water Pollution Incident [Huanbao zongju tongbao songhua jiang shuiwuran qingkuang], issued 23 November 05;<环保总局通报松花江水污染情况 | www.sepa.gov.cn> "China's Environment Watchdog Confirms 'Major' Pollution in Songhua River," Xinhua, 23 November 05 (Open Source Center, 23 November 05); Turner and Otsuka, "Reaching Across the Water," 17.

20 Kim Hunter Gordon, "Ssh, Don't Mention it to the Emperor," The Observer (Online), 4 December 05.<observer.guardian.co.uk>

21 "Response to China Toxic Spill Shows 'Lack of Good Governance,' Expert Says," Radio Free Asia (Online), 7 December 05, reprinted in Broadcast Interview Source (Online), 14 December 05.<www.rfa.org>

22 The central government vowed to discipline officials who participated in the cover-up of the spill. For example, Xie Zhenhua, the Minister of SEPA, was asked to resign due to what was perceived as an "inadequate initial response" from SEPA. Turner and Otsuka, "Reaching Across the Water," 17. In addition, the government issued rules stating that officials would be punished in the future for covering up accidents, failing to shut down polluting projects, or canceling or reducing fees imposed on polluters. Potential punishments range from disciplinary warnings to dismissal, although the penalty for each offense was not stated. Ching-Ching Ni, "China Toughens Stance on Environmental Protection;" Elaine Kurtenbach, "Environmental Agency Says Disasters Must Be Reported Within One Hour," Associated Press, reprinted in South China Morning Post (Online), 7 February 06.<china.scmp.com>

23 "Xinhua: Emergency Response Plan To Increase PRC Ability To Cope With Incidents," Xinhua, 8 January 06 (Open Source Center, 8 January 06).

24 Kurtenbach, "Environmental Agency Says Disasters Must Be Reported Within One Hour."<china.scmp.com>

25 "Jilin City Has Yet to Publicly Announce News of Water Pollution" [Jilin shi wei gong kai fabu shuiwuran xiaoxi], China Youth Daily (Online), 25 November 05.<吉林市未公开发布水污染消息 | zqb.cyol.com>

26 Jason Dean, Geoffrey A. Fowler, and Juying Qin, "China Media-Law Draft Spurs Debate," Wall Street Journal (Online), 5 July 06;<online.wsj.com> Gillian Wong, "China Defends Proposed Law To Fine Media for Unauthorized Disaster Reporting," Associated Press (Online), 3 July 06; "China Says Draft Law To Make Media 'Responsible,' " Reuters (Online), 3 July 06;<in.today.reuters.com> Jonathan Watts, "China's Media Faces Fines for Reporting Disasters," The Guardian (Online), 4 July 06;<www.guardian.co.uk> "Draft Law Directed at Sudden Incidents: Foreign Media is Worried About Restrictions" [Zhendui tufa shijian cao'an jingwai meiti you shou xianzhi], Ming Pao Daily (Online), 5 July 06;<針對突發事件草案境外媒體憂受限制 | www.mingpaonews.com> "Chinese Government Says Objective Reporting on Disasters Not Affected by New Law," Xinhua (Online), 3 July 06.<news.xinhuanet.com>

27 "Public Can Help Environment," China Daily (Online), 27 February 06.<www.chinadaily.com.cn> Public participation is currently limited to the assessment stage. Procedures for public input into environmental policy making or enforcement have not been considered.

28 "SEPA Chief: Emergency Environmental Incidents Can Be Directly Reported to the State Bureau For Letters and Calls" [Huanbao zongju: tufa zhongda huanjing shixiang ke zhi bao guojia xinfang ju], People's Daily (Online), 6 July 06;<环保总局：突发重大环境事项可直报国家信访局 | politics.people.com.cn> "SEPA Issues New Measures on Environmental Letters and Petitions," Legal Daily (Online), 6 July 06.<环保总局发布实施新的环境信访办法 | legaldaily.com.cn>

29 "Public To Help Assess Impact on Environment," China Daily (Online), 23 February 06.

30 "PRC Government, NGOs Work To Deal With Environmental Issues," Beijing Review, 20 January 06 (Open Source Center, 20 January 06); International Rivers Network Fact Sheet (Online), "China's Nu River: Dam Projects Threaten Magnificent World Heritage Site," Undated.

31 "Burma: China Revives Salween River Dam Projects Despite Protests," Shanland (Online), 6 October 05 (Open Source Center, 8 October 05); Jim Yardley, "Seeking a Public Voice on China's 'Angry River,' " New York Times (Online), 26 December 05.<nujiang.river.com>

32 Yardley, "Seeking a Public Voice on China's 'Angry River;' " <nujiang.river.com>"Call for Public Disclosure of Nujiang Hydropower Development's EIA Report in Accordance With the Law," Three Gorges Probe News Service (Online), 6 September 05.<www.threegorgesprobe.org>

33 Allison Moore and Adria Warren, "The Double Edge of Legal Advocacy in Environmental Public Participation in China: Raising the Stakes and Strengthening Stakeholders," China Environment Series, Issue 8, Woodrow Wilson Center, forthcoming 2006, 22-23.

34 Human Rights in China Press Release (Online), "Three Gorges Activist Faces Paralysis After Brutal Assault," 12 June 06;<www.hrichina.org> Human Rights in China Press Release (Online), "HRIC Welcomes German Intervention in Case of Three Gorges Activist," 13 June 06;<www.hrichina.org> Alexa Olesen, "Chinese Activist Said Paralyzed by Assault," Associated Press (Online), 14 June 06. "Three Gorges Resettlement Activist Paralyzed After Assault," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 10-11.<www.cecc.gov>

35 Human Rights in China (Online), "Officials Conclude Self-Inflicted Injury in Fu Xiancai Case," 26 July 06;<www.hrichina.org> "Officials Conclude Investigation, Increase Surveillance Over Activist Fu Xiancai," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 12.<www.cecc.gov>

36 Human Rights in China (Online), "Environmental Activists Detained in Hangzhou," 25 October 05;<www.hrichina.org> Human Rights in China (Online), "Trial Date Set for Hangzhou Environmentalist," 11 May 06;<www.hrichina.org> Human Rights in China (Online), "News Update: Hangzhou Environmentalist Tan Kai's Trial Granted Continuance," 22 June 06;<www.hrichina.org> Human Rights in China (Online), "Environmental Activist Sun Xiaodi Detained Again," 7 April 06;<hrichina.org> "Activist Sun Xiaodi, Who Exposed Nuclear Pollution, Isolated From All Sides" [Jielu hewuran wei quanrenshi Sun Xiaodi shoudao ge fang guli], Radio Free Asia (Online), 4 July 06.<揭露核污染维权人士孙小弟受到各方孤立 | www.rfa.org>

37 Human Rights in China (Online), "News Update: Hangzhou Environmentalist Tan Kai's Trial Granted Continuance;"<www.hrichina.org> "Environmentalist Tan Kai sentenced to 1.5-year term" [Huanbao renshi Tan Kai bei pan yi nian ban xingqi], Radio Free Asia (Online), 11 August 06.<环保人士谭凯被判一年半刑期 | www.rfa.org>

38 "Villager Tortured and Put on Trial for Protesting Air Pollution," Chinese Rights Defenders Information Bulletin, 12 March 06.<crd-net.org>

39 Josephine Ma, "Green Groups Fall Under Microscope," South China Morning Post (Online), 18 August 05;<china.scmp.com> Jing Xiaolei, "Beijing Review: PRC Government, NGOs Work To Deal With Environmental Issues," Beijing Review, 20 January 06 (Open Source Center, 20 January 06).

40 Ma, "Green Groups Fall Under Microscope;"<china.scmp.com> Yardley, "Seeking a Public Voice on China's 'Angry River.' "<nujiang.river.com>

41 EPA Newsroom, 8 November 05.

42 "Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate," U.S. Department of State Press Release, 1 May 06;<www.state.gov> "The Asia-Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate: Implementation, Action, and Results," White House Press Release, 11 January 06.<www.state.gov>

43 U.S. Department of State (Online), "Development Grants Promote U.S.-China Environmental Cooperation," 25 May 06.<usinfo.state.gov>

44 U.S. Department of State (Online), "U.S., China to Partner for Better Global Environment," 10 April 06.<usinfo.state.gov>

45 "USTDA Initiatives Promote Clean Energy and Air Quality in China," United States Trade and Development Press Release, 24 May 06.<www.tda.gov>

V(g) PUBLIC HEALTH

Rural Poverty and Public Health | Infectious Diseases and Public Health | HIV/AIDS | Avian Flu

FINDINGS

The central government strengthened its commitment during the past year to address the severe shortage of affordable health care in rural China. Since the collapse of the rural public health infrastructure in the 1980s, the disparity in the availability and affordability of health care between urban and rural areas has increased. As a result, the medical needs of China's rural poor, including the diagnosis and treatment of infectious diseases, often go unaddressed. The government, however, has pledged to accelerate the establishment of rural health cooperatives and invest more than 20 billion yuan (US$2.5 billion) over the next five years to modernize hospitals, clinics, and medical equipment at the village, township, and county levels.
The central government continued to take steps over the past year to prevent and control the spread of HIV/AIDS. Although the estimated number of HIV/AIDS cases nationwide has decreased, health officials still consider the disease to be a grave problem. Government efforts to prevent and control the transmission of HIV/AIDS continue to face serious challenges, as local implementation of national policy lags far behind central government attention to the problem. Victims of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases also continue to face harassment and discrimination, despite legal protections.
Chinese public health officials have shown increased commitment and responsiveness in their efforts to prevent and control the spread of avian flu, and have taken steps to improve government transparency following the mishandling of the SARS epidemic in 2003. International health experts, however, still consider China to be among the most likely incubators of a potential human influenza pandemic. Central government cooperation in sharing information and virus samples with international health organizations has been inconsistent, and international health organizations and central government officials continue to express concern about the speed and accuracy of local reporting on outbreaks among both humans and poultry.

Rural Poverty and Public Health

The central government strengthened its commitment during the past year to address the severe shortage of affordable healthcare in rural China. Premier Wen Jiabao announced the launching of a Plan for Establishing and Developing a Rural Healthcare Service System in a March 2006 work report to the annual plenary session of the National People's Congress. The Chinese leadership highlighted these goals in their December 2005 Opinion Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside, a document that enumerated key policy goals related to rural development for 2006.1

According to the plan, the government will invest more than 20 billion yuan (US$2.5 billion) over the next five years to modernize hospitals, clinics, and medical equipment at the village, township, and county levels.2 In an effort to accelerate the establishment of rural health cooperatives, Premier Wen pledged to expand experimental health cooperative coverage from 671 counties to 1,145 counties (over 70 percent of the counties in China) by the end of 2006, and double the healthcare allowances paid to rural residents in the program from 20 yuan (US$2.5) to 40 yuan (US$5).3 Wen also said that central and local governments will build rural health cooperatives across the entire country by 2008.4

Since 2002, the central government has encouraged the formation of rural health cooperatives, which receive local government subsidies to cover a portion of the medical expenses for farmers who pay an annual 10 yuan (US$1.25) premium. Despite these improvements, healthcare costs have become one of the greatest financial burdens for those living in rural areas.5 The poorest residents in rural areas frequently do not enroll in health cooperatives because of the modest annual fee.6 Even for participants, the cooperative plan covers only between 30 and 40 percent of hospitalization costs, leaving many rural families in debt after a serious illness.7 Yang Lixiong, a social security expert at Renmin University in Beijing, found that since 2001, the per capita income of those living in rural areas increased 2.4 percent, while the per capita yearly expenditure on healthcare services among rural residents rose 11.8 percent.8

Since the dissolution of the commune-based rural public health infrastructure in the 1980s, the disparity between urban and rural areas in the availability and affordability of healthcare has increased.9 China's healthcare system underwent privatization beginning in 1978, and by 1999 the central government's share of national healthcare spending fell from 32 percent to 15 percent.10 From 1977 to 2002, the number of doctors in rural China decreased from 1.8 million to 800,000, and the number of rural healthcare workers decreased from 3.4 million to 800,000.11 Eighty percent of medical resources are now concentrated in cities, and the new rural healthcare system covers less than 23 percent of rural residents.12 The rural-urban disparity is also apparent in mortality statistics. Residents of large cities in China live 12 years longer than rural residents, and the infant mortality rate in some rural areas is nine times higher than in large cities.13

Infectious Diseases and Public Health

Infectious diseases such as tuberculosis and hepatitis B continue to be a major challenge for China's public health system. According to the Ministry of Health (MOH), a total of 4.42 million infectious disease cases were reported in 2005, an increase of 12.7 percent from 2004.14 Over 13,000 people died from infectious diseases in 2005, and the mortality rate increased more than 80 percent from 2004, according to a MOH report.15 Among the top killers were tuberculosis, rabies, AIDS, hepatitis B, and neonatal tetanus.16 Unofficial estimates place the number of hepatitis B carriers in China at 120 million.17 In an attempt to reduce hepatitis B infection, the MOH issued the "2006-2010 National Plan on Hepatitis B Prevention and Control." The plan's top priority is to strengthen vaccination programs, especially among young children.18 The plan sets the goal of lowering the infection rate to 1 percent among those five years old and younger, and to less than 7 percent nationwide by 2010. The MOH has acknowledged the limitations of the current public health system in addressing the growing medical needs of hepatitis carriers.19 A survey conducted by the China Foundation for Hepatitis Prevention and Control (CFHPC) found that a majority of Chinese physicians do not have adequate knowledge of hepatitis B or of ways to prevent and treat the disease.20

Victims of infectious diseases, like hepatitis B, continue to face discrimination in schooling and employment, despite protections in the Law on the Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases, as amended in 2004.21 The amended law prohibits discrimination against people with infectious diseases, people carrying the pathogen of an infectious disease, and people who are suspected of having an infectious disease. A 2005 CFHPC survey, covering 583 hepatitis patients in 18 provinces, found that 52 percent of the respondents had faced discrimination in employment and education.22 Some carriers, however, have become aware of their legal rights and have taken legal action against unfair treatment. In November 2005, university authorities in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region ordered 156 students, diagnosed as hepatitis B positive in their matriculation health checks, to suspend their schooling "for the sake of public health." Students formed an action group and circulated fliers to protest the unfair treatment, and one student started legal proceedings against university authorities.23 One student also filed a lawsuit against a university in Henan province alleging that the school denied him admission because he is a carrier of the hepatitis B virus. The university had denied the student admission, despite the fact that he scored above the cut-off point on the entrance examination. His application showed that he had tested positive for hepatitis B.24

HIV/AIDS

The central government continued to take steps over the past year to prevent and control the spread of HIV/AIDS. In January 2006, the State Council issued its most comprehensive HIV/AIDS regulations since the government first adopted guidelines in 1987.25 The new regulations address the dominant modes of HIV/AIDS transmission in China: intravenous drug use and sexual contact. The regulations call for cooperative measures among health authorities to provide treatment for drug addicts, require that local governments organize HIV/AIDS prevention action plans and monitoring systems, and encourage local governments to post material about HIV/AIDS transmission in public places. The new regulations also require that governments at the county level and above provide free anti-HIV/AIDS drugs for rural and poor urban AIDS patients.26 A March 2006 UNAIDS report found that China was only half way to meeting its goal under the UN's "3 by 5" initiative of providing 30,000 HIV/AIDS carriers access to anti-HIV drugs by the end of 2005.27 The new regulations also address discrimination against HIV patients, mandating that "no work unit or individual shall discriminate against HIV carriers, AIDS patients, or their families."28 The regulations, however, do not specify legal redress for victims who face such discrimination.

Health officials still consider HIV/AIDS in China to be a "grave" problem.29 Although the World Health Organization and UNAIDS program decreased the estimated number of HIV/AIDS cases nationwide from 840,000 to 650,000, health officials calculate that there were on average 200 new cases of HIV/AIDS infection in China each day in 2005.30 Government efforts to prevent and control the transmission of HIV/AIDS continue to face serious challenges. Central government officials expressed frustration during 2005 and 2006 with local-level implementation of national HIV/AIDS policy. During a November 29, 2005, meeting of the State Council Work Committee on AIDS Prevention and Treatment, Vice Premier Wu Yi criticized some local officials for failing to recognize the severity of the HIV/AIDS problem, and criticized others for neglecting and, at times, obstructing HIV/AIDS prevention and control efforts.31 Wang Longde, Vice Minister of Health, criticized local governments in November 2005 for only providing HIV/AIDS prevention services to urban residents with local residential registration, thus excluding migrant workers who are a high-risk group for HIV/AIDS infection.32 To address this discrimination, the State Council and the Ministry of Health announced a new program in November 2005 that aims to provide more than 65 percent of migrant workers with access to HIV/AIDS prevention information by the end of 2006, and more than 85 percent by 2010.33

Reports of government harassment of HIV/AIDS carriers continued throughout the year, as some local officials retaliated against AIDS victims who expressed their grievances.34 Local government harassment of Chinese civil society organizations dealing with HIV/AIDS also continued, undermining efforts to combat the disease. Public security officials detained activist Hu Jia, co-founder of the Beijing Aizhixing Institute and of Loving Source, both HIV/AIDS advocacy groups, when he attempted to deliver a petition on behalf of more than 50 AIDS patients to Vice Premier Wu Yi at a November 2005 AIDS conference in Henan province.35 Citing government pressure, Hu subsequently resigned from Loving Source in February 2006.36 [See Section VII(a)--Development of Civil Society.]

Avian Flu

Chinese public health officials have shown increased commitment and responsiveness in their efforts to prevent and control the spread of avian flu, and have taken steps to improve government transparency following the mishandling of the SARS epidemic in 2003.37 Since a series of outbreaks in poultry occurred in the fall of 2005, the central government has appropriated over 2 billion yuan (US$250 million) for the establishment of an avian flu prevention fund, and initiated avian flu emergency management and monitoring plans through the Ministry of Health and the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention.38 Local officials have culled or vaccinated millions of poultry in affected areas.39 International health experts, however, still consider China to be among the most likely incubators of a potential human influenza pandemic.40 International health officials have continued to express concern about the effectiveness of animal disease surveillance methods at the local level, as the majority of reported human infections have occurred in regions in which no previous bird infections had been reported.41

Central government cooperation in sharing avian flu information and virus samples with international health organizations has been inconsistent. Although the Ministry of Health has cooperated with international health organizations, the Ministry of Agriculture has been less forthcoming.42 Testifying before a Commission roundtable, one health expert said, "Unfortunately, the lessons learned from SARS by the Ministry of Health do not seem to have translated as well to the Ministry of Agriculture."43 In an attempt to improve the transparency of official reporting on avian flu outbreaks, the State Council issued regulations in November 2005 requiring provincial governments to report "major" animal epidemics to the State Council within four hours of discovering them, and county and city governments to report cases to provincial authorities within two hours.44 Officials who are found negligent in reporting outbreaks face removal from office and potential prosecution.45 Despite these regulations, international health organizations and central government officials continue to express concern about the speed and accuracy of local reporting of outbreaks among both humans and poultry.46 The reporting of domestic outbreaks by Chinese news media sources also has frequently lagged behind that of international news media organizations.47 In an October 2005 editorial discussing the government's response to avian flu, Hu Shuli, editor of Caijing, a government-sponsored magazine, wrote that, "if one wants to do things even better, one should admit that announcements of avian influenza outbreaks to the domestic public are still obviously delayed and incomplete. This is inappropriate in every way."48

Notes to Section V(g)--Public Health

1 Government Work Report [Zhengfu gongzuo baogao], issued 15 March 06.<政府工作报告（全文） | www.tianshannet.com.cn> The State Council adopted the plan on March 1, 2006, and an outline of the plan was also published on December 31, 2005, in an "Opinion Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside." "State Council Standing Committee Issues 'Plan for Construction and Development of Rural Health System' " [Guowuyuan changwu hui shenyi nongcun weisheng guihua], Xinhua (Online), 2 March 06.<国务院常务会审议农村卫生规划、机动车强制险条例 | news.xinhuanet.com> The joint Opinion sets out key policy goals related to rural development for 2006, including refocusing investment priorities on rural areas, addressing problems facing migrants, and advancing proposals for reform to the land requisition system. Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside [Zhonggong zhongyang guowuyuan guanyu tuijin shehui zhuyi xin nongcun jianshe de ruogan yijian], issued 31 December 05.<中共中央国务院关于推进社会主义新农村建设的若干意见 | www.cecc.gov>

2 Government Work Report.<政府工作报告（全文） | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

3 Ibid.<政府工作报告（全文） | www.tianshannet.com.cn>; "China Evaluates New Rural Medical Care System to Insure Farmer's Health," Xinhua (Online), 29 March 06.

4 Government Work Report.<政府工作报告（全文） | www.tianshannet.com.cn>

5 "Social Security Expert Yang Lixiong--Society's Urban Rural Disparity Stems From Social Security System" [Shehui baozhang zhuanjia Yang Lixiong--cheng xiang eryuan baozhang tizhi shi shehui yuanyin], China Youth Daily (Online), 11 November 05.<社会保障专家杨立雄：城乡二元保障体制是社会根源 | zqb.cyol.com>

6 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 72.

7 Ibid.

8 "Social Security Expert Yang Lixiong--Society's Urban Rural Disparity Stems From Social Security System," China Youth Daily.<社会保障专家杨立雄：城乡二元保障体制是社会根源 | zqb.cyol.com>

9 David Blumenthal and William Hsiao, "Privatization and its Discontents--The Evolving Chinese Health Care System," New England Journal of Medicine, Vol. 353, No. 11, 1165, (2005).

10 Ibid., 1166.

11 "Residents of Chinese Cities Live on Average 12 Years Longer than Those in Rural Areas--What Is the Cause? " [Zhongguo da chengshi ren jun shouming bi nongcun gao 12 nian- shi he yuanyin?], Beijing News (Online), 18 November 05.<中国大城市人均寿命比农村高12年是何原因？ | news.xinhuanet.com>

12 "Facts and Figures: Widening Gap Between China's Urban, Rural Areas," People's Daily (Online), 3 March 06.<english.people.com.cn>

13 Dr. Zhao Zhongwei, a professor at the Australian National University, presented the results of a study entitled "Establishing a Harmonious Social Environment: Reducing China's Mortality Rate, Successes and Challenges," at a November 16 forum in Beijing. "Residents of Chinese Cities Live on Average 12 Years Longer than Those in Rural Areas--What Is the Cause?," Beijing News.<中国大城市人均寿命比农村高12年是何原因？ | news.xinhuanet.com>

14 Ministry of Health (Online), "Ministry of Health Publishes Statistics on Infectious Diseases in 2005" [Weishengbu gongbu 2005 nian quanguo fading baogao chuanranbing yiqing], 10 February 06.<卫生部公布2005年全国法定报告传染病疫情 | www.moh.gov.cn>

15 Ibid.<卫生部公布2005年全国法定报告传染病疫情 | www.moh.gov.cn>

16 Ibid.<卫生部公布2005年全国法定报告传染病疫情 | www.moh.gov.cn>

17 "Doctors Not Up to Scratch on Hepatitis B," South China Morning Post (Online), 29 September 05.<china.scmp.com>

18 Ministry of Health (Online), "Ministry of Health Publishes '2006-2010 Plan on Hepatitis B Prevention and Control' " ["2006-2010 nian quanguo yi xing bingduxing ganyan fangzhi guihua" fabu], 13 February 06.<《2006－2010年全国乙型病毒性肝炎防治规划》发布 | www.moh.gov.cn>

19 Ibid.<《2006－2010年全国乙型病毒性肝炎防治规划》发布 | www.moh.gov.cn>; "Government Issues Plan to Contain Hepatitis B," Xinhua (Online), 13 February 05.<news.xinhuanet.com>

20 Of 290 doctors specializing in infectious diseases surveyed, only two-thirds were fully aware of proper hepatitis treatment procedures. Of 334 doctors not specializing in infectious diseases surveyed, four in five thought hepatitis B was congenital and could not be effectively prevented--both false assumptions. "Survey Shows PRC Doctors Lack Knowledge on Hepatitis B," China Daily (Online), 29 September 05.

21 PRC Law on the Prevention and Control of Infectious Diseases, enacted 29 February 89, amended 28 August 04, art. 16.<中华人民共和国传染病防治法 | www.law-lib.com>

22 "Survey Shows PRC Doctors Lack Knowledge on Hepatitis B," China Daily; "Doctors Not Up to Scratch on Hepatitis B," South China Morning Post.<china.scmp.com>

23 "Hepatitis Foundation Learns From AIDS Activism," China Development Brief (Online), 16 February 06.<www.chinadevelopmentbrief.com>

24 "Student's Case of Alleged Hepatitis B Discrimination Goes on the Record in Zhengzhou" [Gaokao zhaosheng yigan qishi an zai Zhengzhou lian], China Youth Daily (Online), 11 October 05.<高考招生乙肝歧视案在郑州立案 | zqb.cyol.com>

25 In December 1987, China issued its first national set of regulations on the prevention and control of HIV/AIDS. Ministry of Health, Regulations on AIDS Prevention and Control [Aizibing fangzhi tiaoli], issued 18 January 06.<艾滋病防治条例 | www.cecc.gov>

26 Ibid.<艾滋病防治条例 | www.cecc.gov>

27 The "3 by 5" initiative, launched by the UNAIDS program and the World Health Organization in 2003, had a global target of providing three million people living with HIV/AIDS in low- and middle-income countries with antiretroviral treatment by the end of 2005. China had set a goal of getting treatment to 30,000 HIV/AIDS carriers by the end of 2005, but as of June 2005, only 15,500 carriers were receiving the treatment. World Health Organization and UNAIDS, "Progress on Global Access to HIV Antiretroviral Therapy: A Report on 3 by 5 and Beyond," 28 March 06, 72.<www.who.int>

28 Regulations on AIDS Prevention and Control.<艾滋病防治条例 | www.cecc.gov>

29 "New Estimate in China Finds Fewer AIDS Cases," New York Times (Online), 26 January 06.<www.nytimes.com>

30 Ibid.<www.nytimes.com>; "HIV/AIDS in China: From High-Risk Groups to General Population," People's Daily (Online), 27 January 06.<english.peopledaily.com.cn>

31 National Population and Family Planning Commission (Online), "State Council Convenes Nationwide Teleconference on AIDS Prevention and Control" [Guowuyuan zhaokai quanguo aizibing fangzhi gongzuo dianshi dianhua huiyi], 30 November 05;<国务院召开全国艾滋病防治工作电视电话会议 | www.chinapop.gov.cn> "Local Officials Not Helping AIDS Crisis," South China Morning Post (Online), 29 November 05.<china.scmp.com>

32 "Nation Vows To Protect Migrants Against HIV/AIDS," Xinhua (Online), 29 November 05.<news.xinhuanet.com>

33 Ministry of Health (Online), "Nationwide AIDS Education Project for Migrant Workers Announced" [Quanguo nongmingong yufang aizibing xuanchuan jiaoyu gongcheng jiang qidong], 29 November 05.<全国农民工预防艾滋病宣传教育工程将启动 | www.moh.gov.cn> For more information on central government efforts to construct a social security network for migrants, see Section V(i)--Freedom of Residence and Travel.

34 Beijing authorities forced two AIDS patients who had traveled to the capital to present grievances to return to their homes in Henan province. "Local Officials Force AIDS Petitioners To Go Home," South China Morning Post (Online), 1 December 05.<china.scmp.com> Police also beat several HIV carriers participating in a sit-in outside a hospital in Xingtai, Hebei province. "Police Beat Up HIV Carriers in Xingtai, Hebei" [Hebei Xingtai aizibingdu ganranzhe zao jingfang bao da], Radio Free Asia (Online), 15 November 05.< 河北邢台艾滋病毒感染者遭警方暴打 | www.rfa.org> Shanghai police locked down a hotel where a group of hemophiliacs seeking compensation for being infected with HIV by a tainted blood product were staying. Bill Savadove, "Police Lock Victims of HIV Blunder in Hotel," South China Morning Post (Online), 21 April 06.<china.scmp.com>

35 "National AIDS Meeting Opens--Activist Hu Jia Detained While Presenting Petition" [Quanguoxing aizibing huiyi bimen zhaokai--zhuming huodongrenshi Hu Jia qingyuan beizhua], Radio Free Asia (Online), 7 November 05.<全国性艾滋病会议闭门召开著名活动人士胡佳请愿被抓 | www.rfa.org>

36 Following his resignation, Hu stated that the Chinese government "is using soft methods to narrow the space NGOs can exist in." "China Activist Quits Amid Crackdown on NGOs," Reuters (Online), 7 February 06.<www.cecc.gov>

37 China's Response to Avian Flu: Steps Taken, Challenges Remaining, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 24 February 06, Written Statement Submitted by Dr. Bates Gill, Freeman Chair in China Studies, Center for Strategic and International Studies.

38 Central government authorities have taken a number of steps since August 2005 to prevent the spread of avian flu. On August 19, the Chinese Center for Disease Control and Prevention announced a "National Plan for Monitoring Influenza and Human Avian Flu," which recommended, among other steps, the formation of a National Information Management System for Monitoring Influenza and Human Avian Flu. National Plan for Monitoring Influenza and Human Avian Flu [Quanguo liuganren qinliugan jiance shishi fangan], issued 19 August 05.<全国流感/人禽流感监测实施方案 | www.cecc.gov> On September 28, the Ministry of Health announced a "Flu Emergency Preparedness Plan" which recommended the establishment of an anti-influenza leading working group, surveillance networks, laboratories, and a flu and bird-flu database to address the potential for human-to-human transmission of a mutated bird-flu virus. Flu Emergency Preparedness Plan [Weishengbu yingdui liugan da liuxing zhunbei jihua yu yingji yu an], issued 28 September 05.<www.cecc.gov> On October 13, the Ministries of Health and Agriculture announced the establishment of a working group to strengthen coordination between the two ministries to prevent the transmission of diseases, such as avian flu and swine flu, from animals to humans. Ministry of Health (Online), "Ministries of Health, Agriculture Form Working Group to Prevent Animal-Human Disease Transmission" [Weishengbu, nongyebu jianli ren xu gong huan chuanranbing fangzhi hezuo jizhi], 13 October 05.<www.cecc.gov> On November 2, the State Council appropriated 2 billion yuan (US$250 million) for the establishment of an avian flu prevention fund, proposed the creation of a nationwide avian flu command center, and recommended the development of an epidemic information reporting system in order to strengthen public awareness. "Central Authorities Disburse 2 Billion Yuan for Anti-Avian Flu Fund" [Zhongyang bo 20 yi she qinliugan fangkong jijin], Beijing News (Online), 4 November 05.<中央拨20亿设禽流感防控基金 | www.thebeijingnews.com>

39 "China Plans Billions of Poultry Vaccinations," New York Times (Online), 16 November 05.<www.nytimes.com>

40 China's Response to Avian Flu, Written Statement Submitted by Dr. Bates Gill.

41 In a June 15, 2006 article, the World Health Organization's representative in China expressed concern that 18 of 19 human cases reported on the mainland arose in places where no poultry outbreaks were detected. Mary Ann Benitez, "Alarm Over Poor Poultry Surveillance," South China Morning Post (Online), 15 June 06;<hongkong.scmp.com> China's Response to Avian Flu, Written Statement Submitted by Erika Elvander, Office of Asia and the Pacific, Office of Global Health Affairs, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.

42 China's Response to Avian Flu, Written Statement Submitted by Dr. John R. Clifford, Deputy Administrator for the Animal and Plant Health Inspection Services' (APHIS) Veterinary Services program, U.S. Department of Agriculture. The Ministry of Agriculture has not shared any virus samples from infected poultry with the World Health Organization since 2004, despite agreeing to do so in March 2006. The genetic information contained in the samples could help develop a more effective vaccine. Shai Oster, "China Acknowledges Delay in Sharing Bird-Flu Samples," Wall Street Journal (Online), 5 September 06;<online.wsj.com> "Beijing to Give WHO Bird Flu Samples," South China Morning Post (Online), 23 March 06;<china.scmp.com> "Credit Dispute: How Academic Flap Hurt World Effort on Chinese Bird Flu," Wall Street Journal (Online), 24 February 06.<online.wsj.com>

43 China's Response to Avian Flu, Written Statement Submitted by Erika Elvander.

44 Emergency Response Regulations for Major Epidemics of Animal Diseases [Zhongda dongwu yiqing yingji tiaoli], issued 18 November 05, Ch. 3, art. 17.<重大动物疫情应急条例 | www.cecc.gov>

45 Ibid.<重大动物疫情应急条例 | www.cecc.gov> Liaoning provincial officials arrested the head of veterinary services in Badaohao township in November 2005, for attempting to cover up the illnesses of chickens at local farms following avian flu outbreaks. Provincial authorities also disciplined seven other officials for dereliction of duty. Geoffrey York, "Reforms Critical for China To Win Bird-Flu Fight," Toronto Globe and Mail (Online), 29 November 05.<www.theglobeandmail.com> Five local officials in Dazhu county, Sichuan province were fired in May 2006 for mishandling a January outbreak of bird flu in poultry. "Five Officials Fired for Mishandling Bird Flu Outbreak in Poultry," South China Morning Post (Online), 12 May 04.<china.scmp.com>

46 Ministry of Health (Online), April 25, 2006. The MOH issued a statement warning authorities that cover-ups or delays could risk spreading the disease. The statement said that some medical institutes had "failed to quickly report on pneumonia cases with unknown causes, some local governments failed to urge their institutes to do their job in time; some health authorities failed to respond quickly to reports, and some pneumonia patients who had had contact with sick or dead poultry were moved to other hospitals without guidance, risking the spread of infectious diseases." Nicholas Zamiska, "China Finds Possible Cases of Bird Flu Go Unreported," Wall Street Journal (Online), 26 April 06;<online.wsj.com> "Health Ministry Warns Against Cover Ups in Pneumonia Report," Xinhua (Online), 26 April 06.<news.xinhuanet.com> World Health Organization officials have also expressed concern about China's practice of reporting only confirmed cases of bird flu in humans, and have encouraged the Chinese government to act with greater transparency. Nicholas Zamiska, "WHO Questions China's Policy on Reporting Bird-Flu Cases," Wall Street Journal (Online), 23 March 06.<online.wsj.com>

47 Chris Buckley, "China Responds to Bird Flu Under Shadow of SARS," Reuters (Online), 10 November 05;<today.reuters.co.uk> Bill Savadove, "Beijing Playing Down Situation at Home," South China Morning Post (Online), 28 October 05;<china.scmp.com> Josephine Ma, "Beijing Tightens Control on Media Reports," South China Morning Post (Online), 2 November 05.<hongkong.scmp.com>

48 Hu Shuli, "Caijing Article Says Local Officials Not Open About Avian Influenza," Finance Magazine, 31 October 05 (Open Source Center, 15 November 05).

V(h) POPULATION PLANNING

Population Planning Policy | Violations of Chinese Law and International Human Rights Standards | Social Crises Resulting From the Population Planning Policy

FINDINGS

The Chinese government strictly controls the reproductive lives of Chinese women. Since the early 1980s, the government’s population planning policy has limited most women in urban areas to bearing one child, while permitting many women in rural China to bear a second child if their first child is female. Officials have coerced compliance with the policy through a system marked by pervasive propaganda, mandatory monitoring of women’s reproductive cycles, mandatory contraception, mandatory birth permits, coercive fines for failure to comply, and, in some cases, forced sterilization and abortion.
The Chinese government’s population planning laws and regulations contravene international human rights standards by limiting the number of children that women may bear, by coercing compliance with population targets through heavy fines, and by discriminating against "out-of-plan" children. Local officials have violated Chinese law by punishing citizens, such as legal advocate Chen Guangcheng, who have drawn attention to population planning abuses by government officials.

Population Planning Policy

The Chinese government strictly controls the reproductive lives of Chinese women, but population planning policy varies by locality. Since the early 1980s, the government’s population planning policy has limited most women in urban areas to bearing one child, while permitting many women in rural China to bear a second child but generally restricting the additional birth to women whose first child is female.1 Officials have coerced compliance with the policy through a system marked by pervasive propaganda, mandatory monitoring of women’s reproductive cycles, mandatory contraception, mandatory birth permits, coercive fines for failure to comply, and, in some cases, forced sterilization and abortion. Since the early 1980s, population planners have frequently revised provincial and local rules and quotas as the result of evolving national population targets.2 Current policies concerning the circumstances under which women may bear two children vary at the provincial and local level, depending on changes in the national plan, on changes in provincial and local quotas, and on whether provinces or localities have met or exceeded previous quotas.3 Local regulations permit ethnic minorities to have additional children. Ethnic minorities in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region are permitted to have more than two children if they reside in rural areas, and the Communist Party’s official journal, Seeking Truth, has claimed that in the Tibet Autonomous Region there are no restrictions on the number of children that farmers and herders may have.4

The government coerces compliance with its restrictions on birth principally through a system of harshly coercive fines, which are termed "social compensation fees." 5 Provincial-level governments determine the criteria for issuing these fines, their amounts, and the method for collecting them "based on local conditions." 6 In Beijing municipality, officials file a case, investigate, and deliver a "Social Compensation Fee Decision" to parents when they suspect an illegal birth. The parents must pay in full within 30 days of receiving the "Social Compensation Fee Decision" or file an application to pay the fine in installments. The first payment must be 50 percent of the total fine, and the parents must make full payment within three years. Parents in Beijing who violate regulations on having a second child, or unmarried persons who violate regulations on having a child, are fined 3 to 10 times the area’s average annual income. Parents who have a second child in accordance with regulations, but less than four years after the first child, or when the mother is less than 28 years old, are fined one-fifth of the area’s average disposable annual income for urban residents, and one-fifth of the area’s average gross annual income for rural residents. When the parents’ actual income exceeds the area’s average income, the regulations provide that the actual income should be the basis for computing the fine. If the parents "practice deception," obstruct official processes, or "exert negative social influence," fines can be doubled.7 Practices for assessing fees against parents who violate population planning regulations differ in Shandong province, where incomes are lower than in Beijing municipality. The fine is set at 30 percent of a given area’s average annual income.8 Families forced to pay these heavy fines can be financially devastated for years. When parents do not pay the fines, population planning officials can file legal cases, and one Chinese media report from 2006 described a local court acting "vigorously" to collect fees and to "uphold the authority" of population planning officials.9 Officials also have reportedly destroyed the homes of those who do not pay the fines.10

Violations of Chinese Law and International Human Rights Standards

The Chinese government’s population planning laws and regulations contravene international human rights standards. For example, the Population and Family Planning Law, which became effective in 2002, contravenes the standards set by the 1995 Beijing Declaration and the 1994 Programme of Action of the Cairo International Conference on Population and Development (1994 Programme) by limiting the number of children that married women may bear and by banning unmarried women from bearing any children.11 Population planning laws coerce compliance by penalizing women who bear an "out-of-plan" child with a "social compensation fee" that ranges from roughly one-half to 10 times an individual’s average annual income, based on locality.12 Moreover, 7 provinces require "termination" of pregnancies that violate provincial regulations, while 10 provinces require unspecified "remedial measures." 13 The government contravenes the standards set by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights by discriminating against "out-of-plan" children in health care and education.14 The government also contravenes the 1994 Programme by setting population targets.15

Some local officials charged with implementing the national population planning policy violate Chinese law by physically coercing abortions and sterilizations. Although physical coercion violates Article 4 of the Population and Family Planning Law,16 local officials continue to use physical coercion, or the threat of physical coercion, to enforce compliance with population planning laws and regulations. In December 2005, Western media reported that officials in Hebei province forced a Falun Gong practitioner to have an abortion, and in 2006, officials in Chongqing municipality and in Fujian province forcibly sterilized women.17 In June 2006, Western media reported that a woman fell to her death while fleeing Anhui provincial officials who were attempting to force her to abort twins, since she had previously given birth to one child.18 Central government personnel policies encourage the coercive practices of local officials by making the local officials’ promotions and bonuses dependent on meeting population targets.19 Little public evidence is available to show that officials who employ physical coercion against pregnant women have been punished for their illegal acts.20 Two committees of the U.S. House of Representatives heard testimony in 2004 and 2006 that some Chinese officials continue to physically coerce compliance with the population planning policy. Witnesses said that the means employed against pregnant women include forced abortion, sterilization, and implantation of contraceptive devices. Other forms of physical coercion are exercised against friends and relatives who try to assist them.21 The government uses group rewards and punishments, denying benefits or imposing penalties on entire villages, factories, or work units in the event of a single "out-of-plan" birth. As a result, women with "out-of-plan" pregnancies are ostracized and placed under great pressure to have an abortion.22 These abuses have created an atmosphere of fear in which most Chinese women feel they have little choice but to comply with the population planning policy.23

Officials charged with implementing these laws and regulations have also violated Chinese law by punishing citizens, such as legal advocate Chen Guangcheng, who have publicized population planning abuses by local authorities.24 In early 2005, authorities in Linyi city, Shandong province, directed a campaign against "out-of-plan" births in which local officials reportedly committed physical abuses, including forced abortions, forced sterilizations, and beatings. The authorities profited from their abuses by charging illegal fees to those detained.25 Although Article 41 of the Chinese Constitution guarantees Chinese citizens "the right to criticize and make suggestions to any state organ or functionary," Chen was beaten, placed under house arrest, detained, arrested, tried, and sentenced to four years and three months in prison for peacefully drawing attention to the abuses in Linyi.26 A number of his relatives, supporters, and attorneys were also harassed, beaten, or detained [see Section V(b)—Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants—Arbitrary Detention in the Formal Criminal Process]. In September 2005, an official from the National Population and Family Planning Commission (NPFPC) responded to international news media attention by admitting that Linyi officials had committed unspecified "practices that violated law" and declaring that "the responsible persons have been removed from their posts." 27 In October 2005, however, foreign journalists reported that forced abortions continued in Linyi, and in February 2006, foreign journalists were unable to confirm that any Linyi officials had been punished for these acts.28

Victims and activists have accused officials of other instances of corruption and abuse of power in implementing the population planning program. Article 4 of the Population and Family Planning Law requires officials to perform their administrative duties strictly in accordance with the law, and Article 39 provides that population planning officials may be subject to criminal punishment for "abusing [their] power . . . demanding or accepting bribes. . . ." 29 In Hunan province, approximately 60 villagers claimed that population planning officials took 11 adopted and "out-of-plan" children away from their homes and demanded money for their return.30 Xinhua reported that government authorities punished 13 officials in Shaanxi province after investigators found that a population planning official and a village head took bribes from a woman and her husband, supplied them with fraudulent documents, and forged the woman’s contraception records.31 Some wealthy Chinese choose to pay the fines for "out-of-plan" children to have a large family.32 The head of the NPFPC said in an interview that a minority of wealthy and famous people, as well as leading cadres, violate the birth restrictions and, although they "should be legally punished . . . our supervision has not yet reached the desired level." 33

Social Crises Resulting From the Population Planning Policy

Chinese population planning policies, combined with a cultural preference for sons, produce sex ratio imbalances and, in some cases, lead families to abort female infants. The current male-female birth ratio for first births is 121:100 and 152:100 for second births. Some foreign experts believe that the actual ratios are even more imbalanced,34 and some reports claim that the imbalance is worsening.35 Demographers and population experts consider a normal male-female birth ratio to be between 103 to 107:100.

In June 2006, the National People’s Congress (NPC) withdrew a proposed law that would have criminalized sex-selective abortion. Article 35 of the 2002 Population and Family Planning Law prohibits, but does not penalize, sex-selective abortion. The prohibition has been widely ignored by medical personnel and parents.36 In December 2005, the National Population and Family Planning Commission (NPFPC) reported that the government had submitted a draft Criminal Law amendment to the NPC under which parents or medical personnel involved in sex-selective abortions would face fines and up to three years in prison.37 In an April 2006 interview, Zhang Weiqing, Director of the NPFPC, emphasized the long-term nature of the sex-ratio imbalance and the need to support the draft amendment.38 Xinhua later reported that the proposed amendment had resulted in a "controversial debate" that left the NPC Standing Committee "sharply divided." 39 In June, the NPC decided to withdraw the proposed law.40 Some officials opposed the law on the grounds that a woman has the right to know the sex of her child, that harsh penalties would create a black market in fetal sex determination, and that prosecution of offenders under the proposed amendment would prove difficult.41 Yu Xuejun, Director of the NPFPC’s Department of Policies and Regulations, told a foreign newspaper that he regretted that the amendment had been withdrawn and that he would continue lobbying for it.42 Subsequent reports in the state-run press have not disclosed whether the government plans to submit a similar amendment to the NPC in the future, but stated that curbing the sex ratio imbalance remained a "top priority" and that the imbalance could become a major obstacle to economic development. Other reports have also discussed the means by which the sex-ratio imbalance might be addressed. These included closing more clinics involved in sex-selective abortions; strengthening and geographically expanding implementation of the Care for Girls Program; raising the criteria for licensing medical institutes and practitioners; implementing preferential policies for girls and women in health care, education, and employment; and dispatching 60 teams to evaluate sex ratios, trends, and the efficiency of government policies.43 The government has also said that it plans to create a system to punish local officials who fail to control sex ratio imbalances.44

The population planning policy has contributed to an increasing number of elderly Chinese citizens without children to support them financially. Director Zhang of the NPFPC has noted that "[t]here is a definite relationship between the acceleration of the aging of the population and the strict birth control policy." 45 During the past year, the government established a national program that grants a small sum of money to rural couples who have one child or two daughters.46 Some Chinese demographers predict that the aging of the Chinese population and the sex-ratio imbalance will create additional economic and social problems in the future, and therefore advocate moving toward a "two-child policy." 47 One Chinese demographer at a December 2005 forum contended that the Chinese population is aging faster than expected, while others predicted that the population will begin to decrease earlier and more sharply than expected.48 Others predict worsening labor shortages and insufficient numbers of working-age people to cover social insurance and pensions, and foresee economic stagnation or recession in the next 20 years.49 Although many provinces have adopted policies that expand the number of people permitted to have two children, not all Chinese demographers agree with these forecasts or advocate a "two-child policy." 50 NPFPC officials maintain that the population planning policy will not change in the near future and that preventing overpopulation will remain the government’s top priority for the foreseeable future.51 Director Zhang of the NPFPC said in April that the policy was open to change, but not in the short term. He claimed that China faces an impending "baby boom." 52

Notes to Section V(h)—Population Planning

1 "Solving China’s Population Problem by Focusing on People’s Overall Development" [Yi ren de quanmian fazhan tongchou jiejue woguo renkou wenti], Seeking Truth (Online), 28 April 06. The particular circumstances under which women may bear a second child are governed by provincial-level regulations. See PRC Population and Family Planning Law of the People’s Republic of China, enacted 29 December 01, art. 17.

2 John S. Aird, Slaughter of the Innocents: Coercive Birth Control in China (Lanham, Maryland: AEI Press, 1990).

3 Human Rights in China: Improving or Deteriorating Conditions?, Hearing of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations, U.S. House of Representatives, 19 April 06.

4 "Solving China’s Population Problem by Focusing on People’s Overall Development," Seeking Truth.

5 Chinese authorities have admitted to the coercive nature of the system of fines. Shanghai Municipal Government (Online), "What are Social Compensation Fees? " [Shenme shi shehui fuyangfei?], Undated.

6 Measures for Collection of Social Compensation Fees [Shehui fuyangfei zhengshou guanli banfa], issued 2 September 02, arts. 3, 7, 10, 14.

7 Beijing Methods for Managing the Collection of Social Compensation Fees [Beijing shi shehui fuyangfei zhengshou guanli banfa], issued 5 November 02, arts. 5–7, 10–12.

8 In Shandong, the fine is waived when the firstborn child is "identified as disabled" and permission to have a second child is received. Shandong Province Methods for Managing the Collection of Birth Control Social Compensation Fees [Shandongsheng jihua shengyu shehui fuyangfei zhengshou guanli banfa], issued 1998, arts. 2–5, 8, 10, 17. Since a disabled child will, in most cases, require more state assistance, this indicates that the primary purpose of the fine is coercive and not to compensate the state for "the corresponding increase in social undertakings and public finances engendered by having more than one child." Shanghai Municipal Government, "What are Social Compensation Fees? "

9 "Wuyang Court Specially Assigns Case Concerning Social Compensation Fees Screening 15 Cases and Deciding on 10" [Wuyang fayuan zhuanxing zhixing shehui fuyangfei anjian shaixuan 15 anjie 10 an], China Court Net (Online), 29 May 06.

10 CECC Staff Interview; Human Rights Violations under China’s One-Child Policy, Hearing of the International Relations Committee, U.S. House of Representatives, Testimony of John S. Aird, former Chief of the China Branch and Senior Research Specialist on China at the Bureau of the Census, 14 December 04.

11 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995), para. 17; Cairo International Conference on Population and Development (1994), Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development, para. 7.2. On the concept of "illegal pregnancy" and its use in practice, see Elina Hemminki, et. al., "Illegal Births and Legal Abortions—The Case of China," Reproductive Health 2, no. 5 (2005).

12 PRC Population and Family Planning Law, art. 41; "Calls for Strict Birth Control Win Backup," Xinhua (Online), 8 March 06. According to the U.S. State Department, although Chinese law requires officials to get court approval to forcibly collect social compensation fees, this is not always followed. Bureau of Human Rights, Democracy, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06.

13 U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (the 7 provincial-level governments that require "termination" of pregnancies are Anhui, Hebei, Heilongjiang, Hubei, Hunan, Jilin, and Ningxia; the 10 that require unspecified "remedial measures" are Fujian, Guizhou, Guangdong, Gansu, Jiangxi, Qinghai, Sichuan, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Yunnan).

14 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, art. 25; International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, arts. 10, 13. China denies out-of-plan children basic health care, education, and the right to marry, while it grants educational and financial privileges to the child of parents who could have had two children according to the policy but limited themselves to one, and a special pension to parents who have a daughter but no son. Human Rights in China: Improving or Deteriorating Conditions?, Testimony of Steven W. Mosher; "Easing Family Planning Rules Leads to Fewer Abortions and More Baby Girls, Chinese Province Finds," UNFPA, 15 December 05 (discussing pensions for those who have no sons but have daughters); Steven W. Mosher, "China’s One-Child Policy: Twenty-five Years Later," Human Life Review 32, no. 2 (Winter 2006), 77f; Hemminki, "Illegal Births and Legal Abortions." In order to discourage the sex-selective abortion of girls, officials have reduced school fees for girls. "China’s Gender Imbalance Still Growing," CBS News (Online), 17 April 06.

15 Cairo International Conference on Population and Development (1994), Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development, para. 7.12. In 2006, the government announced national population targets of 1.37 billion for 2010 and 1.5 billion for 2020. "China Pledges To Keep Its Population Below 1.37 Billion by 2010," Xinhua (Online), 6 January 06. The Chinese government has set population targets through the mid-21st century. State Council Information Office, White Paper on China’s Population and Development in the 21st Century, December 00. The NPFPC has denied discrimination against "out-of-plan" children. "Solving China’s Population Problem by Focusing on People’s Overall Development," Seeking Truth.

16 PRC Population and Family Planning Law, art. 4 provides that offiicials "shall performtheir administrative duties strictly in accordance with law, and enforce the law in a civil manner, and they may not infringe upon legitimate rights and interests of citizens."

17 "Hebei Falun Gong Practitioner Forced To Abort," Epoch Times (Online), 26 December 05; "Chongqing Family Planning Office Forces 25-Year-Old Man To Be Sterilized," Boxun (Online),3 January 06 (events reported occurred in 2002); Heda Bayron, "Experts: China’s One-Child Population Policy Producing Socio-Economic Problems," Voice of America (Online), 7 March 06(forced sterilization of a woman from Fujian).

18 "Chinese Woman Fleeing Forced Abortion Dies in Hospital Fall," Associated Press (Online),1 July 06.

19 The official communications of Chinese authorities to local family planning officials alsoallow the latter to understand that local officials will not be punished for coercive measures. "Human Rights Violations under China’s One-Child Policy," Testimony of John S. Aird; Women’sRights and China’s New Family Planning Law, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, Testimony of John S. Aird, 23 September 02; Hemminki, "Illegal Birthsand Legal Abortions;" Hannah Beech, "Enemies of the State?," Time (Online), 12 September 05 (Beijing legal activist reports: "One set of bad population figures can stop an official from gettingpromoted").

20 In 2006, two welfare workers were sentenced to terms of probation and one welfare workerto a suspended jail sentence for ordering hysterectomies on two mentally challenged girls living in a girls’ care home. The lawyer for one of the defendants argued that such operations werecommon in China. "Light Penalties for Forced Hysterectomies in China," Reuters (Online), 6 July 06.

21 Human Rights in China: Improving or Deteriorating Conditions?; China: Human Rights Violations and Coercion in One Child Policy Enforcement, Hearing of the Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives, 14 December 04.

22 Mosher, "China’s One-Child Policy," 88f.

23 Steven W. Mosher, "The Passion and Mrs. Wong," Global Family Life News, March-May 05, 3, 9f.

24 In recent years, authorities have subjected Mao Hengfeng, a woman who has protested against the government’s population planning policy, to detention and torture. "One-Child PolicyOpponent Tortured," Human Rights in China (Online), 5 October 04. "Violence Against Women," in 2005 Report, Amnesty International (Online) (covering events from January to December2004).

25 Officials detained over 100,000 people in "population schools" where forced sterilizationsand abortions were performed. U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China. "7,000 Forcibly Sterilised in Eastern China," Agence France-Presse (Online), 12 September 05; Beech, "Enemies of the State? "

26 "Activist Who Exposed Birth Control Abuses Jailed," South China Morning Post (Online),24 August 06 (officials convicted Chen on charges of "willfully damaging property and organizing a mob to disturb traffic").

27 National Population and Family Planning Commission of China (Online), "Comments of Yu Xuejun, spokesperson for NPFPC and Director General of the NPFPC Department of Policy andLegislation on the Preliminary Results of Investigating Family Planning Practices in Linyi City of Shandong Province," 19 September 05. In 2003, the State Family Planning Commission wasrenamed the National Population and Family Planning Commission and given enlarged responsibilities for research on population issues. Peng Xizhe, Director of the Institute of PopulationResearch at Fudan University, claimed that the renaming demonstrated "the wider administrative and coordination functions assigned it by the State Council." Peng Xizhe, "Is It Time ToChange China’s Population Policy? " China: An International Journal 2, no.1 (2004), 135–49.

28 "Forced Abortions in China," Telegraph (India) (Online), 24 October 05 (reporter discoversevidence that coercive abortions continue in Linyi); Jonathan Watts, "Under House Arrest: Blind Activist Who Exposed Forced Abortions," Guardian (Online), 3 February 06.

29 PRC Population and Family Planning Law, art. 39.

30 Officials denied the accusations and said that some of the children had been illegally adopted. "United in Grief, Farmers Lament Loss of Children ‘Stolen’ by Officials," South China Morning Post (Online), 21 March 06; "Forced Removal of Children Should Not Be Tolerated," SouthChina Morning Post (Online), 22 March 06.

31 "13 Officials in Shaanxi Punished for Family Planning Failure," Xinhua (Online), 5 May 06.

32 "Rich Men Challenge Family Planning Policy," China Daily (Online), 16 December 05 (large families have become status symbols for those who can afford to pay fines); "Calls for Strict Birth Control Win Backup," Xinhua (Online), 8 March 06.

33 "Solving China’s Population Problem by Focusing on People’s Overall Development," Seeking Truth.

34 "Abortion Law Amendment To Be Abolished," Xinhua (Online), 26 June 06 (ratio 119:100); "Over 1 Million Grassroot Organizations Provided Family Planning Services in China," Xinhua (Online), 9 January 06 (male-female birth ratio of 119:100); U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (male-female birth ratio for second births is 152:100); Qu Jian Ding, Therese Hesketh, "Family Size, Fertility Preferences, and Sex Ratio in China in the Era of the One Child Family Policy: Results from National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Survey," British Medical Journal, 333, 371–373 (2006) (finding a sex ratio at birth of 123:100 for 1996 to 2001); Elaine Wu, "Population Rises 3.2% over Past Five Years to 1.306 Billion," South China Morning Post (Online), 17 March 06 (experts believe the true population is tens of millions greater and the male-female birth ratio even more lopsided than is reported). China’s population planning policy has also resulted in infanticide of female infants, though the rate at which female infants are killed or die of neglect is uncertain. U.S. Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report—2005, China.

35 In June and July 2006, the state-controlled Chinese press reported a male-female birth ratio of 119:100. "Abortion Law Amendment To Be Abolished," Xinhua (Online). In August 2006, theChinese Academy of Social Sciences said the ratio had reached 121.2:100. "Alarm Sounded on Gender Imbalance," South China Morning Post (Online), 18 August 06; "Selective Abortion StillLegal," South China Morning Post (Online), 26 June 06 (the Chinese government had previously reported a male-female birth ratio of 117:100); "China’s Gender Imbalance Still Growing," CBSNews (Online), 17 April 06 (Zhao Baige, Vice Minister of the NPFPC, tells Lesley Stahl that even with all the incentives and government programs, the sex ratio imbalance is gettingworse); "Serious Birth Gender Imbalance Inflicts 9 Chinese Regions," People’s Daily (Online), 25 August 04 (sex ratio imbalance is worsening in both rural and urban areas). The sex ratioat birth was 108.5:100 in 1982, 110.9:100 in 1987, 111.3:100 in 1990, 115.6:100 in 1995, and 116.9:100 in 2000. Peng Xizhe, "Is It Time To Change China’s Population Policy? " China: AnInternational Journal 2, no. 1 (2004). The state-run media have reported a study claiming that several ethnic minorities have male-female ratios ranging from 400:100 to 1,000:100, but attributes this to minority women marrying or being trafficked outside their ethnic groups. "Poverty and Gender Imbalance Threaten Some Ethnic Minorities," China.org (Online), 10 May 06(referring to the Lahu, Wa, Hani, and Lisu minorities).

36 PRC Population and Family Planning Law.

37 "Criminal Law Amended for Gender Balance," China Daily (Online), 26 December 05.

38 "Solving China’s Population Problem by Focusing on People’s Overall Development," Seeking Truth.

39 "Lawmakers Resume Debate on Sex Identification," Xinhua (Online), 25 April 06.

40 "Abortion Law Amendment To Be Abolished," Xinhua (Online).

41 Andrew Yeh, "China Retreats on Selective Abortion Law Plan," Financial Times (Online),25 June 06.

42 "Beijing Split Over Abortion Policy," Financial Times (Online), 11 July 06.

43 "North China Province Closes 201 Clinics Guilty of Gender Selection," Xinhua (Online), 31 May 06; "More Efforts Urged To Curb Gender Imbalance," China Daily (Online), 11 July 06;"Nation To Launch Monitoring of Birth Gender Ratios," Xinhua (Online), 12 July 06; "Hebei Worries Growing Gender Inequality," China Daily (Online), 13 July 06; "China Not To RelaxFight Against Selective Abortions," Xinhua (Online), 1 August 06; "Health Ministry Warns Against Abortion Crimes," Xinhua (Online), 2 August 06; "China’s Rising Gender ImbalanceMay Leave Millions of Men With No Wives," People’s Daily (Online), 12 August 06.

44 "Gender Imbalance May Leave Millions of Men With No Wives," Xinhua (Online), 11 August06.

45 "Solving China’s Population Problem by Focusing on People’s Overall Development," Seeking Truth. Some Chinese demographers agree. Peng Xizhe, "Is It Time To Change China’s Population Policy? "

46 "China Has Not Relaxed Family Planning: Official," Xinhua (Online), 1 May 06, which states: "The government offers around 1,200 yuan (US$150) a year to rural couples who haveonly one child or two daughters, as an acknowledgment of their contribution to the birth control drive." See also "China Focus: China Adopts More Human-Centered Way in Poverty Reduction,"Xinhua (Online), 27 October 05, which states: "Last year, the Chinese government began to adopt a new policy of offering more than 600 yuan to couples above 60 years old who have onlyone child or two daughters." See also "More Rural Senior Couples To Be Awarded for Practicing Family Planning Policy," Xinhua (Online), 23 October 05, which states: "A new family planningreward policy is to be introduced in 23 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions across the country this year. According to the new policy, rural couples with only one child or twodaughters will be eligible for a cash reward of no less than 600 yuan (US$72) each year when they are 60 years old. The reward will last for the rest of their lives." National Population andFamily Planning Commission (Online), "W. China Combines Family Planning with Poverty Alleviation," 10 November 05.

47 Ibid.

48 "China Focus: Family Planning Policy—A Controversial Topic in China," Xinhua (Online),29 December 05; "One-Child Policy Questioned as Population Ages Rapidly," AsiaNews (Online), 2 January 06.

49 A senior official on the China National Committee on Aging has stated that social services cannot meet the rising demands for medical care and pensions for elderly people. "China Focus:China Feels the Pressure of Growing Elderly Population," Xinhua (Online), 23 February 06; National Population and Family Planning Commission (Online), "Coping With Aging Society," 21 January 06; "China’s Aging Population Will Create Losses for Existing Positive Economic Development" [Laolinghua jiang shi zhongguo jingji fazhan shiqu xianyou youshi], China Youth Daily (Online), 21 August 06.

50 See, for example, the regulations of Shanghai and Jiangsu provinces. Peng Xizhe, "Is It Time To Change China’s Population Policy? "

51 "China Focus: Family Planning Policy—A Controversial Topic in China" Xinhua (Online), 29 December 05; Zhang Feng, "Minister Says One-Child Rule Will Remain in Coming Years," Beijing Daily (Online), 7 January 06 (Open Source Center, 7 January 06); National Population and Family Planning Commission (Online), "Coping With Aging Society;" Larry Teo, "China Is Worrying About Baby Shortage," Straits Times (Online), 2 March 06 (characterizing NPFPC Minister Yu Xuejun as saying "that two-children families are a more suitable option for China. But he hastened to add that a sudden switch is not advisable . . .," and characterizing a report by Chinese demographer Zeng Yi as suggesting the phasing-in of a two-child policy over an eight-year period); "One-Child Policy Questioned as Population Ages Rapidly," AsiaNews (Online), 2 January 06; "China to Keep Family Planning Policy Stable," Xinhua (Online), 23 April 06.

52 "China to Keep Family Planning Policy Stable," Xinhua. The official apparently referred to the coming of age of the generation born after the 1984 permission for rural couples to havea second child if the first was female. "China Prepares for Fourth Baby Boom," China Daily (Online), 3 May 06.

V(i) FREEDOM OF RESIDENCE AND TRAVEL

The Hukou System | Reform Efforts in 2005 and 2006 | International Travel

FINDINGS

Since its implementation in the 1950s, the Chinese hukou (household registration) system has limited the rights of ordinary Chinese citizens to choose their permanent place of residence, receive equal access to social services, and enjoy equal protection of the law. Economic changes and relaxation of some hukou controls have eroded previously strict limits on citizens’ freedom of movement, but these changes have also exported a discriminatory urban-rural social division to China’s cities. Migrants who lack a local hukou for their new city of residence face legal discrimination in employment, education, and social services.
Chinese leaders called for reforms to the hukou system during the past year. Central government interest in reform stems not only from concern over migrant rights and economic inequality, but also from concern over growing social instability and a desire for stronger government control over China’s internal migrant population. New national goals for hukou reform, like similar proposals implemented periodically since the late 1990s, call for streamlined hukou categories, elimination of discriminatory regulations on employment, and improved migrant access to social services.
Local governments and urban residents have resisted reforms to the hukou system because of the potential budgetary impact, fears of increasing population pressure in cities, and discriminatory attitudes toward migrants. Local opposition has limited the ability of central government authorities to achieve national reform goals.

The Hukou System

Since its implementation in the 1950s, the Chinese hukou (household registration) system has limited the rights of ordinary Chinese citizens to choose their permanent place of residence, receive equal access to social services, and enjoy protection of the law. Urban residents received preferential employment opportunities, favorable educational quotas, and old-age pensions. Rural residents did not. Hukou status, and the accompanying right to receive these benefits, is inherited at birth. Only limited methods exist for citizens to change their hukou status.1 During the late 1970s, the system became so rigid that rural residents risked arrest for entering urban areas. These limits effectively blocked upward mobility for most rural citizens.2

Economic changes and relaxation of some hukou controls have eroded previously strict limits on citizens’ freedom of movement,3 but these changes have also exported a discriminatory urban-rural social division to China’s cities. Official statistics suggest 120 million rural migrants worked in Chinese cities in 2005, about a quarter of China’s total urban population.4 Official reforms undertaken since the late 1990s have allowed migrants to obtain hukou in urban areas where they have a "stable source of income" and a "stable place of residence." 5 Local officials, however, often interpret these terms to exclude low-income rural migrants.6 As a result, poor rural migrants may live in Chinese cities for long periods, even from birth, but retain hukou registration inherited from their parents because they are unable to obtain a local hukou in their new city of residence.

Migrants who lack a local hukou for their new city of residence face legal discrimination. They cannot receive social services such as healthcare or schooling for their children on the same basis as other residents.7 Local authorities also condition government employment, old-age benefits, and low-interest housing loans on having a local hukou in the city of residence.8 The Supreme People’s Court issued a judicial interpretation in 2003 regarding compensation for deaths in personal injury cases that mandates a lower rate of compensation for deceased rural hukou holders, even if they have been resident in urban areas for many years.9 Representation in local legislative bodies favors urban hukou holders; an individual rural local people’s congress deputy represents four times as many citizens as his or her urban counterpart.10

Chinese laws and regulations that condition citizen legal rights and social services on hereditary hukou status conflict with international human rights standards on non-discrimination and have generated criticism in China. Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights guarantees equal protection of the law and non-discrimination based on "national or social origin . . . birth or other status." Article 2(2) of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights also prohibits discrimination on the same grounds in fields such as employment, education, health, and social security benefits. In early 2006, Chinese news media carried a series of critical reports on cases of long-term migrants in urban areas who held non-local rural hukou and who were killed in traffic accidents. Families of the deceased received substantially less in compensation than families of residents who held local urban hukou and who were killed in the same or similar accidents.11 The father of one deceased migrant student said, "My daughter had lived in the city for 10 years. She didn’t pay less for her school fees because she had [a] rural hukou. Why was her life worth less than half of that of her classmates? " 12

Reform Efforts in 2005 and 2006

Chinese leaders called for reforms to the hukou system during the past year. Communist Party scholars and government officials publicly raised the subject of hukou reform in October 2005, after the conclusion of the Party plenum.13 The joint opinion issued by the Party Central Committee and the State Council in December 2005 made hukou reform part of the Party’s "new socialist country-side" campaign on rural reform, and a policy goal for 2006.14

Central government interest in reform stems not only from concern over migrant rights and economic inequality, but also from concern over growing social instability and a desire for stronger government control over China’s internal migrant population. The December joint opinion emphasized the need to protect the "legitimate rights and interests of farmers who seek work." 15 Accompanying press statements noted a large and increasing gap between urban and rural incomes, with the former totaling 3.22 times the latter in 2005.16 An earlier October 2005 joint Party and State Council opinion on public security and social stability also highlighted the need to better protect migrant rights, but also called for "new techniques to manage China’s migrant population." 17 In December 2004, Chen Jiping, Director of the General Office of the Party’s Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security, the office that drafted the October joint opinion, called for improving systems used to keep track of temporary residents, including better monitoring of migrant housing rentals.18

New national goals for hukou reform, like similar proposals implemented periodically since the late 1990s, call for streamlined hukou categories, elimination of discriminatory regulations on employment, and improved migrant access to social services.19 Public Security Vice Minister Liu Jinguo said in October 2005 that the government was considering elimination of the distinction between "agricultural" and "non-agricultural" hukous nationwide, a reform already adopted in 11 provinces.20 Chinese academics noted that this reform "has not involved substantive content," since it does not affect the requirement that migrants must obtain a hukou in a particular city in order to receive equal access to social services.21 Liu also said that Chinese authorities will continue to require a "stable place of residence" to determine which migrants may obtain hukou in larger cities.22

Both Liu’s speech and the December joint opinion also called for elimination of discriminatory regulations that limit the ability of rural migrants to work in urban areas.23 The State Council issued a similar directive in December 2004.24 Some ministries and local authorities have taken steps to implement these directives. In late 2005, the Ministry of Labor and Social Services (MOLSS) issued a migrant rights handbook that says that MOLSS officials will not require migrants to obtain a work registration card from their place of origin before they seek jobs in urban areas.25 In early 2005, Beijing municipal authorities abolished regulations that prohibited renting apartments to migrants and that allowed labor officials to exclude migrants from certain occupations.26

Finally, central government authorities have called for improving migrant access to urban social services as a national reform goal. Public Security Vice Minister Liu said that local governments should make serious efforts to address migrant housing, education, and healthcare needs.27 The December joint opinion calls for "gradually constructing a social security network for migrants," "exploring the provision of medical insurance for serious illnesses to migrants," and "solving the problem of educating migrant children" 28 [see Section IV—Introduction]. Draft amendments to the Law on Compulsory Education would charge local governments with providing equal educational opportunities to the children of migrants.29 The Ministry of Health has announced projects to educate migrant workers about HIV/AIDS, provide occupational healthcare, and vaccinate migrant children against infectious diseases.30

Local governments and urban residents have resisted reforms to the hukou system because of the potential budgetary impact, fears of increasing population pressure in cities, and discriminatory attitudes toward migrants. Ministry of Public Security (MPS) officials said in November 2005 that national hukou reform efforts had encountered resistance from local authorities who would bear responsibility for funding the additional services to migrants.31 In the fall of 2005, Shenzhen authorities announced tighter rules for migrants in an effort to control the growth rate of the temporary resident population. The new Shenzhen measures temporarily suspend processing of local hukou applications for the dependent children of current Shenzhen migrant residents, limit the growth of private schools for migrant children, and require migrant parents to pay additional fees to enroll their children in public schools.32 Some urban residents oppose improved treatment for migrants, expressing concern about urban population growth and the influx of poor, less educated migrants. Citizens invited to comment on Beijing’s municipal development plans in August 2005 demanded tighter restrictions on rural migrants, including strict hukou policies and strict controls on providing housing and employment to migrants.33

Local opposition has limited the ability of central government authorities to achieve national reform goals. Lu Hongyan, Deputy Director of the MPS General Office, said that hukou reform "is not entirely within the power or responsibility of the MPS," but that the MPS would attempt to coordinate with local governments and other ministries to present a hukou reform program by late December 2005 or early 2006.34 Neither official sources nor the state-controlled news media have reported the completion of work on such a program. Chen Xiwen, Deputy Director of the General Office of the Central Leading Group for Finance and Economics, remarked at a press conference accompanying the issuance of the December 2005 joint opinion that the "attached benefits" linked to hukou identification, such as education or healthcare, hinder reform efforts. Chen said that the central government will not press for a single plan for hukou reform, but will instead allow localities to adopt their own reforms.35

Some provincial governments have made efforts to address discrimination against migrants. For example, Henan provincial authorities announced that starting in October 2005 they would include several urban medical facilities in the local rural health cooperative system. The plan allows migrants and rural residents to receive health services at the designated facilities, and forbids health providers from discriminating between urban and non-urban residents in assessing fees.36 In June 2006, the Henan High People’s Court (HPC) issued an opinion setting death or injury compensation awards for some rural migrants at the same level as long-term urban residents. The opinion requires that rural migrants have a "regular place of residence in the city" and that their "main source of income be earned in the city." 37 The Anhui HPC has issued rules stipulating that injury or death compensation for minors who hold a rural hukou but attend school and live in urban areas shall be computed using the urban standard.38 Other courts and legislative bodies are considering issuing similar directives.39

Other local reforms have been limited, or have reversed previous efforts to relax hukou controls. In January 2006, the Shanghai local people’s congress (LPC) for the first time allowed two migrant workers from Jiangsu province to attend a session of the Shanghai LPC as observers. The China Economic Times, a State Council-sponsored publication, criticized the Shanghai LPC, however, for not allowing the two migrants to serve as full representatives. It noted that hukou restrictions bar migrants from standing for election, and that none of the 1,000 LPC delegates attending the session represented Shanghai’s 4 million migrant workers.40 Shenyang municipal authorities announced in December 2005 that they would resume requiring temporary residence permits for migrants. Authorities had abolished these permits in July 2003, requiring only that migrants sign in with local public security officials upon arrival in the city. Shenyang authorities noted that they reinstated the temporary residence permits to comply with provincial and national guidelines on hukou reform.41

International Travel

The National People’s Congress Standing Committee passed a new Law on Passports in April 2006 that will take effect in January 2007. The law narrows the legal authority of Chinese officials to deny passports to Chinese citizens.42 Article 13 of the new law specifies the conditions under which Chinese authorities may deny a citizen’s passport application, including document falsification, failure to prove citizenship, pending fulfillment of a criminal sentence or other criminal punishment, or a court order not to leave the country as a result of an ongoing civil case.43 Authorities may also deny a passport application if they determine that the applicant’s activities abroad would harm national security or state interests.44 This language is narrower than that of the previous 1980 Regulations on Passports and Visas, which set no limits on the government’s authority to deny passport applications.45 Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides both that "[e]veryone shall be free to leave any country, including his own," and that "[n]o one shall be arbitrarily deprived of the right to enter his own country." Chinese authorities have denied passports to Chinese citizens who express views they find objectionable. In May 2006, Chinese authorities refused to issue passports to two Chinese lawyers who applied for permission to travel to the United States to assist a Falun Gong practitioner who faced criminal charges.46 Chinese authorities have also prevented Protestant house church leaders from traveling abroad [see Section V(d)— Freedom of Religion—Religious Freedom for China’s Protestants]. Yang Jianli, a Chinese citizen and democracy activist, is currently serving a five-year prison sentence in China on charges of illegal entry and espionage after entering the country on another person’s passport. Throughout the 1990s, Yang was unable to secure a passport from Chinese consular officials in the United States.47 The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has found his detention to be arbitrary.48

Notes to Section V(i)—Freedom of Residence and Travel

1 "China’s Household Registration System: Sustained Reform Needed To Protect China’s Rural Migrants," Topic Paper of the Congressional Executive-Commission on China, 7 October 05, 1–3.

2 Ibid., 3.

3 Ibid., 2.

4 " ‘Report on Rural Migrant Workers:’ The Average Age of Migrant Workers is 28.6 Years Old" [Zhongguo nongmingong diaoyan baogao: nongmingong pingjun nianling wei 28.6 sui], Xinhua, reprinted in China Internet Information Center (Online), 16 April 06. Other statistics list the total number of migrants as high as 140 million. PRC Bureau of Statistics, 2004 National Statistical Report on Economic and Social Development [2004 Nian guomin jingji he shehui fazhan tongji gongbao], 28 February 05; "Migrant Population Hits 140 Million," Associated Press (citing Xinhua), 6 January 05.

5 "China’s Household Registration System: Sustained Reform Needed to Protect China’s Rural Migrants," 4.

6 Ibid., 4–5.

7 Ibid., 7–10.

8 Tang Yaoguo, "Hukou Reform Blocked by Local Governments, Benefits Behind Hukou Are the Core of the Problem" [Huji gaige shouzu defang zhengfu hukou beihou liyi shi wenti genben], Outlook Weekly, reprinted in Sohu (Online), 21 November 05; Zhao Jie, "Opinion of Ministry of Public Security on Hukou Reform Will Be Clear, Expert: Need Large Hukou Reform" [Gonganbu huji gaige yijian jiang mingliang zhuan jia: yao da huji gaige], China Economic Net, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 24 November 05.

9 Supreme People’s Court’s Judicial Interpretation Regarding Compensation Cases for Personal Injuries [Zui gao renmin fayuan guanyu shenli renshen sunhai peichang anjian shiyong falu ruogan wenti de jiejue], issued 4 December 03, art. 29.

10 PRC Election Law of the National People’s Congress and Local People’s Congresses, [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo quanguo renmin daibiao dahui he difang geji renmin daibiao dahui xuanju fa], enacted 1 July 79, amended 27 October 04, art. 12.

11 "Compensation 120,000 Less Only Because of Rural Hukou" [Zhiyin nongcun hukou peichang shao 12 wan], Beijing News (Online), 14 February 06; Guo Yuxiang and Lu Yilin, "Migrant Worker Dies in City, Hai’an Court Decision Uses Urban Resident Standard for Compensation" [Jin cheng nongmingong siwang hai’an fayuan panjue jie chengzhen jumin biaozhun peichang], China Court Net (Online), 16 February 06; Tang Zhongming, "Three Young Girls Killed in Car Accident, Because Hukou ‘Same Fate, Different Price’ [Compensation] Difference of 120,000" [San shaonu zao chehuo yinwei hukou "tongming butong jia" xiangcha 12 wan], Youth Daily, reprinted in Procuratorial Daily (Online), 24 Jan 06.

12 "Hukou Blamed for Discriminatory Compensation," China Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 27 Jan 06.

13 " ‘11.5’ Program Series Forum" [Shiyi wu guihua zhuti xilie luntan], 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 17 October 05; Zhao Xiao and Wang Benjian, "Break Up of Two-Tiered Structure of Chinese Real Estate Industry Needed for Healthy Development" [Dapo eryuan jiegou Zhongguo fangdichanye cai neng jiankang fazhan], Southern Weekend (Online), 20 October 05; "National Temporary Registered Population 86,730,000, Merger Planned For Rural-Urban Hukou Management" [Quanguo dengji zanzhu renkou 8673 wan chengxiang huji guanli ni tongyi], Legal Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 26 October 05.

14 Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside [Zhonggong zhongyang guowuyuan guanyu tuijin shehui zhuyi xin nongcun jianshe de ruogan yijian], issued 31 December 05.

15 Ibid.

16 Press Conference on Building New Socialist Countryside, Xinhua, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 23 February 06.

17 "General Offices of the CCP Central Committee and State Council Reissuance of ‘Opinion on Deeply Carrying out Peaceful Construction,’ " [Zhong ban, Guo ban zhuanfa "Guanyu shenru kaizhan ping’an jianshe de yijian], Xinhua, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 4 December 05; "Government Calls for Building Social Stability, Security," Xinhua (Online), 4 December 05.

18 Ministry of Justice (Online), Sun Chunying, "County (City, District) Key Points in Order to Establish Stability" [Xian (shi, qu) wei chuangjian ping’an zhongdian], 6 December 05.

19 For a detailed analysis of prior reform efforts, see the Commission’s topic paper: "China’s Household Registration System: Sustained Reform Needed to Protect China’s Rural Migrants."

20 "National Temporary Registered Population 86,730,000, Merger Planned for Rural-Urban Hukou Management," Legal Daily; Wang Qiang, "11 Provinces Begin Integrating Urban and Rural Hukou, Beijing Temporarily Not Included" [11 ge shengshi kaishi tongyi chengxiang hukou beijing zan wei lieru qizhong], Beijing Evening News, reprinted in Procuratorial Daily (Online), 28 October 05. For a partial list of such efforts through the end of 2004, see the Freedom of Residence and Travel page on the Commission’s Web site.

21 Zhao Jie, "Opinion of Ministry of Public Security on Hukou Reform Will Be Clear, Expert: Need Large Hukou Reform." Some Chinese and U.S. media incorrectly characterized the provincial reforms as eliminating all legal distinctions between urban and rural residents. Zheng Caixiong, Wu Yong and Guo Nei, "Rural Dwellers to be Granted Urban Rights," China Daily (Online), 2 November 05; Joseph Kahn, "China to Drop Urbanite-Peasant Legal Differences" New York Times (Online), 3 November 2005.

22 "National Temporary Registered Population 86,730,000, Merger Planned for Rural-Urban Hukou Management," Legal Daily. Many provinces and municipalities that have adopted similarcriteria have interpreted them strictly to exclude low-income migrant workers, even those that have been resident in urban areas for many years. "China’s Household Registration System:Sustained Reform Needed to Protect China’s Rural Migrants," 4–5.

23 "National Temporary Registered Population 86,730,000, Merger Planned for Rural-UrbanHukou Management," Legal Daily; Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside.

24 State Council Office Notice Regarding Improving Employment Prospects for Migrants in Urban Areas [Guowuyuan bangongting guanyu jin yi bu zuo hao gaishan nongmin jinchengjiuye huanjing gongzuo de tongzhi], issued 27 December 04.

25 Ministry of Labor and Social Security (Online), Migrants Rights Handbook (2005 edition)[Nongmingong weiquan shouce (2005)], "Migrant Workers Need Not Obtain Work Registration Card" [Nongmingong waichu wugong wuxu ban jiuye zhengka le], Xinhua (Online), 26 September 05.

26 "Beijing Eliminates Regulations on the Management of Migrants" [Beijing feizhi wailairenyuan guanli tiaoli], Beijing News (Online), 26 March 05.

27 "National Temporary Registered Population 86,730,000, Merger Planned for Rural-UrbanHukou Management," Legal Daily.

28 Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a NewSocialist Countryside.

29 "Amended Compulsory Education Law Would Assure Migrant Children the Right to AttendSchool" ["Yiwu jiaoyufa" xiuding cao’an baozhang liudong renkou zinu shangxue], CCTV (Online), 1 May 06. Note that this is a codification of a prior State Council directive, rather thanan entirely new policy. "China’s Household Registration System: Sustained Reform Needed to Protect China’s Rural Migrants."

30 Ministry of Health (Online), "Nationwide AIDS Education Project Announced for Rural Migrant Workers" [Quanguo nongmingong yufang aizibing xuanchuan jiaoyu gongcheng jiangqidong], 29 November 05; "Migrant Workers to Get Basic Job Healthcare" Xinhua, (Online), 24 April 06; "Health of Migrants Goes Under Microscope" South China Morning Post (Online), 26April 06; "PRC: Health Official Says Migrant Children Due Same Inoculations as Urban Peers," Xinhua (Online), 10 April 06; "Migrant Children Eligible for Free Vacination: Province HealthDepartment: Treat Migrant Children Equally Without Discrimination" [Liudong ertong ye keyi mianfei mianyi jiezhong: sheng weisheng ting: dui wailai liudong ertong yi shi tong ren], Southern Daily (Online), 25 April 06.

31 Tang Yaoguo, "Hukou Reform Blocked by Local Governments, Benefits Behind Hukou Arethe Core of the Problem;" Zhao Jie, "Opinion of Ministry of Public Security on Hukou Reform Will Be Clear, Expert: Need Large Hukou Reform."

32 "Population Approaching Limit, Shenzhen to Control Migrant Population" [Renkou bijin jixian Shenzhen jiang kongzhi wailai renkou], Beijing News (Online), 31 July 05; Shenzhen Municipal Government (Online), "Shenzhen Population Management ‘1+5’ Document to be Published and Implemented in the Near Future" [Wo shi renkou guanli "1+5" wenjian jiang yu jinqibanbu shishi], 1 August 05.

33 "Looking at China’s Urbanization from the Standpoint of Beijing Resident’s Calls for Limiting Migrants," [Cong Beijing shimin huyu xianzhi wailai renkou kan woguo de chengshihua], Sina, reprinted in News.fiji.com, 15 August 05; "The ‘Proposal on Reducing the Number of Migrants to Beijing’ Leads to Controversy" [‘Jianshao waidiren ru jing jianyi’ yin zhengyi], Southern Metropolitan Daily (Online), 10 August 05.

34 Zhao Jie, "Opinion of Ministry of Public Security on Hukou Reform Will Be Clear, Expert: Need Large Hukou Reform."

35 "No Uniform Standard To Be Required for Rural Hukou Reform" [Nongcun huji gaige bu zuo tongyi guiding], Ta Kung Pao (Online), 23 February 06.

36 "Farmers Who Enter Cities and See a Doctor Can Be Reimbursed" [Nongmin jincheng kanbing ke xiangshou baoxiao], Beijing News (Online), 23 August 05.

37 "Henan High People’s Court Leads Way In Declaring ‘The Same Price For The Same Fate’ In Cases of Death Compensation" [Henan gaoyuan shuaixian guiding chengxiang peichangbiaozhun ‘tongming tongjia’], Xinhua (Online), 23 June 06.

38 Yu Yiyong and Wen Sanqing "The Phenomena of ‘Same Fate, Different Price’ Tests LegalFairness in Personal Injury Cases" [Renshen sunhai peichang ‘tongming bu tong jia’ kaowen falu¨ gongping], Sichuan Daily, reprinted in Sichuan Online, 21 April 06.

39 The Supreme People’s Court is currently accepting suggestions for a new judicial interpretation on compensation for accidental injury and death. The Guangxi regional government’s Legislative Affairs Office (LAO) is considering new legislation on accidental injury and death compensation. The Guangxi LAO is deliberating whether or not to apply urban compensation standards for all who are injured or killed in traffic accidents, or whether to limit urban compensation amounts to urban residents and rural residents who have lived in urban areas for one or more years and have a "stable place of residence." The Chongqing High People’s Court is currently soliciting comments on a draft guiding opinion that stipulates that rural hukou holders who are disabled or killed in a traffic accident may be compensated according to urban standards if they meet certain criteria on income, ownership of housing, or length of residence in an urban area. "Henan To Use Same Compensation Standards for Urban Residents, Qualified Migrants," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, September 2006, 16.

40 Zhang Peiyan, "China Economic Times: Hoping That Rural Migrant Workers Will Not Again Be ‘Observers’ of Their Rights" [Zhongguo jingji shibao: qidai nongmingong bu zai shi quanli pangtingsheng], China Economic Times, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 17 January 06.

41 "Shenyang to Start Using New ‘Temporary Residence Permit’ System, Resuming 29 Months After Cancelling It" [Shenyang jiang qiyong xin "zanzhuzheng" quxiao zanzhuzheng 29 yue hou huifu], Xinhua, reprinted in Procuratorial Daily (Online), 14 December 05. Temporary residence requirements are the source of many migrant complaints regarding police corruption and abuse. "Riot Erupts in Guiyang After Migrant is Beaten," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2006, 3–4.

42 PRC Law on Passports [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo huzhao fa], enacted 29 April 06, art. 26.

43 Ibid., art. 13. Article 13(4) has been interpreted to mean that prisoners such as Tibetan nun Phuntsog Nyidron and journalist Jiang Weiping can be denied a passport after their release from prison, if they are additionally subject to deprivation of political rights. John Kamm, Remarks on Crimes Without Victims, Prisoners Without Names, Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Hong Kong, 21 February 06. However, the Criminal Law does not include the right to travel or obtain passports as one of the enumerated "political rights" that can be deprived. PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 25 December 99, 31 August 01, 29 December 01, 28 December 02, 28 February 05, 29 June 06, art. 54.

44 Ibid., art. 13(7).

45 PRC Regulations on Passports and Visas [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo huzhao, qianzheng tiaoli], issued 13 May 80, art. 4.

46 "Two Rights Lawyers Denied Passports For Defense In Wang Wenyi Case" [Wei Wang Wenyi an bianhu de liangwei weiquan lushi huzhao jujue], Radio Free Asia (Online), 21 June 06.

47 Open Forum on Human Rights and the Rule of Law in China, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 9 December 02, Written Statement of Christina Fu, spouse of Yang Jianli; Jerome Cohen and Jared Genser, "Tyranny in China: The Ongoing Quest to Free Yang Jianli," Washington Times (Online), 25 April 03.

48 See CECC Political Prisoner Database.

VI. Political Prisoner Database

The Commission made the CECC Political Prisoner Database (PPD) globally accessible via the Internet in November 2004. The PPD serves as a unique and powerful resource for individuals, educational institutions, NGOs, and governments that wish to research political and religious imprisonment in China or advocate on behalf of prisoners. The Commission routinely uses the database for its own advocacy work, and to prepare summaries of information about political and religious prisoners for Members of Congress and senior Administration officials. The Commission uses the database to alert the public about upcoming dates of parole eligibility, and about dates when sentences expire and prisoners are due for release. The PPD received approximately 150,000 online requests for prisoner information since last October.

The PPD is designed to allow anyone with Internet access to query the database and download prisoner data without providing personal information. Users also have the option to create a user account, which allows them to save, edit, or reuse queries. A user-specified ID and password is the only information required to set up a user account. The PPD does not download or install any software or Web cookies to a user’s computer.

The PPD currently allows users to conduct queries on 19 categories of prisoner information.1 The Commission intends to upgrade the PPD software and interface to make it possible to search and retrieve more categories of prisoner information, such as the names and locations of the courts that convicted political and religious prisoners, and the dates of key events in the legal process such as sentencing and decision upon appeal. The Commission also plans future upgrades that will make it possible for users to navigate between reports on political imprisonment in the CECC Virtual Academy and records of political and religious prisoners in the PPD. The Virtual Academy is accessible on the Commission’s Web site.

Each prisoner’s record describes the type of human rights violation by Chinese authorities that led to his or her detention. These include violations of the right to peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, freedom of association, freedom of expression, including the freedom to advocate peaceful social or political change, and to criticize government policy or government officials. Many records feature a short summary of the case that includes basic details about the political or religious imprisonment and the legal process leading to imprisonment. Users may download information about prisoners from the PPD as Adobe Acrobat files or Microsoft Excel spreadsheets.

As of September 2006, the PPD contained more than 3,900 individual case records of political and religious imprisonment in China. The Dui Hua Foundation, based in San Francisco, and the Tibet Information Network, based in London, shared their extensive experience and data on political and religious prisoners in China with the Commission to help establish the database.2 The Dui Hua Foundation continues to do so. The Commission also relies on its own staff research for prisoner information, as well as on information provided by NGOs and other groups that specialize in promoting human rights and opposing political and religious imprisonment.

The PPD is accessible on the Internet at https://ppd.cecc.gov. The Commission Web site contains instructions on how to use the PPD.

Notes to Section VI—Political Prisoner Database

1 Users may search for prisoners by name, using either the Latin alphabet or Chinese characters. Users may construct queries to include personal information (ethnic group, sex, age, occupation, religion), or information about imprisonment (current status of detention, place of detention, prison name, length of sentence, legal process).

2 The Tibet Information Network (TIN) ceased operations in September 2005.

VII. Development of the Rule of Law and Institutions of Democratic Governance

VII(a) DEVELOPMENT OF CIVIL SOCIETY

Civil Society and Government Controls | Developments During 2005 and 2006

FINDINGS

The number of civil society organizations in China is growing, with many organizations undertaking projects such as poverty alleviation, faith-based social work, and legal efforts to protect citizen rights. These organizations include national mass organizations that the Communist Party created and funds, smaller citizen associations registered under national regulations, and loose networks of unregistered grassroots organizations. In February 2006, the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation selected six groups as the first civil society organizations to receive Chinese government funding to run experimental anti-poverty programs, including the China office of a U.S.-based rural development organization.
Central authorities seek to maintain control over civil society groups, halt the emergence of independent organizations, and prevent what they have called the "Westernization" of China. While recognizing the utility of civil society organizations to address social problems, Chinese authorities use strict regulations to limit the growth of an independent civil society. Some Chinese citizens who attempt to organize groups outside of state control have been imprisoned. These include individuals who have attempted to establish independent labor unions and political associations, such as China Free Trade Union Preparatory Committee member Hu Shigen and China Democracy Party member Qin Yongmin; or young intellectuals who organize informal discussion groups, such as New Youth Study Group members Jin Haike, Xu Wei, Yang Zili, and Zhang Honghai.
Chinese officials have taken additional steps to curtail civil society organizations in the past year, but authorities are undecided on how to proceed. Since early 2005, Ministry of Civil Affairs (MOCA) officials have been researching a new administrative system to monitor and control civil society organizations. Many details of the new system are undetermined, such as who will conduct the required evaluations of civil society groups, how the evaluation results will be used, and who will fund the evaluations. At the same time, Chinese authorities have supported limited reforms to the status of civil society organizations. MOCA officials are advocating changes to the tax code to encourage private donations to civil society organizations. Central Party officials have expressed support for the creation of rural farmer cooperatives in annual policy guidelines issued each year since 2004.

Civil Society and Government Controls

The number of civil society organizations in China is growing, with many organizations undertaking projects such as poverty alleviation, faith-based social work, and legal efforts to protect citizen rights.1 These organizations include national mass organizations that the Communist Party created and funds, smaller citizen associations registered under national regulations, and loose networks of unregistered grassroots organizations.2 According to official Chinese statistics, the number of registered civil society organizations increased from 288,936 in 2004 to 317,000 in 2006, but one Chinese source estimates the number of unregistered organizations to be as high as 3 million.3 Chinese authorities support the growth of civil society organizations to help address social problems such as poverty and AIDS.4 Ministry of Civil Affairs (MOCA) officials acknowledge that these organizations have "exerted [a] positive influence in boosting China’s economic growth and helping maintain social stability." 5 In February 2006, the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation selected six groups to be the first civil society organizations to receive Chinese government funding to run experimental anti-poverty programs, including the China office of a U.S.-based rural development organization.6

While recognizing the utility of civil society organizations to address social problems, Chinese authorities use strict regulations to limit the growth of an independent civil society. National regulations issued in 1998 require that civil society organizations have a government-approved sponsor organization to register and obtain legal status.7 The government limits sponsor organizations to designated government and Party bureaus.8 This requirement contravenes Article 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which provides that:

[N]o restrictions shall be placed on the exercise of [the freedom of association] other than those which are prescribed by law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety. . . .9

Chinese regulations that require a government sponsor organization for registration, and that consider all groups that do not register to be illegal, differ from legal standards in many countries and regions, including India, South Korea, the European Union, and the United States.10 Other countries, such as Moldova, Singapore, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, have legal requirements similar to those in China.11

Chinese civil society organizations also have difficulty raising funds, which limits their ability to act independently. The majority of funds raised by environmental civil society organizations is monopolized by a small group of organizations with close official ties, according to a 2005 survey by the All-China Environment Federation (ACEF).12 As a result, these groups avoid direct confrontation with the government. Almost 65 percent of environmental organizations say that they would prefer to cooperate with authorities, while 32.1 percent said they would neither cooperate with nor oppose the government.13 As one officer of a Chinese civil society organization noted, "[we] all recognize that keeping in line with government policies and receiving government approval are indispensable prerequisites for successful action." 14 These pressures are heightened by legal rules that hamper the ability of civil society organizations to raise funds from private domestic donors.15 Current law provides that Chinese corporations may only deduct charitable donations for tax purposes that are made to a few specified groups, and limits tax exemptions to 3 percent of income.16

Central authorities seek to maintain control over civil society groups, halt the emergence of truly independent organizations, and prevent what they have called the "Westernization" of China. Top government and Party officials have stopped citizen efforts to register groups that they perceive as a threat, such as qigong associations and organizations of veterans, laborers, and the unemployed.17 Party officials have ordered the establishment of Party cells within civil society organizations.18 Chinese authorities periodically issue warnings against the use of civil society organizations by "hostile Western forces" to "combat" or "infiltrate" China19 [see Section V(a)—Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression and Section V(d)—Freedom of Religion]. Some Chinese citizens who attempt to organize groups outside of state control have been imprisoned. These individuals include those who have attempted to establish independent labor unions and political associations, such as China Free Trade Union Preparatory Committee member Hu Shigen and China Democracy Party member Qin Yongmin, and young intellectuals who organize informal discussion groups, such as New Youth Study Group members Jin Haike, Yang Zili, Xu Wei, and Zhang Honghai.20

Official reluctance to permit independent citizen associations limits the options of Chinese citizens seeking to protect their interests. According to the 2005 ACEF survey, only 23.3 percent of Chinese environmental civil society groups are registered.21 The absence of applicable national legal standards hampers the development of the approximately 140,000 rural farmer cooperatives established as of 2003. Farmers use these cooperatives to pool resources, increase their competitiveness, and undertake limited collective action against government authorities. National law does not provide clear legal standards for the registration of these organizations. Without legal status, they cannot borrow money from institutional lenders or sign legally binding contracts. Their tax obligations are also unclear. Some have registered with MOCA, others with the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, and others choose not to register.22

Developments During 2005 and 2006

Chinese officials have taken additional steps to curtail civil society organizations in the past year, but recent developments indicate that authorities are undecided on how to proceed with additional controls. In early 2005, an article in an academic journal sponsored by the State Council pressed officials to prevent Western "infiltration and sabotage of China through political NGOs." 23 International NGOs with U.S. ties operating in China subsequently have reported Chinese partners cancelling or withdrawing from projects under government pressure.24 Since 2005, Chinese public security officials have investigated the operations of domestic and international civil society organizations and questioned their staff.25 In February 2006, prominent Chinese AIDS activist Hu Jia resigned from Loving Source, an organization that he helped establish to assist the orphans of AIDS victims, citing pressure on the organization’s international donors. Hu said that the Chinese government "is using soft methods to narrow the space NGOs can exist in. The authorities are worried a civil society would bring about a strong force that challenges its rule." 26 In August 2006, one Western expert on Chinese civil society said that there has been a "virtual paralysis" of official registration by civil society organizations in China, contrasted this with a more permissive climate two years ago, and also noted an increase in self-censorship on the part of civil society organizations that seek to avoid antagonizing the government.27

Since early 2005, Ministry of Civil Affairs (MOCA) officials have been researching a new administrative system to supervise and control civil society organizations. In March 2005, MOCA established a leading group to develop this system. During the summer of 2005, MOCA sponsored research on the new system in Jinan and Qingdao municipalities in Shandong province, and participated in international conferences regarding new management techniques for civil society organizations in the fall of 2005.28 News media reports and official statements say that the system will be designed to "evaluate" and "rate" civil society organizations.29 Many details of the new system have not been determined, such as who will conduct the evaluations, how the evaluation results will be used, and who will fund the evaluations.30 Provincial efforts to implement the new system suggest that it will augment rather than replace existing controls. For example, Jiangxi provincial officials called for the implementation of the new administrative system in March 2006, and said that it should operate in addition to existing registration authorities and official sponsor organizations.31 A MOCA official said these efforts seek to improve the "quality" of civil society organizations,32 while MOCA-sponsored conferences have linked these efforts to the elimination of "illegal organizations." 33

Central government officials continue to consider draft revisions to the 1998 regulations that govern civil society organizations. Although MOCA officials have suggested that the sponsor organization requirement be abolished,34 other central government officials have rejected this option. State publications note that "there are no fundamental changes in the draft revision[s]" and that the sponsor organization requirement will remain unchanged.35 News reports suggest that the planned revisions contain a degree of liberalization, allowing authorities discretion to register multiple civil organizations of the same type in the same administrative area, and removing high capital requirements for registration.36 Reports also indicate that the revisions will allow international organizations that operate in China to register, but will also require them to have approved sponsor organizations.37 Existing regulations do not specify a procedure for most foreign NGOs to register, and therefore their status is unclear.38 The reported content of the revisions corresponds to the approach taken in 2004 national regulations on foundations, which replaced a prior set of rules on the same subject.39

Chinese authorities have supported limited reforms to the status of civil society organizations. MOCA officials are advocating changes to the tax code to encourage private donations to civil society organizations.40 Central Communist Party officials have expressed support for the creation of rural farmer cooperatives in annual policy guidelines issued each year since 2004.41 Zhejiang provincial officials have experimented with granting legal status to these cooperatives, passing the first set of provincial regulations in 2004, and registering the first group of associations under these rules in 2005.42 In 2006, Chinese leaders voiced support for national legislation to reform lending, tax, and registration treatment of rural farmer cooperatives.43 The National People’s Congress (NPC) has placed relevant proposals on the 2006 legislative calendar. Nonetheless, NPC delegates say that the central government’s attitude toward these organizations remains "cautious" and that central officials only support these reforms because they have concluded that these cooperatives are economic in nature, and will not become involved in political issues.44

Notes to Section VII(a)—Development of Civil Society

1 Building a "Harmonious Society" in China: Non-Governmental and Faith-Based Organizations as Agents of Social Change and Stability, 26 September 05, Oral Statements of He Daofeng, Vice President and Executive Director of the China Foundation for Poverty Alleviation; Qiu Zhonghui, General Secretary, Amity Foundation; Chen Taiyong, China Director, Heifer International. According to Ministry of Civil Affairs (MOCA) statistics, the number of registered social organizations increased from 153,000 in 2004 to 169,533 in 2006, non-governmental, noncommercial enterprises (NGNCEs) increased from 135,000 to 146,432, and foundations from 936 to 1035. "Ministry of Civil Affairs Releases 2004 Statistical Report on the Development of Civil Affairs Work" [Minzheng bu gongbu 2004 nian minzheng shiye fazhan tongji baogao], Xinhua (Online), 11 May 05; Ministry of Civil Affairs (Online), "Ministry of Civil Affairs Releases First Quarter 2006 Statistical Report on the Development of Civil Affairs Work" [Minzheng bu gongbu 2006 nian diyi jidu minzheng shiye fazhan tongji baogao], 21 April 06; "Inspiration From an ‘Alternative Form of Defending Rights’," Liaowang, 16 May 05, (Open Source Center, 19 Aug 05).

2 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 81.

3 "Ministry of Civil Affairs Releases 2004 Statistical Report on the Development of Civil Affairs Work," Xinhua; Ministry of Civil Affairs, "Ministry of Civil Affairs Releases First Quarter 2006 Statistical Report on the Development of Civil Affairs Work;" Zhao Ling and Dong Shuhua, "New Regulations on Social Organizations to be Issued This Year: Civil Society Organizations to Receive Appropriate Encouragement" [Xin shetuan tiaoli nian nei chutai: minjian zuzhi jiang huo shidu guli], Southern Weekend (Online), 18 May 05.

4 "China Encourages NGO’s Participation in Fight Against AIDS," Xinhua (Online), 22 March 06; "Six NGOs in China To Receive State Funding for Poverty Relief," China Daily, 22 February 06, (Open Source Center, 22 February 06).

5 "Chinese NGO’s Wish to be Helpful to Government," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 7 May 06.

6 "Government Changes Needed To Clarify NGO’s Role in China," Beijing Review (Online), 31 March 06; "Six NGOs in China To Receive State Funding for Poverty Relief," China Daily (Online), 22 February 06.

7 Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations [Shehui tuanti dengji guanli tiaoli], issued 25 October 98, art. 6; Temporary Regulations on the Registration and Management of Non-Governmental, Non-Commercial Enterprises [Mingong feiqiye danwei dengji guanli zanxing tiaoli], issued 25 September 98, art. 5.

8 The 2004 annual MOCA review of approved national social organizations lists their corresponding sponsor organizations and illustrates the Party and government links with Chinese civil society organizations. Ministry of Civil Affairs (Online), Report on the 2004 Annual Review of National Social Organizations [2004 niandu quanguoxing shehui tuanti nianjian jieguo gonggao], 3 May 05. See also Ministry of Civil Affairs Circular Regarding Who May Serve as a Sponsor Organization [Minzheng bu guanyu chongxin shehui tuanti yewu guanli danwei de tongzhi], issued February 00, art. 4.

9 Article 20 of the UDHR and Article 5 of the Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups, and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms also generally guarantee the freedom of association and assembly.

10 Ministry of Civil Affairs Temporary Measures on the Suppression of Illegal Civil Society Organizations, issued 6 April 00, art. 2; The Societies Registration Act, issued 1860, arts. 1–3; The Johns Hopkins University Center for Civil Society Studies, "Defining the Nonprofit Sector: South Korea," 2002, 6, 16. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has interpreted language in Article 11 of the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms that is nearly identical to Article 22 of the ICCPR as endowing citizens with "the right to form a legal entity in order to act collectively in a field of mutual interest." Sidiropolous v. Greece, ECHR (57/1997/841/1047) (Chamber decision, July 10, 1998), 19. It has barred states from refusing legal status to groups absent a specific showing that the association seeking registration would threaten territorial integrity, national security, or public order. Ibid, 20. It has also barred efforts by states to dissolve associations or political parties absent similar findings. See, e.g., The United Communist Party of Turkey v. Turkey—19392/92 [1998] ECHR 1 (30 January 1998), which states that, in relation to the "democratic society" clause, "there can be no democracy without pluralism." The U.S. Supreme Court has upheld against constitutional challenge government registration schemes imposing criminal penalties on Communist organizations that are found "under the direction, domination, or control of certain foreign powers" and fail to register. Unlike existing Chinese law, these registration schemes do not deny legal status to organizations. In addition, in upholding these schemes, the Supreme Court specifically noted that the relevant legislation required that government findings "be made after full administrative hearing, subject to judicial review which opens the record for the reviewing court’s determination whether the administrative findings as to fact are supported by the preponderance of the evidence." Communist Party of the United States v. Subversive Activities Control Board, 367 U.S. 1, 86–7 (1961).

11 Regulations on the Registration and Management of Social Organizations, arts. 11(2), 35; OSCE, "Freedom of Association: The Question of NGO Registration (1998)," 11; The Societies Act, enacted 1966, arts 9(3), 14.

12 Yang Shi, "2768 Groups: Getting to the Bottom of Environmental NGOs" [2768 jia: Mo di huanbao NGO], 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 25 April 06.

13 Ibid.

14 Ibid.

15 "Official: China to Further Support Charities by Tax Exemption Policies," Xinhua, 17 June 05 (Open Source Center, 17 June 05); Jiang Yanxin, "China May Legislate on Charitable Contributions" [Shankuan zhipei youwang lifa], Beijing News (Online), 22 November 05.

16 Trial Regulations on Enterprise Income Tax [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo qiye suodeshui zanxing tiaoli], issued 13 December 93, art. 6(4) (specifying the 3 percent cap); Ministry of Finance Circular on Distributing the "Implementation Details for the Trial Regulations on Enterprise Income Tax" [Caizheng bu guanyu yinfa "Zhonghua renmin gongheguo qiye suodeshui zanxing tiaoli shishi xize" de tongzhi], issued 4 February 94, art. 12 (designating the Chinese Red Cross, All-China Foundation for the Elderly, Project Hope, five other groups, and "other non-profit, public-interest organizations allowed to be established by the Ministry of Civil Affairs). Tax authorities have periodically approved other organizations as authorized recipients of tax-deductible contributions. See Ministry of Finance and State Administration of Taxation Circular on Tax Policy Regarding Contributions To China’s Foundation for Work With the Elderly and Seven Other Work Units [Caizheng bu guojia shuiwu ju guanyu zhongguo laoling shiye fazhan jijinhui deng 8 jia danwei juanzeng suodeshui zhengce wenti de tongzhi], issued 6 June 06; State Tax Administration Circular Regarding Tax-Exempt Contributions to the Chinese Association For the Promotion of Ethnic Unity [Guojia shuiwu ju guanyu nashui ren tongguo zhonghua minzu tuanjie jinbu xiehui gongyi jiuji juanzeng shuiqian kouhe wenti de tongzhi], issued 21 May 04.

17 Circular of the General Offices of the Communist Party Central Committee and State Council on Strengthening the Management of Civil Society Organizations [Zhonggong zhongyang bangongting guowuyuan bangongting guanyu jinyibu jiaqiang minjian zuzhi guanli gongzuo de tongzhi], issued 1 November 99, art. 2.

18 Ibid., para. 7; Central Party Circular on Problems Related to the Creation of Party Organizations in Social Organizations [Zhonggong zhongyang zuzhi bu, minzheng bu guanyu zai shehui tuanti zhong jianli dang zuzhi you guan wenti de tongzhi], issued 1998, art. 1.

19 Circular of the General Offices of the Communist Party Central Committee and State Council on Strengthening the Management of Civil Society Organizations; Circular of the General Offices of the Communist Party Central Committee and State Council on Strengthening the Management of Social Organizations and Non-Governmental, Non-Commercial Enterprises, issued 28 August 96; CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 83.

20 See the Commission’s Political Prisoner Database. Chinese authorities released Tong Shidong on March 9, 2006, at the expiration of his sentence. Qin Yongmin, Xu Wei, Jin Haike, Yang Zili, and Zhang Honghai remain imprisoned.

21 Yang Shi, "2768 Groups: Getting to the Bottom of Environmental NGOs."

22 "Farmer Cooperatives: Urgently Awaiting Resolution of the Difficult Question of Their ‘Black Status’ " [Nongmin hezuo jidai pojie "heihu" nanti], Beijing News (Online), 8 March 06.

23 Chen Xiangyang, "PRC: Journal Views NGO Challenges to China, Warns of Western Infiltration Through NGOs," China Economic Daily, 26 May 05 (Open Source Center, 27 May 05).

24 CECC Staff Interview.

25 "Investigation Sends Chill Through Activist Groups," Associated Press, reprinted in South China Morning Post (Online), 31 August 06.

26 "China Activist Quits Amid Crackdown on NGOs," Reuters (Online), 7 February 06.

27 "Investigation Sends Chill Through Activist Groups," Associated Press.

28 Liao Hong, "Speech at the Forum of Evaluating the Work of Some Provincial and Municipal Civil Society Organizations" [Zai bufen shengshi minjian zuzhi pinggu gongzuo zuotanhui shangde jianghua], China NPO Network (Online), 28 March 06.

29 "Ministry of Civil Affairs To ‘Rate’ Domestic NGOs" [Minzhengbu jiang gei minjian zuzhi ‘dafen’], Beijing News (Online), 31 August 05.

30 Liao Hong, "Speech at the Forum of Evaluating the Work of Some Provincial and Municipal Civil Society Organizations."

31 Ministry of Civil Affairs (Online), "Jiangxi Provincial Civil Affairs Department Positively Guides and Helps Civil Society Organizations To Raise Their Overall Quality" [Jiangxi shengminzhengting jiji yindao bangzhu minjian zuzhi tigao zhengti suzhi], 15 March 06.

32 "Ministry of Civil Affairs To ‘Rate’ Domestic NGOs," Beijing News; Liao Hong, "Speech atthe Forum of Evaluating the Work of Some Provincial and Municipal Civil Society Organizations."

33 Ministry of Civil Affairs (Online), "Number of Social Organizations Reaches 289,000, Regulating Their Development Has Become an Urgent Task" [Minjian zuzhi dadao 28.9 wan guifan fazhan cheng poqie renwu], 31 August 05.

34 Guo Xiaojun, "NGOs May Not Require a Sponsor Organization In Order To Register" [NGO zhuce you wang wu xu zhuguan danwei], Beijing News (Online), 18 October 04; "Three Chinese Think Tanks Advise on Civil Society Legislation; Is the Spring for Grassroots NGOs Coming? " [Sandazhiku jianyan shehui guanli lifa, caogen NGO de chuntian lailin?], 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 29 November 04.

35 "Beijing Review Profiles Development, Social Role of NGOs in China," Beijing Review, 1 July 05 (Open Source Center, 1 July 05).

36 Ibid.; "New Regulations on Social Organizations To Be Released This Year, Non-Governmental Groups to Receive Moderate Support" [Xinshetuan tiaoli niannei chutai, minjian zuzhi jiang huo shidu guli], Southern Daily (Online), 19 May 05.

37 Ibid.

38 The 2004 Regulations on Foundations created a channel for foreign foundations to register representative offices in China. Regulations on the Management of Foundations [Jinjinhui guanli tiaoli], issued 8 March 04, art. 13. This contrasts with the corresponding 1998 regulations governing social organizations and NGNCEs. Some foreign NGOs have registered as for-profit corporations, some have obtained specific individual approval for their activities, and others operate without any official registration. CECC Staff Interview.

39 Carl Minzner, "New Chinese Regulations on Foundations," 2 International Journal of Civil Society Law 110 (April 2004).

40 "Farmer Cooperatives: Urgently Awaiting Resolution of the Difficult Question of Their ‘Black Status,’ " Beijing News; CECC Staff Interview, Karla Simon, Professor of Law, Catholic University of America.

41 "Farmer Cooperatives: Urgently Awaiting Resolution of the Difficult Question of Their ‘Black Status,’ " Beijing News.

42 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 82; "Rural Cooperative Organizations Obtain Legal Status" [Nongmin hezuo zuzhi shouhuo faren shenfen], Beijing News (Online), 10 May 05.

43 Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside [Zhonggong zhongyang guowuyuan guanyu tuijin shehui zhuyi xin nongcun jianshe de ruogan yijian], issued 31 December 05.

44 "Farmer Cooperatives: Urgently Awaiting Resolution of the Difficult Question of Their ‘Black Status,’ " Beijing News.

VII(b) INSTITUTIONS OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE AND LEGISLATIVE REFORM

Introduction | Stronger Party Controls | Limited Public Participation Reforms

FINDINGS

China has an authoritarian political system controlled by the Communist Party. Party committees formulate all major state policies before the government implements them. The Party dominates Chinese legislative bodies such as the National People’s Congress (NPC), and fills all important government positions in executive and judicial institutions through an internal selection process. Party control extends throughout institutions of local government.
In 2005, the central leadership called for strengthened controls over society to address mounting social unrest and to suppress dissent. Chinese authorities have ruled out building representative democratic institutions to address citizen complaints about corruption and abuse of power, and instead are recentralizing government posts into the hands of individual Party secretaries.
The absence of popular and legal constraints to check the behavior of Party officials has led to widespread corruption and citizen anger. The Party has strengthened the role of internal responsibility systems to moderate official behavior, but these systems have provided some local Party officials with new incentives to conceal information and abuse their power.
Since the 1980s, officials have introduced limited reforms to allow citizens to vote in village elections. While these reforms are a step forward in permitting citizen participation at the local level, the reforms are designed to strengthen Party governance and do not represent Party acceptance of representative government.
Since the late 1990s, the Party has experimented with reforms that allow a limited degree of citizen participation in the selection of local Party cadres, but the Party retains tight control over the candidate pool and the selection process. Since 2000, Chinese authorities have experimented with the use of legislative hearings to solicit public views on pending legislation, and the NPC held its first controlled public hearing in September 2005.
Since 2000, the central government has announced new transparency requirements for local governments. In March 2005, central authorities specifically required county and provincial governments to increase transparency and popular participation in government decisionmaking. Implementation of these "open government" requirements varies, but some local governments have taken steps toward greater transparency.

Introduction

Party committees serve as the leadership core over all [government and mass] organizations at the same level . . . and through Party committees and cadres in these organizations, ensure that the Party’s policies are carried out. . . . Through legal procedures and democratic discussion, Party committees ensure that Party proposals become the will of the state and that candidates recommended by Party organizations become leaders in the institutions of state power.1

Party control extends throughout institutions of local government. Party institutions control the selection of judges, and local Party committees influence which judges are posted to their localities.2 Many local Party secretaries serve concurrently as head of the local people’s congress (LPC).3 County and township Party secretaries also control LPC and village elections through the election leadership groups which they often head.4 The Party constitution charges delegates to Party congresses with selecting and controlling local Party committees,5 but, as a U.S. expert noted at a Commission roundtable, delegates "are generally uninformed as to the content of the Party congress or who they are to vote for until just before the congress meets." 6

China’s authoritarian one-party system does not comply with international human rights standards contained in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).7 Article 25 of the ICCPR requires that citizens be allowed to "take part in the conduct of political affairs" and "to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections." Under General Comment 25 to the ICCPR, this language requires that:

The right of persons to stand for election should not be limited unreasonably by requiring candidates to be members of parties or of specific parties;
Party membership should not be a condition of eligibility to vote;
It is implicit in Article 25 that [elected] representatives do in fact exercise governmental power and that they are accountable through the electoral process for their exercise of that power;
An independent electoral authority should be established to supervise the electoral process and to ensure that it is conducted fairly, impartially, and in accordance with established laws which are compatible with the ICCPR;
Freedom of expression, assembly, and association are essential conditions for the effective exercise of the right to vote and must be fully protected.

The absence of popular and legal constraints to check the behavior of Party officials has led to widespread corruption and citizen anger. Although Party policy documents assert that one-party control is necessary for social stability,8 senior Chinese officials have acknowledged that the inability of local Party cadres to respond to citizen grievances is contributing to rising social unrest.9 As one U.S. expert noted, "the power concentrated in the hands of the Party secretary and standing committee has led to corruption and other abuses of power that have fed social protests and a general decline in the legitimacy of the Party in recent years." 10 For example, thousands of local Chinese officials have used their positions to acquire financial interests in local mines, hampering efforts to improve their safety [see Section V(c)—Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights]. In some localities, police collude with criminal forces11 [see Section V(b)—Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants—Public Security and Coercive Use of Police Power]. In June 2005, local officials hired armed thugs to break up a protest by farmers in Shengyou village, Hebei province, killing six villagers and wounding more than 100. Villagers had opposed local government efforts to seize their land and claimed that local officials had embezzled money that should have gone to the villagers.12 Ministry of Public Security statistics show that incidents of "mass gatherings to disturb social order" rose by 13 percent from 2004 to 2005.13 Weak protection of labor rights and worker discontent over unpaid wages and benefits resulted in an increase in mass labor disputes from 1,482 in 1994 to 11,000 in 2003.14 Both collective and individual citizen petitions seeking official redress have increased steadily from 1993 to 2004.15

Party secretaries can block access to local information sources that might challenge their control,16 which stifles the role of the media as a check on the abuse of government power. In November 2005, Jilin provincial officials prevented the news media from reporting on an industrial accident and massive benzene leak on the Songhua River for more than a week. The delayed local government response impeded central government efforts to manage the crisis, caused panic among the citizens of Harbin city, and created a diplomatic incident with Russia17 [see Section V(f)—The Environment]. In June 2005, Hong Kong news media reported that Party propaganda officials issued a directive limiting publication of critical investigative reports by local news media through a requirement that state-run news media first clear the articles with the local Party committee.18 [See Section V(a)—Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression.]

Chinese authorities have ruled out building representative democratic institutions to address citizen complaints about corruption and abuse of power,19 and are recentralizing government posts into the hands of individual Party secretaries. Officials are also relying on top-down personnel controls to address local governance problems,20 but these measures have increased incentives for some local Party secretaries to conceal problems from their superiors, and thus risk compounding the issue.21 One Commission roundtable witness noted that "rural governance can only be improved within the current framework by strengthening the measures to monitor government by the local congress[es] and farmers’ organizations," but that "Chinese rural governments have no impetus to initiate their own reform. . . ." 22

Stronger Party Controls

In 2005, Communist Party officials called for strengthened controls over society to address mounting social problems and suppress dissent. In October 2005, the Party Central Committee and State Council issued an opinion calling for strengthened controls over society, and the accompanying press statement set a 2006 goal to reduce the number of "mass incidents" that disturb public order, including strikes, marches, demonstrations, and collective petitions to government authorities.23 In January 2005, Party leaders launched an "advanced education" campaign to strengthen Party organizations and to conduct political education for Party cadres. Officials expanded the campaign to rural areas in November 2005.24 Party officials assert that this propaganda campaign will help reduce social unrest.25 A December 2005 Party and State Council joint opinion called for strengthening village autonomous institutions (such as elected village committees), but "under village Party leadership." 26 Government officials tightened controls over the press and imposed new restrictions on the Internet [see Section V(a)—Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression]. Authorities issued warnings about the activities of civil society organizations, and are preparing new measures to monitor and control them [see Section VII(a)—Development of Civil Society].

Party officials say that the Chinese government "will absolutely not imitate Western political models," and they are strengthening Communist consultative institutions instead of creating representative political bodies.27 At the March 2005 meeting of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), Central Party School Vice President Li Junru contrasted the Chinese system of "elections plus consultation" with "discredited" Western liberal democratic models.28 The CPPCC is a Party-led organization that includes Party members, representatives of Party mass organizations, and non-Party members that closely align themselves with Party goals, including members of the eight minor "democratic" parties permitted under Chinese law.29 Li said, "[i]n order to address foreign and domestic challenges regarding the issue of democracy, particularly the challenge of the ‘color revolutions,’ the advantages of the CPPCC need to be brought into play more effectively." 30 In February 2006, Party authorities issued an opinion on strengthening the CPPCC.31 It described "Chinese socialist democracy" as including not only elections but also "political consultation" between CPPCC and Party officials before important policy decisions are made.32 It emphasized the role of the CPPCC in reflecting popular opinion and providing government and Party leaders with suggestions.33 It also called for stronger guarantees that non-Party members may participate in consultations about government policies.34 Foreign and Chinese news media have noted that Chinese government and Party officials see the CPPCC as a means to address mounting social unrest and popular grievances.35

Party officials are recentralizing government posts into the hands of Party secretaries, reversing reforms from the late 1980s in which Party leaders took some steps toward separating government and Party roles.36 Chinese authorities now encourage local Party secretaries to serve as the heads of local people’s congresses (LPCs), and also encourage the same person to be village Party secretary and village committee head.37 The Party’s September 2004 "Decision on Strengthening the Party’s Ruling Capacity" instructed officials to increase the number of dual Party-government appoint-ments.38 In 2005, Anhui provincial authorities expanded to 17 counties an experimental program that implements the 2004 Decision.39 The Anhui program promotes having township Party secretaries serve concurrently as the head of township governments.40 Reforms in individual townships require other government positions to be held by lower-ranking Party committee members.41 Local officials say that the reforms seek to reduce overlapping responsibilities between government and Party officials, thereby decreasing the size of government and the local tax burden. Chinese domestic media has raised concerns about the wisdom of concentrating power in the hands of a single Party official.42

Chinese authorities increasingly use responsibility systems that, in the absence of popular and legal constraints on their power, provide incentives for local Party officials to conceal information and engage in illegal behavior. Responsibility systems link career rewards and sanctions to the success of local officials in meeting government and policy goals for social order, population planning, and other issues.43 Because no meaningful popular participation constrains the behavior of local officials, responsibility systems create incentives for abuse of authority, as officials try to fulfill the goals set by their superiors. Such abuses include covering up mining accidents to meet safety goals [see Section V(c)—Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights], coercing women to have abortions to meet population planning targets [see Section V(h)— Population Planning], and illegally detaining petitioners to meet social order objectives [see Section VII(c)—Access to Justice]. In July 2005, the State Council issued an opinion promoting the use of these top-down personnel systems.44 Since that time, authorities have ordered responsibility systems to be implemented widely for officials in charge of enforcing intellectual property rights,45 prohibiting illegal mining,46 protecting the environment,47 and supervising the judiciary [see Section VII(c)—Access to Justice]. In December 2005, central Party officials said that government and Party leaders at all levels should bear personal responsibility for maintaining social order.48

Limited Public Participation Reforms

allay local discontent, to respond to growing demands for greater participation in politics, and to better monitor local agents of the state. . . . [They intend to] improve Party responsiveness both to reduce societal discontent and to preserve the Party’s ruling position.51

These reforms attempt to "gain the sort of input that elections normally provide, but without introducing electoral democracy." 52 In an October 2005 joint opinion, Party and State Council officials specified that they want to create a system in which "the Party leads, the government bears responsibility, society assists, and the people participate." 53

Since the late 1990s, the Party has experimented with reforms that allow a limited degree of citizen participation in the selection of local Party cadres, but the Party retains tight control over the candidate pool and the selection process. Party regulations adopted in 1995 and 2002 granted officials the discretion to permit public participation in nominations of government and Party leaders.54 But the regulations warned that Party selection of nominees should not depend solely on the total number of votes received in the nomination process.55 "Public nomination, direct election" experiments are currently under way in 217 counties in 13 provinces.56 These experiments, however, grant citizens only a small role in the nomination of potential candidates, while allowing Party committees to strike names from the nominee lists, and giving Party members the final authority to choose officials.57 For example, in February 2006 elections for the township Party committee in Longtoupu, Hunan province, Party members and non-Party citizen delegates first selected candidates from 16 nominees. The system weighted the selection process in favor of Party members, however, by restricting the proportion of citizen delegates to 30 percent (136) of the number of Party members (433). Party members then participated in a Party-only election to choose seven township committee members from the nine remaining candidates.58

Since 2000, Chinese authorities have experimented with the use of hearings to solicit public views on pending legislation.59 The National People’s Congress held its first controlled public hearing in September 2005. It chose 20 people, including academics and migrant workers, from among nearly 5,000 applicants to offer opinions on a proposal to raise the minimum taxable income.60 The 2002 Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) Law generally requires authorities and developers to hold public hearings or use other means to solicit public and expert input when projects may have a significant environmental impact.61 The 2003 Administrative Licensing Law places similar requirements on government efforts to create administrative licensing schemes.62 National authorities at the State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) and local authorities in cities such as Shenyang city in Liaoning province have adopted implementing measures for holding hearings under these two laws.63 Environmental authorities and activists used public hearings in 2004 and 2005 to challenge some development projects.64

Citizen efforts to use hearings to advocate for change have been hampered both by the opposition of some central government officials and by rules that do not require hearings until late in the regulatory drafting process. SEPA sponsored two environmental hearings in Beijing that received wide news media coverage and allowed the public to air concerns about the projects, but the hearings had limited impact on the projects. Some Western experts have noted that the hearings occurred well after the projects were under way.65 Government authorities responded to public opposition to government plans to dam the Nujiang (Nu River) by temporarily halting the project, conducting a closed internal review, and banning further news media coverage of the topic66 [see Section V(f)—The Environment—Public Participation in Environmental Protection]. Chinese officials have taken steps to curb SEPA’s activism in the field of environmental protection. Soon after SEPA ordered the closure of 30 construction projects in early 2005 for failure to comply with EIA procedures, other central government officials overruled the decision.67

The central government has also announced transparency requirements for local governments. In 2000, the Party and State Council issued a joint opinion directing township authorities to make information available to the public on government administration and local finances. The joint opinion also encouraged authorities at the county level and above to experiment with such policies.68 A March 2005 opinion expanded these requirements, announced the principle that government information generally should be made public, placed specific requirements on county and provincial governments, and linked these steps to efforts to increase popular participation in supervising government decisions.69 Neither opinion requires officials to make Party information public. Implementation of these "open government" requirements varies, but some local governments, including the cities of Shanghai and Guangzhou, have taken steps toward greater openness.70

Local experiments with governance reform can result in positive changes when they are linked to substantive and independent citizen oversight. Officials in Wuyi county in Zhejiang province have allowed the creation of "village affairs supervision committees" with veto power over the financial decisions of the local Party branch and the village committee.71 Villagers select supervision committee members through direct election, and the committee may not include Party branch or village committee members. The reforms have helped check official corruption and have provided limited space for citizen political participation.72 Nonetheless, supervision committees in Wuyi remain dependent on the support of individual reform-minded Party cadres, and officials threatened by these reforms have resisted such efforts.73

In December 2005, the government placed reform of laws governing village and residents’ committees (VCs, RCs) on the national 2006 legislative plan.74 In October 2005, provincial Ministry of Civil Affairs officials prepared draft proposals for reform of the Organic Law on Village Committees. The proposed changes would regularize and clarify campaign rules, allow village representative assemblies to choose the village election committee, and require townships to organize village recall elections if a village assembly fails to handle a recall.75 These changes do not address issues such as township government and local Party control over VCs. Party regulations and directives require local Party branches to direct VC election work.76 One local Party organization bureau official explained that this mandate requires the local Party secretary to head the election committee that is charged with supervising the elections; to organize Party members to serve on the election committee; to encourage Party members to run for the position of VC head; and to bar the registration of candidates who belong to unregistered religious groups, oppose population planning policies, or organize mass petitions.77

Local Party and township government control over local elections undermines the protections granted to citizens by national law. In July 2005, residents of Taishi village, Guangdong province, launched a recall campaign pursuant to the provisions of Article 16 of the Organic Law on Village Committees that authorize such efforts.78 The recall sought to remove the official serving as both local Party branch secretary and village committee head, whom they accused of misusing village revenue from land sales.79 In September 2005, township and village officials suppressed the recall effort. They removed village financial documents from government offices, forced popularly elected members of the recall committee to resign, arrested and beat dozens of residents and activists, and barred reporters from entering the village.80 In March 2006, a leader of the Taishi recall effort lost a township local people’s congress election bid against a rival candidate supported by local officials. The defeated candidate and his supporters alleged that the rival candidate bought votes and that the election committee and local officials tampered with the ballots.81

Notes to Section VII(b)—Institutions of Democratic Governance and Legislative Reform

1 State Council Information Office, White Paper on Building of Political Democracy in China, Xinhua (Online), 19 October 05.

2 "Jiangxi Party Authorities Support Judicial Independence, But Under Party Control," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 12.

3 Notice on Reissuance of Implementing Opinion on Zhejiang Province, City, County, and Township Organizational Reform [Guanyu yinfa ‘Zhejiang sheng shi xian xiang jigou gaige shishi yijian’ de tongzhi], issued 2 March 01, art. 3(3); Standing Committee of Jinan People’s Congress (Online), [Jinan] Report Regarding the Turnover Election Work Situation During 2002 for the City’s Town and Township Local People’s Congresses [Guanyu 2002 nian quan shi xiang zhen renda huanjie xuanju gongzuo anpai qingkuang de huibao], 27 November 01, art. 4; Taizhou Government (Online), Taixing Launches Comprehensive Town and Township Reforms, Personnel of Public Institutions To Be Reduced by 502 [Taixing qidong xiangzhen zonghe peitao gaige jiguan shiye danwei bianzhi jiang jianshao 502 ming], 17 October 05.

4 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 93–94.

5 PRC Constitution, art. 25. Party congresses meet only once every five years. Ibid., art. 24.

6 Political Change in China? Public Participation and Local Governance Reforms, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 15 May 06, Written Statement Submitted by Joseph Fewsmith, Director of East Asian Studies Program and Professor of International Relations and Political Science, Boston University.

7 China has signed, but has not yet ratified, the ICCPR. The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China’s top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005, statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004 speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

8 "White Paper on Building of Political Democracy in China," 19 October 05. "The CPC’s leadership and rule is an objective requirement of the country’s development and progress. . . . The CPC’s leadership and rule is needed for safeguarding China’s unification and keeping Chinese society harmonious and stable. . . . The CPC’s leadership and rule is needed for making the state power stable." Ibid.

9 Shi Jiangtao, "One Campaign ‘Won’t End Protests’," South China Morning Post (Online), 8 July 05; "Central Organization Department Introduces the Situation of the Advanced Education Campaign for Communist Party Members" [Zhongzubu jieshao baochi gongchan dangyuan xianjinxing jiaoyu huodong qingkuang], Xinhua, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 7 July 05.

10 Political Change in China? Public Participation and Local Governance Reforms, Written Statement Submitted by Joseph Fewsmith. Party regulations vest Party committees with control over elections. Communist Party Regulations on the Work of Grassroots Rural Organizations [Zhongguo gongchang dang nongcun jiceng zuzhi gongzuo tiaoli], issued February 99, arts. 8, 9.

11 Wang Mei, "In Nine Years, Almost 10,000 Police Have Been Suspended For Disciplinary Violations" [9 Nian nei yu wan wei ji minjing bei chu ting zhi], Beijing News (Online), 15 February 06.

12 Philip Pan, "Chinese Peasants Attacked in Land Dispute," Washington Post (Online), 15 June 05; "Local Party Secretary Receives Life Sentence for Authorizing Villager Shootings," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 12.

13 Ministry of Public Security (Online), "Public Order Stable Throughout China During 2005, Serious Violent Crimes Show Clear Decline" [2005 nian quanguo shehui zhi’an wending yanzhong baoli fanzui mingxian xia jiang], 19 January 06.

14 "Rise in Collective Disputes Attributed to Weak Protections of Worker Rights," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 13.

15 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 97.

16 "State and Party-Run Web Sites Publish Op-Ed Critical of Local Censorship," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 17.

17 Kim Hunter Gordon, "Ssh, Don’t Mention It to the Emperor," The Observer, 4 December 05; "Wen Jiabao Writes to Russian Premier Regarding Songhua Incident" [Wen Jiabao jiu songhua jiang shijian zhi xin e zongli], Beijing News (Online), 7 December 05.

18 "Chinese Government Increases Censorship by Restricting ‘Extra-Territorial’ Reporting," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2005, 2.

19 "White Paper on Building of Political Democracy in China," 19 October 05.

20 See infra, (notes 24–29, 33–45) and accompanying text.

21 Ibid.

22 Political Change in China? Public Participation and Local Governance Reforms, Written Statement Submitted by Xie Gang, Former Senior Program Officer, Law and Governance Programs, Asia Foundation.

23 "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 14; "General Offices of the CCP Central Committee and State Council Reissuance of ‘Opinion on Deeply Carrying Out Peaceful Construction’ " [Zhong ban, Guo ban zhuanfa "Guanyu shenru kaizhan pingan jianshe de yijian"], Xinhua, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 4 December 05. Chen Jiping, general office director of the Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security, called for the implementation of similar social order measures in a December 27, 2004 interview. "Central Committee for the Comprehensive Management of Public Security Responds to Journalists Questions Regarding Deepening Peaceful Construction" [Zhongyang zongzhiban fuzeren jiu guanyu kaizhan pingan jianshe de yijian da jizhe], Legal Daily, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 5 December 05.

24 "News Department Holds Press Conference on the Situation of Promoting Rural Advanced Education" [Xinwen ban jiu tuijin nongcun xianjin jiaoyu huodong qingkuang juxing fabuhui], China Net, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 1 March 06.

25 Ibid.

26 Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside [Zhonggong zhongyang guowuyuan guanyu tuijin shehui zhuyi xin nongcun jianshe de ruogan yijian], issued 31 December 05. Village committees (VCs) are the lowest level of governance in Chinese rural and urban areas, underneath township (xiang/zhen) or street committees (jiedaochu). VCs and RCs serve as tools of top-down social control. They keep tabs on local residents, provide information to local police, and monitor compliance with government policies such as birth control and taxation requirements. However, VCs and RCs also operate as community institutions addressing local needs. They provide basic social services, mediate civil disputes, and offer a forum for residents to address local problems. CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 91, endnote 15.

27 Communist Party Central Committee Opinion on Strengthening the Work of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference [Zhonggong zhongyang guanyu jiaqiang renmin zhengxie gongzuo de yijian], issued 8 February 06; "Party Calls for Stronger National Consultative Body To Enhance Party Governance," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 8–9. "White Paper on Building of Political Democracy in China," 19 October 05. Party directives issued in 2004 and 2005 also directed Party officials to strengthen the role of the CPPCC and the National People’s Congress, to help the public participate more in the legislative process, to make it easier for delegates to comment on legislative issues, and to assist in the oversight of government operations.

28 Pan Haitao, "Li Junru: The Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Offers Unique Advantages in Responding to the ‘Color Revolutions’ " [Li Junru: yingdui "caise geming" zhongguo zhengxie juyou dute youshi], China Net (Online), 10 March 06.

29 "Units the CPPCC is Composed of," China Net (Online), 20 May 03.

30 Pan Haitao, "Li Junru: The Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference Offers Unique Advantages in Responding to the ‘Color Revolutions’."

31 Communist Party Central Committee Opinion on Strengthening the Work of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference.

32 Ibid., art. 1.

33 Ibid., art. 5.

34 Ibid. The Opinion calls for Party members to respect the right of non-Party CPPCC members to participate in discussions and proposals about major government decisions, proposes a "relatively larger" number of non-Party members in the CPPCC, and recommends a "certain number" of non-Party members in CPPCC leadership positions.

35 Audra Ang, "Chinese Advisors May Tackle Rural Unrest," Associated Press, reprinted in Guardian (Online), 2 March 06; Luo Qiping, Wang Shengke, and Zhang Liwei, "No. 5 Document and New Space for the CPPCC" [Wu hao wenjian yu zhengxie xin kongjian], 21st Century Business Herald (Online), 6 March 06.

36 National Policy Foundation [Guogai yanjiu baogao], Communist China Reform of Party-Government Relations [Zhonggong zhengfu dangzheng guanxi gaige], issued 31 March 03; China’s State Control Mechanisms and Methods, Hearing of the U.S.-China Security and Economic Review Commission, 11 April 02, Written Statement Submitted by Richard Baum, Director, UCLACenter for Chinese Studies.

37 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06; Ministry of Civil Affairs Notice Regarding Carrying Out Election Work for the 2005 Villager Committee Elections [Minzheng bu guanyu zuohao 2005 nian cunmin weiyuanhui huanjie xuanju gongzuo de tongzhi], issued 18 January 05, art. 2.

38 Central Party Committee Decision on Strengthening the Party’s Ruling Capacity [Zhonggong zhongyang guanyu jiaqiang dang de zhizheng nengli jianshe de jueding], issued 19September 04, art. 5(5). The Decision links this practice with the goal of reducing the numbers of government officials. Ibid.

39 "Anhui Province Expands Merger of Party and Government Posts," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 13.

40 Media reports depict the program as requiring township Party secretaries to serve as township heads. Ibid.; Fan Lixiang, "In Anhui Experiment, The Burden of the Township Head and Party Secretary Is Carried By the Same Person" [Anhui shidian xiangzhenzhang dangwei shuji yi bang tiao], 21st Century Business Herald, 19 October 05. The text of the underlying Partyand government directive uses the term "promotes." Opinion of the General Offices of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee and Anhui Provincial Government Regarding Deepening Comprehensive Rural Reform and Constructing New Experimental Grassroots Work Mechanisms [Zhonggong Anhui sheng wei bangongting Anhui sheng renmin zhengfu bangongting guanyukaizhan nongcun zonghe gaige shidian jianli nongcun jiceng gongzuo xin jizhi de yijian], issued 27 June 05, art 2(2).

41 Fan Lixiang, "In Anhui Experiment, the Burden of the Township Head and Party Secretary Is Carried by the Same Person."

42 "Anhui Province Expands Merger of Party and Government Posts," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 13. The Anhui program may represent an experiment that Chinese officials are considering expanding on a larger scale to handle the financial pressures on local government generated by the abolition of the agricultural tax. Authorities designated Anhui province as an experimental province for agricultural tax reform prior to the rest of the country. Anhui authorities abolished the agricultural tax in 2004, and began experimenting with government restructuring at the same time. Ibid. The 2005 Anhui efforts to reduce the numbers of government officials resemble calls made in 2006 by Chinese central authoritiesfor a reduction in the number of township and town government personnel between 2006 and 2011 as part of rural reform goals, in conjunction with the central government’s abolition of the agricultural tax in 2006. Central Party Committee, State Council Opinion on Promoting the Construction of a New Socialist Countryside, art. 24.

43 Maria Edin, "State Capacity and Local Agent Control in China: CCP Cadre Management from a Township Perspective," 173 China Quarterly 35, 38–40 (2003).

44 Relevant Opinions of the General Office of the State Council on Promoting the Use of Administrative Enforcement Responsibility Systems [Guowuyuan bangongting guanyu tuixingxingzheng zhifa zerenzhi de ruogan yijian], issued 27 July 05.

45 "State Council Emphasizes Implementation of Responsibility Systems, Rooting Out Use ofIntellectual Property To Carry Out Local Protectionism" [Guowuyuan qiangdiao luoshi zerenzhi yanchu zhishi canquan gao difang baohu], China Court Net (Online), 26 April 06.

46 Qie Jianrong, "Nine Ministries Join Together To Halt Illegal Mines" [Jiu bumen lianhe zhengdun weifa caikuang], Legal Daily (Online), 3 April 06.

47 Shen Ying, "To Serve As an Official, One Must Pass the Environmental Barrier" [Dang guan yao guo huanbao guan], Southern Weekend (Online), 29 September 05.

48 "Central Committee for the Comprehensive Management of Public Security Responds to Journalists Questions Regarding Deepening Peaceful Construction" [Zhongyang zongzhiban fuzeren jiu guanyu kaizhan pingan jianshe de yijian da jizhe], Legal Daily, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 5 December 05. The language resembles a December 27, 2004 statement made by Chen Jiping, general office director of the Central Committee for the Comprehensive Management of Public Security, who asserted that all levels of the Chinese bureaucracy need to construct cadre responsibility systems that make the maintenance of public order a key component of their official performance evaluations. "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 14.

49 Electoral reforms began in the 1980s involving village and residents’ committee (VC and RC) and local people’s congress (LPC) elections. Party authorities have ensured that these reforms, as with those discussed in the text, have remained limited and do not challenge core principles of Party control. CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 91–94.

50 Official efforts to allow a limited degree of public participation and transparency to improve governance have occurred in other fields as well. Regarding the use of open hearings in the criminal justice system, see Section V(b)—Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants. On the use of people’s assessors in the regular judicial system, see CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 88.

51 Political Change in China? Public Participation and Local Governance Reforms, 15 May 06, Written Statement Submitted by Joseph Fewsmith, Director of East Asian Studies Program and Professor of International Relations and Political Science, Boston University.

52 Ibid.

53 "General Offices of the CCP Central Committee and State Council Reissuance of ‘Opinion on Deeply Carrying out Peaceful Construction.’ "

54 Regulations on the Selection of Leading Party and Government Cadres (Tentative) [Dang zheng lingdao ganbu xuanba renyong gongzuo zanxing tiaoli], issued 9 February 95, arts. 10(6), 15; Regulations on the Selection of Leading Party and Government Cadres [Dang zheng lingdao ganbu xuanba renyong gongzuo tiaoli], issued 9 July 02, art. 12(6).

55 Regulations on the Selection of Leading Party and Government Cadres (Tentative), art. 9; Regulations on the Selection of Leading Party and Government Cadres, art. 17.

56 "News Department Holds Press Conference on the Situation of Promoting Rural Advanced Education" [Xinwen ban jiu tuijin nongcun xianjin jiaoyu huodong qingkuang juxing fabuhui], China Net, reprinted in PRC Central People’s Government (Online), 1 March 06.

57 Regulations on the Selection of Leading Party and Government Cadres, arts. 13–17, 35–36.

58 Wang Xingxia and Zhang Xi, "Zhuzhou: First Case of Public Nomination, Direct Election for Township Party Leaders" [Zhuzhou: shouci gongtui zhixuan xiangzhen dangwei banzi], Xiaochen Chenbao, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 27 February 06.

59 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 92.

60 Meng Nuo, "China’s Highest Legislative Authority Holds Hearing for the First Time" [Zhongguo zui gao lifa jiguan shouci juxing tingzhenghui], Xinhua (Online), 27 September 06.

61 PRC Environmental Impact Assessment Law [Huanjing yingxiang pingjia fa], issued 28 October 02, arts. 11 and 21.

62 PRC Administrative Licensing Law [Xingzheng xuke fa], issued 27 August 03, art. 19.

63 Trial Measures on Public Participation in Environmental Impact Assessments [Huanjing yingxiang pingjia gongzhong canyu zanxing banfa], issued 14 February 06; Xu Yuanfeng, "Shenyang Releases First Government Measures, Guarantees Public Participation in Environ-mental Protection" [Shenyang shuaixian chutai zhengfu guizhang banfa, baozhang gongzhong canyu huanbao], People’s Daily (Online), 22 December 05.

64 Allison Moore and Adria Warren, "The Double Edge of Legal Advocacy in Environmental Public Participation in China: Raising the Stakes and Strengthening Stakeholders," China Environment Series, Issue 8, Woodrow Wilson Center, forthcoming 2006.

65 Ibid.

66 Jim Yardley, "Seeking a Public Voice on China’s ‘Angry River,’ " New York Times (Online), 26 December 05.

67 "Three Gorges Project Given Go Ahead for Construction," China Daily (Online), 18 April 05.

68 Joint Notice of the General Offices of the Party Central Committee and State Council Regarding Promoting Systems of Openness of Political Affairs In All Town and Township Political Institutions [Zhonggong zhongyang bangongting, guowuyuan bangongting guanyu zai quanguo xiangzhan zhengquan jiguan quanmian tuixing zhengwu gongkai zhidu de tongzhi], issued 6 December 00.

69 Opinion of the General Offices of the Central Committee and the State Council Regarding Taking Further Steps To Promote Transparency in Political Affairs [Zhonggong zhongyang bangongting, guowuyuan bangongting guanyu jinyibu tuixing zhengwu gongkai de yijian], issued 24 March 05.

70 CECC Staff Interview. Xu Ming and Wei Yongzheng, "Looking at Open Government Systems from the Perspective of New Regulations" [Cong difang xin gui kan zhengfu xinxi gongkai zhidu de jianli], China Daily (Online), 15 February 06.

71 "Limited Political Reforms in One Zhejiang County Help Check Local Abuses," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 10. Wuyi officials cited a central policy document on increasing transparency in village affairs as giving them the authority to implement these policies. Ibid.; Joint Opinion of the General Offices of the Central Party Committee and the State Council on Perfecting Systems of Transparency and Democratic Governance [Zhonggong zhongyang bangongting guowuyuan ban gongting guanyu jianquan he wanshan cunwu gongkai he minzhu guanli zhidu de yijian], issued 22 June 04.

72 "Limited Political Reforms in One Zhejiang County Help Check Local Abuses," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 10.

73 Ibid.; Li Liang, "Zhejiang Wuyi: Separation of Powers to Govern a Village" [Zhejiang wuyi: fen quan zhi cun], Southern Weekend (Online), 19 May 05.

74 Zou Shengwen and Yang Weihan, "National People’s Congress Standing Committee Sets Legislative Plan For Next Year, Will Review 39 Draft Laws" [Quanguo renda changweihui queli mingnian lifa jihua jiang anpai shenyi 39 jian falu¨ caoan], Xinhua, reprinted on the National People’s Congress Web site (Online), 28 December 05.

75 "Ministry Proposes Revisions to the Laws on Villagers and Residents Committees," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 7.

76 Communist Party Regulations on the Work of Grassroots Rural Organizations [Zhongguo gongchang dang nongcun jiceng zuzhi gongzuo tiaoli], issued February 99, arts. 8–9. Party control of VCs is also highlighted in the joint 2005 Party and State Council Opinion, which calls for strengthening village autonomous institutions (including elected VCs) that are "brimming with vitality," but "under village Party leadership." "General Offices of the CCP Central Committee and State Council Reissuance of ‘Opinion on Deeply Carrying Out Peaceful Construction.’ "

77 Li Lihua, "The Party Branch Secretary Should Play a Core Leadership Role in Village Committee Elections" [Dang zhibu yao zai cunweihui huanjie zhong zuo hexin], China Elections andGovernance Web site (Online), 20 March 06.

78 PRC Organic Law on Village Committees, enacted 4 November 98, art. 16.

79 Local Officials Suppress Citizen Effort to Remove Village Committee Head in Guangdong Province, CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 11.

80 Ibid.; Edward Cody, "In Chinese Uprisings, Peasants Find New Allies," Washington Post (Online), 26 November 05.

81 "Activists, Lawyers Denounce Results of Taishi LPC Election," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 9; Leu Siew Ying, "New Setback in Taishi’s Struggle forDemocracy," South China Morning Post (Online), 29 March 06.

VII(c) ACCESS TO JUSTICE

FINDINGS

International human rights standards require effective remedies for official violations of citizen rights. Despite these guarantees, Chinese citizens face formidable obstacles in seeking remedies to government actions that violate their legal rights and constitutionally protected freedoms. External government and Communist Party controls continue to limit the independence of the Chinese judiciary. Party officials control the selection of top judicial personnel in all courts, including the Supreme People’s Court, China’s highest judicial authority. Since 2005, the government has restricted the efforts of private lawyers and human rights defenders who challenge government abuses. The All China Lawyers Association issued a guiding opinion that restricts the ability of lawyers to handle cases involving large groups of people. Local Chinese authorities have imposed additional restrictions on lawyer advocacy efforts.
The constitutional and administrative mechanisms in Chinese law that allow citizens to challenge government actions do not provide effective legal remedies, and Chinese citizens seldom use them. Chinese citizens rarely submit proposals to the National People’s Congress for constitutional and legal review because the review process lacks transparency and citizens cannot compel review. Administrative court challenges to government actions have not increased since 1998. Provincial authorities report an overall decline between 2003 and 2005 in applications for administrative reconsideration, and the total numbers of such applications in major Chinese municipalities is a few hundred per year.
Chinese law also permits citizens to petition government officials directly to redress their grievances through the xinfang ("letters and visits") system. Official news media report that Chinese citizens presented 12.7 million petitions to county-level and higher xinfang bureaus during 2005, in contrast to the 8 million total court cases handled by the Chinese judiciary during the same period. Local officials are disciplined more severely for high incidences of petitioning. Absent alternative political or legal channels to check the power of local officials and obtain redress, this punishment structure provides an incentive for Chinese citizens to take their grievances to the streets in order to force local officials to act. But this punishment structure also gives local authorities an interest in suppressing mass petitions and preventing petitioners from approaching higher authorities. A December 2005 study of the xinfang system by a U.S. NGO found that some local authorities have resorted to "rampant violence and intimidation" to abduct or detain petitioners in Beijing and force them to return home.
The Supreme People’s Court 2004–2008 court reform program imposes stronger external and internal controls that may further weaken the independence of courts and judges. The court reform program, however, also sets some positive long-term goals for judicial reform in the areas of court financing, adjudication, retrial procedures, and juvenile justice. Party efforts to address growing social unrest have resulted in new government programs to strengthen institutions that assist citizens with legal claims and disputes. Official Chinese statistics show that the number of government legal aid centers rose from 2,774 in 2003 to 3,081 in 2005. The total number of cases handled by these centers rose from about 166,000 in 2003 to an estimated 250,000 in 2005, or roughly 3 percent of all cases handled by the Chinese courts in 2005.

Access to Justice and International Human Rights Standards

Chinese citizens face formidable obstacles in seeking remedies to government actions that violate their legal rights and constitutionally protected freedoms. Party and government controls limit the independence of Chinese courts and weaken the ability of individual judges to decide cases fairly. The government restricts lawyer advocacy efforts, particularly in politically sensitive cases. Although Chinese law provides citizens with Constitutional, judicial, and administrative mechanisms to challenge official violations of their rights, these mechanisms do not provide effective legal remedies.

International human rights standards require effective remedies for official violations of citizen rights. Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or by law." Article 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) requires that all parties to the ICCPR ensure that persons whose rights or freedoms are violated "have an effective remedy, notwithstanding that the violation has been committed by persons acting in an official capacity." 1

The Chinese Judicial System

External government and Communist Party controls continue to limit the independence of the Chinese judiciary. Party officials control the selection of top judicial personnel in all courts, including the Supreme People’s Court (SPC), China’s highest judicial authority. Party interests guide judicial reform efforts. SPC President Xiao Yang has linked official efforts to improve the funding and professionalization of rural Chinese courts to the core Party goals of establishing a "harmonious society" and "increasing the Party’s governance capacity." 2 In January 2006, the Party’s Political and Legislative Affairs Committee issued a circular directing courts to improve enforcement efforts "under the leadership of local Party committees," apparently in response to the Party’s broader effort to address mounting social unrest.3

The SPC’s 2004–2008 reform program imposes stronger external controls on courts.4 The program directs courts to permit officials from local procuratorates to participate in adjudication committees, the highest authorities within Chinese courts. Since the procuratorate represents the government in cases pending before the courts, this directive raises issues of judicial independence and conflict of interest.5 The program also directs local officials to strengthen court mechanisms for receiving criticism and recommendations from local people’s congresses (LPCs). The Chinese Constitution grants the standing committees of LPCs the authority to supervise local courts,6 and court procedures facilitate the intervention of LPC delegates in individual cases.7

The SPC also announced stronger internal controls over Chinese courts that may weaken the independence of individual judges to decide cases fairly. The SPC’s 2004–2008 program requires that Chinese courts implement responsibility systems for individual judges and judicial panels.8 These systems discipline judges for a range of errors, including reversals by a higher court for legal errors.9 Chen Youxi, Vice President of the Constitutional and Human Rights Committee of the All China Lawyers Association, noted that because such systems "have a direct impact on personal interests such as bonuses and benefits of those trial judges with high rates of overturned cases," trial judges "commonly resort to seeking advance guidance from higher courts before making a decision, and run to appeals courts to convince them not to overturn their verdicts." 10 Such systems encourage judges to violate the principles of openness and transparency in judicial decisionmaking.11 In November 2005, Chi Qiang, the president of the Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court, announced the abolition of his court’s responsibility system, and said that his court will attempt to move toward a disciplinary system that sanctions judges for illegal behavior rather than "incorrect" outcomes.12 The wider adoption of such innovative local reforms remains in doubt, however, given the SPC’s requirement that courts implement responsibility systems.

Some local Party officials have called for a degree of judicial independence, even as they press for strengthened controls over courts.13 State-controlled news media announced in January that Jiangxi provincial Party officials had issued a decision pressing local Party committees to strengthen their controls over the selection of court personnel. The decision, however, also called on local Party officials to support judicial independence and guard against local protectionism. The decision warned local Party committees against organizing court personnel to participate in campaigns to enforce administrative decisions or to attract investment in the local economy.14

The SPC’s 2004–2008 court reform program sets some positive long-term goals for judicial reform. The SPC announced that it will consolidate and reclaim the death penalty review power from provincial-level high courts, and will require court hearings to resolve death penalty appeals [see Section III(b)—Rights of Criminal Defendants and Suspects]. The program also proposes steps to implement other positive reforms,15 including:

Court financing. Local governments influence courts through their control over judicial funding and appointments, and use this influence to protect local interests. The program directs court officials to explore national financing for court operations.
Court adjudication committee system. Adjudication committees include court presidents and other administrative personnel and are the highest authorities in Chinese courts. They are often the vehicle for outside pressure to reverse individual decisions. The program directs committees to adopt more open decisionmaking procedures and to guarantee that experienced judges are able to serve on adjudication committees.
Retrial procedures. Chinese court decisions often lack finality, as the result of extensive use of retrial procedures with vague rules and few limitations. [See Section V(b)—Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants—Fairness of Criminal Trials and Appeals for the impact that this has had on criminal trials.] The program directs officials to clarify the criteria, limits, jurisdiction, and procedures for granting retrial. Officials have drafted two proposed judicial interpretations that seek to address some of these questions.16
Advisory opinion system. Lower courts often rely on advisory opinions from higher courts for specific guidance on how to decide pending cases. This system undermines judicial fairness by separating actual court decisions from trials and by making subsequent appeals (to the same entity that responded to the request for review) no more than a formality. The program directs courts to limit use of advisory opinions to general questions of law rather than determinations of fact.
Use of official authentication conclusions and expert testimony. The program directs court officials to implement a 2005 National People’s Congress decision that forbids courts from establishing for-profit authentication centers to provide expert testimony. The Ministry of Justice issued relevant implementing measures in September 2005.17
Juvenile justice system. China currently has 2,400 juvenile tribunals.18 The program directs courts to improve their work in handling criminal, civil, and administrative cases affecting the rights of juveniles. It also provides for the establishment of experimental juvenile courts.

Access to Legal Representation

Communist Party efforts to address growing social unrest have resulted in government programs to strengthen institutions that assist citizens with legal claims and disputes. To help reduce the number of citizen protests and mass petitions, provincial and municipal Party committees have directed local officials to improve legal aid and mediation efforts.19 Minister of Justice Wu Aiying said in February that:

[We must] bring into play the professional strengths of lawyers in resolving disputes. [We must] take further steps to organize and guide lawyers, basic legal service workers, and legal aid personnel to actively participate in the work of handling mass incidents and citizen petitions involving legal issues. [We must] actively explore methods and measures that press parties to settle out-of-court and in non-litigation forums, in order to better resolve disputes and prevent them from escalating.20

Central government officials also are strengthening the Ministry of Justice (MOJ) presence at the local level, particularly in western China and at the level of township governments. MOJ offices guide the work of local mediation committees, run government legal aid programs that provide pro bono legal representation to citizens who meet designated criteria, and supervise and license Chinese lawyers.21 In 2005, Chinese authorities set the goal of ensuring that 91 percent of Chinese townships had a MOJ office by the end of 2006.22 Chinese authorities designated 7.4 billion yuan (US$920 million) to improve housing and work conditions for township court, justice, and public security bureaus in western China from 2004 to 2008.23 The MOJ has made the strengthening of township mediation and legal aid programs part of its effort to implement the Party’s "new socialist countryside" campaign.24

Chinese authorities have expanded the scope of government legal aid efforts. Official Chinese statistics show that the number of government legal aid centers rose from 2,774 in 2003 to 3,081 in 2005. The total number of cases handled by these centers rose from about 166,000 in 2003 to an estimated 250,000 in 2005, or roughly 3 percent of all cases handled by the Chinese courts in 2005.25 In July 2005, the All-China Environment Federation and the State Environmental Protection Administration announced the creation of a joint legal aid program for the victims of environmental pollution.26 In September 2005, the Shanghai People’s Congress issued a decision clarifying the eligibility of migrant workers for legal aid in cases of labor disputes, occupational injuries, and domestic violence.27 In May, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) announced that 669 of its legal staff would be permitted to acquire bar licenses and provide increased legal services to workers [see Section V(c)—Protection of Internationally Recognized Labor Rights].

At the same time that it has promoted efforts to expand legal assistance to citizens, the government also has restricted the efforts of private lawyers and human rights defenders who challenge government abuses [see Section IV—Introduction; Section V(b) —Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants—Access to Counsel and Right to Present a Defense]. The MOJ’s "2006 Report on the Policy for Development of China’s Legal Profession" emphasized its role in "guiding" the legal profession and the need for all lawyers to "serve the harmony and stability of society." 28 The All China Lawyers Association (ACLA) issued a guiding opinion that went into effect on March 20 and restricts the ability of lawyers to handle cases involving representative or joint litigation by 10 or more litigants, or cases involving both litigation and non-litigation efforts.29 The guiding opinion further instructs law firms to assign only "politically qualified" lawyers to conduct the initial intake of these cases, and to obtain the approval of at least three law firm partners before taking them on.30 Lawyers who handle mass cases must accept supervision and guidance by judicial administration departments, attempt to mitigate conflict, and propose mediation as the method for conflict resolution.31 Local lawyers’ associations may sanction any lawyer or law firm that fails to follow these guidelines and causes a "negative impact." 32

Local Chinese authorities have imposed additional restrictions on lawyer advocacy efforts. The Henan Provincial Justice Bureau has issued an opinion that forbids lawyers from using the news media and engaging in various other activities when handling "major, sensitive, mass" cases.33 The opinion says that lawyers in Henan province cannot "use the media to stir things up or create a negative impact on domestic or international public opinion." It prohibits lawyers and law firms from publishing commentary to affect the outcome of a case or the mood of the public, and warns them not to establish contact with foreign organizations or news media in violation of disciplinary rules. The Shenyang Municipal Justice Bureau has also issued an opinion that requires lawyers to seek instruction from the Justice Bureau before they handle "major, difficult, and sensitive" cases.34

Constitutional Review

The National People’s Congress (NPC) wields exclusive power to amend the Constitution and to enact and amend national laws, particularly through its Standing Committee (NPCSC). The NPC is the only governmental body with the power to interpret the Constitution and supervise its enforcement. Chinese courts do not have the power either to apply constitutional provisions in the absence of concrete implementing legislation or to strike down laws or regulations that are inconsistent with the Chinese Constitution.35 In December 2005, the NPCSC enacted new procedures that require the Supreme People’s Court (SPC) and the Supreme People’s Procuratorate to submit judicial interpretations to the NPCSC within 30 days of promulgation.36 At least one Chinese scholar has said that these new procedures represent an NPC move to rein in the SPC and to ensure that the SPC does not erode the NPC’s power as China’s sole legislator and interpreter of the Constitution.37 The NPC supervises both the SPC, China’s highest judicial authority, and the State Council, China’s executive authority, but the NPC remains subject to tight Party control [see Section VII— Development of the Rule of Law and the Institutions of Democratic Governance].

Some scholars have suggested removing the power of constitutional review from the NPC and vesting it in a "dedicated judicial agency," 38 but the government has ruled out establishing a specialized court to review the constitutionality of laws and administrative regulations.39 Senior government and Party leaders have warned officials to guard against the promotion of "Western-style constitutional reform." 40 They also reject adopting a "Western separation of powers," 41 and insist that any restraint on the central government’s power must not diminish the leadership of the Communist Party.42

Under Article 90 of the Legislation Law, Chinese citizens may propose NPCSC review of whether or not a State Council regulation violates the Constitution or any national law.43 The Chinese government has taken some limited steps to formalize the constitutional and legal review system. For example, the NPCSC announced in 2004 the formation of a new Legislation Review and Filing Office (LRFO) to assist its Legislative Affairs Commission in reviewing regulations that may conflict with the Constitution and national laws.44 In December 2005, the NPCSC amended the "Working Procedures for the Filing and Review of Administrative Rules, Local Rules, Autonomous Region and Special Purpose Regulations, and Special Economic Zone Rules" (Legislation Procedures).45 The Legislation Procedures stipulate three phases for constitutional and legal review: consultation between the NPCSC and the formulating agency; NPCSC submission of a written request to the formulating agency that it revise or rescind the legislation; and, if the formulating agency does not accept the request, consultation within the NPCSC to determine whether or not to rescind the legislation. The amendments include a new provision authorizing the special committees of the NPC to review laws and regulations on their own initiative, with a deadline of two months for formulating agencies to respond to NPCSC special committee requests that a regulation be revised or rescinded.

Chinese citizens rarely submit proposals to the NPCSC for constitutional and legal review because the review process lacks transparency and citizens cannot compel review.46 During the run-up to the annual plenary sessions of the NPC and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Chinese authorities shut down the Aegean Sea (Aiqinhai) Web site, as well as four other sites that had complained on behalf of local workers.47 The Web site operators sought relief through the constitutional and legal review system in April 2006.48 As of September 2006, the NPCSC had not yet responded to the request for review. To address these problems, some Chinese legal experts have called for requiring the LRFO to notify those seeking review whether or not it will accept their proposal, and to provide explanations to those whose proposals it rejects.49 Others have suggested that the NPCSC report each year to the full NPC, describing the previous year’s constitutional review work.50 Some legal experts in China also have advocated that the NPCSC establish a dedicated Constitutional Commission staffed by scholars, judges, and lawyers.51

NPC special committees and other central government agencies have the power to compel the NPCSC to act on their applications,52 but they have an interest in maintaining the national status quo and not creating conflicts among themselves.53 Thus, they have little incentive to request review of national laws, State Council regulations, or other central government agencies’ rules on major issues relating to civil or human rights.54 Citizens may only offer proposals to the LRFO, which stands between them and the NPCSC and lacks the power to issue binding decisions that would resolve disputes.55 In addition, unlike other laws that compel State Council departments, courts, and local governments to act on citizens’ applications and lawsuits,56 the Legislation Law merely provides that the NPCSC may react to citizens’ proposals "if necessary." Finally, the government is not required to inform citizens whether or not it will act on a proposal, and the 2005 amendments to the Legislation Procedures revised the provision concerning government notification to a citizen that a review is complete, making such notification voluntary.57

The NPCSC has enacted and amended laws and regulations that protect citizens from government abuses in response to public pressure58 and new legislative mandates,59 but it has never rescinded a law or administrative regulation in direct response to a citizen proposal.60 The primary purpose of the constitutional and legal review system is to safeguard the unity of China’s legal system rather than to give citizens an effective remedy by a competent national tribunal.61 The system is based on the constitutional and legal presumption that the NPC and its Standing Committee are paramount,62 and therefore not subject to checks, balances, or oversight.63 The China Law Society’s Democracy and Law Times summarized the situation as follows:

As a system, constitutional review comprises proposal, acceptance, review, determination, and resolution. If it lacks any one of these, then the constitutional review system is not complete. Although the meaning of citizens having been granted the right to submit proposals for constitutional review is very important, if all they have is the right of proposal, and do not have the right of acceptance, review, determination, and resolution, then the right of proposal exists in name only. This also explains the reason why so few citizens propose constitutional review.64

Judicial and Administrative Review of State Action

Chinese law provides methods for citizens to seek a remedy when they believe the government has violated their rights. These methods allow Chinese citizens limited legal recourse against individual officials or local governments that exceed their authority.65 Under the Administrative Reconsideration Law (ARL), Chinese citizens may submit an application to State Council departments for administrative review of specific government actions that violate their legal rights and interests.66 Under the Administrative Procedure Law (APL), citizens may file a lawsuit in a people’s court to challenge government actions.67 Under the State Compensation Law, citizens may request compensation for illegal government acts along with an ARL or APL action, or present them directly to the relevant government bureau.68 Some local Party disciplinary committees are also experimenting with procedural changes that grant cadres in specific cases the ability to mount a defense, present evidence, and receive a hearing on the charges against them.69

These methods, however, do not allow Chinese citizens to challenge administrative regulations that violate constitutional or legal rights. Article 12 of the APL forbids courts from accepting citizen challenges of administrative rules and regulations that have "general binding force." Article 7 of the ARL allows citizens to apply to administrative agencies for review of the legality of decrees70 of State Council departments and local people’s governments at or above the county level, and any provisions enacted by town or township people’s governments.71 The ARL does not, however, allow reconsideration of State Council rules or regulations.72

Citizens are making only limited use of laws that protect their rights by granting judicial and administrative review of government actions. For example, Hubei provincial authorities report an overall decline between 2003 and 2005 in applications for administrative reconsideration, from 3,468 to 3,336.73 Total numbers of such applications in major Chinese municipalities is a few hundred per year.74 Administrative court challenges to government actions have not increased since 1998. In 2005, first-instance administrative law cases totaled 95,707, nearly twice the 52,596 reported in 1995, but a decline from the 101,921 recorded in 2001. This decline parallels a similar stagnation in citizens using the judiciary generally. In 2005, the Chinese judiciary handled 4.3 million first-instance civil cases, down from 4.73 million reported in 2001, and only slightly higher than the 4 million recorded in 1995.75

Chinese laws that grant judicial and administrative action to citizens to protect their rights do not provide mechanisms to compel effective judicial or government review. When the government shut down the Aegean Sea Web site, along with four other Web sites, in March 2006, authorities cited Article 5 of the Provisions on the Administration of Internet News Information Services (Provisions),76 which grant the State Council Information Office (SCIO) the authority to license Web sites that report and comment on politics, economics, fast-breaking social events, and military, foreign, social, and public affairs. The operators of the closed Web sites believed that the Provisions violated their constitutional and legal rights,77 but they had no way to compel judicial or other government review of the Provisions. Government authorities were acting under the authority of the Provisions when they shut down the Web sites, and so the issue was whether the Provisions violated the Constitution, a national law, or a State Council regulation. Administrative review under the ARL could not provide the Web site operators an effective remedy because the Provisions are "department rules," and a 2005 State Council decision (Decision) explicitly provides for the licensing authority granted to the SCIO.78 Because citizens may not use the administrative reconsideration system to question the constitutionality or legality of State Council regulations (such as the Decision) or State Council department rules (such as the Provisions), the Web site operators would be unlikely to obtain effective relief based on an application for administrative reconsideration attacking the Provisions directly.

The ARL provides that citizens who do not accept an administrative reconsideration decision may file a lawsuit with a people’s court under the APL.79 Like the ARL, however, the APL explicitly prohibits constitutional or legal review of State Council departments’ rules.80 A court could refuse to enforce the Provisions if they conflicted with a national law or a State Council regulation,81 but since the SCIO’s licensing authority is derived from the Decision, a court would lack the authority to declare the Provisions unconstitutional or illegal.82

Citizen Petitioning

Since the 1950s, xinfang ("letters and visits") offices have provided a channel outside court challenges for citizens to appeal government decisions and present their grievances.83 Under the new national Regulations on Letters and Visits (RLV) issued in January 2005, citizens may "give information, make comments or suggestions, or lodge complaints" to xinfang bureaus of local governments and their departments.84 Individual petitioning may be as simple as one dissatisfied citizen visiting multiple xinfang bureaus within government agencies. Collective or mass petitioning may involve organized demonstrations, speeches, or marches of hundreds or thousands of people seeking to present their grievances, despite an official prohibition on such activities.85 Official news media report that Chinese citizens presented 12.7 million petitions to county-level and higher xinfang bureaus during 2005,86 in contrast to the 8 million total court cases handled by the Chinese judiciary during the same period.87 The total number of petitions increased each year from 1993 to 2004.88 Petitioning is common even within the judiciary. Chinese courts handled four million petitions in 2005, a number roughly equal to the total number of civil court cases for the year.89

Authorities launched an implementation campaign for the RLV in 2005 aimed at reducing the number of citizen petitions. The government tasked the Ministry of Public Security (MPS) with coordinating official responses to citizen petitions, required local MPS heads to meet personally with petitioners in a May-to-September campaign, and increased propaganda efforts pressing local officials to resolve citizen petitions.90 Chinese authorities have ordered the nationwide adoption of responsibility systems that discipline local officials who fail to prevent mass petitions.91 Concerned about the rising number of mass petitions, central Party officials have set a goal to decrease the number during 2006.92 Party and government officials have called for strengthening xinfang institutions in conjunction with stronger efforts to maintain social order.93

Chinese authorities and state-run news media report that official measures to address citizen petitions in 2005 were a major policy success,94 but official statistics provide conflicting support for this claim. Official statistics show total citizen petitions declined for the first time in 12 years, from 13.7 million in 2004 to 12.7 million in 2005.95 Although officials reported a 90 percent success rate in resolving petitions,96 scholars commissioned by the government to study the issue say that only 0.2 percent of petitions filed receive a response.97 Official news media report that government and Party xinfang bureaus at the county level and above have handled some 917,000 petitions since the beginning of the campaign, but this represents less than a tenth of the total number of petitions received in 2005 by xinfang bureaus. Since MPS rules issued in August 2005 provide for disciplining local MPS officials who fail to prevent collective petitions, MPS officials may be suppressing peti-tioners or misreporting their numbers rather than resolving the underlying problems.98

The 2005 RLV requires local governments to adopt official xinfang responsibility systems, and some local governments have done so.99 These systems punish local officials more harshly for mass petitions that reach higher-level authorities, depending on the numbers of petitioners involved and the level of government that they reach.100 Absent alternative political or legal channels to check the power of local officials and obtain redress, this punishment structure provides an incentive for Chinese citizens to take their grievances to the streets in order to force local officials to act.101 But this punishment structure also gives local authorities an interest in suppressing mass petitions and preventing petitioners from approaching higher authorities. A December 2005 NGO study of these systems found that some local authorities have resorted to "rampant violence and intimidation" to abduct or detain petitioners in Beijing and force them to return home.102 The report alleges that Beijing police often ignore such abductions or detentions and sometimes assist with abductions.103

The government uses harsh measures to repress petitioners during high-profile national events. In March 2006, a senior MPS official confirmed that MPS officials would engage in mass roundups to "strongly encourage" those "people without proper professions, fixed places of residence, or stable incomes who have been hanging around Beijing for a long time" to leave the capital before the an-nual plenary session of the National People’s Congress (NPC).104 Other repressive measures include:

During the annual NPC plenary session in March 2006, authorities detained AIDS activist Hu Jia for 41 days without legal formalities and without notifying his family [see Section V(b)—Rights of Criminal Suspects and Defendants—Arbitrary Detention]. Hu had attempted to submit petitions on behalf of AIDS victims to central government officials during high-profile conferences [see Section V(g)—Public Health—HIV/AIDS].
In December 2005, Beijing police arrested several hundred petitioners who gathered outside the offices of China Central Television to present their grievances on "Popularize Law Day."
In December 2005, Shanghai police arrested over 200 petitioners who sought to present their grievances to municipal Party officials and were gathered outside a building in which the local Party branch was holding a conference.
In November 2005, police in a number of cities arrested or detained dozens of petitioners before an official visit by U.S. President George W. Bush.105

Chinese court officials are pursuing reforms to the process of handling citizen petitions that may weaken the ability of individual judges to decide cases according to law. The Supreme People’s Court (SPC) announced in November 2005 that it will require Chinese courts to establish procedures to resolve citizen petitions about judicial decisions. Trial judges will be responsible for responding to parties who visit the court and raise complaints about judgments, and their record for handling such complaints will be made part of their performance reviews.106 Similarities between the SPC announcement and the RLV suggest that the central government seeks to implement a common set of reforms for addressing citizen petitions to both the courts and local governments.107 The SPC reforms may encourage Chinese litigants to resort to post-decision petitioning rather than appeals to reverse verdicts, increase pressure on Chinese trial judges to alter verdicts to satisfy persistent petitioners, and weaken the finality of judgments.108

Notes to Section VII(c)—Access to Justice

1 The accompanying general comment notes that this language does not necessarily require a judicial remedy, but that "[i]n relation to civil and political rights, it is generally taken for granted that judicial remedies for violations are essential" and "[a]dministrative remedies should be accessible, affordable, timely, and effective. An ultimate right of judicial appeal from administrative remedies . . . would also often be appropriate." General Comment No. 9.

China has signed, but has not yet ratified, the ICCPR. The Chinese government has committed itself to ratifying, and thus bringing its laws into conformity with, the ICCPR and reaffirmed its commitment as recently as April 13, 2006, in its application for membership in the UN Human Rights Council. China’s top leaders have previously stated on three separate occasions that they are preparing for ratification of the ICCPR, including in a September 6, 2005, statement by Politburo member and State Councilor Luo Gan at the 22nd World Congress on Law, in statements by Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao during his May 2005 Europe tour, and in a January 27, 2004 speech by Chinese President Hu Jintao before the French National Assembly.

2 "Supreme People’s Court Maps Future Judicial Reforms in Five Year Reform Program," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 7–9.

3 Zong Bian, "Central Political and Legal Affairs Committee Issues Circular Calling For Increased Attention To Resolving the Problem of Enforcement of Court Decisions" [Zhongyang zhengfawei tongzhi yaoqiu jiada lidu qieshi jiejue zhixing nan], China Court Net (Online), 23 January 06. Similarities between the circular and an October joint Party and State Council opinion suggest that they are part of a coordinated effort. The circular also directs local Party committees for the comprehensive management of public security to coordinate efforts at enforcing court judgments and to include the quality of enforcement work in the responsibility systems used to evaluate the performance of local officials. The national Political and Legislative Affairs Committee and the Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security prepared a December 2005 Party and State Council joint opinion to stem social unrest and to reduce the number of "mass incidents" such as riots, demonstrations, or collective petitions directed at government authorities. "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 14–15. The Political and Legislative Affairs Committee circular directive to coordinate with the local CCMPS branches suggests that this enforcement campaign may be a specific effort to implement the earlier joint opinion.

4 "Supreme People’s Court Maps Future Judicial Reforms in Five Year Reform Program," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 7–9.

5 Ibid.

6 PRC Constitution, art. 104.

7 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 81.

8 Second Five-Year Reform Program for the People’s Courts (2004–2008) [Renmin fayuan di er ge wu nian gaige gangyao (2004—2008)], issued 26 October 05.

9 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 81.

10 "Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court Abolishes Responsibility System for Wrongly Decided Cases, Believes It Impedes Fairness" [Beijing di yi zhongji fayuan quxiao cuo’an zhuijiu zhi renwei you’ai gongping], The First, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 21 November 05.

11 Ibid.; "Beijing Court Announces Reform of Judicial Disciplinary System," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 3.

12 "Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court Abolishes Responsibility System for Wrongly Decided Cases, Believes It Impedes Fairness," The First.

13 Decision of the Jiangsu Party Committee on Further Strengthening the Work of the Courts and Procuratorate [Guanyu jinyibu jiaqiang fayuan jianchayuan gongzuo jueding], issued 12 August 04; Decision of the Yancheng City Party Committee on Further Strengthening the Work of the Courts and Procuratorate [Guanyu jinyibu jiaqiang fayuan jianchayuan gongzuo jueding], issued 4 November 04.

14 Jiangxi High People’s Court (Online), "Party Committee Issues ‘Decision on Taking Further Steps To Strengthen the Work of Courts and Procuratorates’ " [Sheng wei xia fa "guanyu jin yi bu jiaqiang fayuan jianchayuan gongzuo de jueding"]; "Jiangxi Party Authorities Support Judicial Independence, but Under Party Control," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 12.

15 "Supreme People’s Court Maps Future Judicial Reforms in Five Year Reform Program," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, February 2006, 7–9; Second Five-Year Reform Program for the People’s Courts (2004–2008). These reform plans parallel those an-nounced in earlier SPC work reports and media analysis. See CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 87–88.

16 "Supreme People’s Court Comes Out With Judicial Interpretation Promoting Reform of Ad-judicatory Supervision" [Zuigaofa ni chutai sifa jieshi tuidong shenpan gaige], Defense Lawyer (Online), 28 November 05.

17 "Justice Ministry Takes Steps To Improve the Independence of Expert Factual Determinations," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 12.

18 "The Rise In Youth Crime Is Startling" [Weichengnianren fanzui sheng fu jingren wo guo yunniang jian shaonian fayuan ping], Xinhua (Online), 13 March 05.

19 Ningbo City Party Committee Decision Regarding the Construction of a Ningbo Ruled By Law [Zhonggong Ningbo shiwei yu jianshe fazhi Ningbo de jueding], issued 27 April 06; HenanProvincial Party Committee and Henan Provincial Government Circular Regarding the "Program for the Construction of a Peaceful Henan" [Henan shengwei shengzhengfu guanyu "PinganHenan jianshe gangyao" de tongzhi], issued 26 April 06.

20 Ministry of Justice (Online), Wu Aiying, "Provide Strong and Effective Legal Guarantees toBuild a Harmonious Socialist Society" [Wei goujian shehuizhuyi hexie shehui tigong qiang you li de falu¨ baozhang], 8 February 06.

21 Ministry of Justice (Online), "Introduction to Judicial Administration Work" [Sifa xingzheng gongzuo jieshao], 24 March 03; CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 75–78.

22 Li Qing and Huang Hun, "Construction of Local Judicial Bureaus Moves Into High Tide, Every Level of Government and Every Area Experience Success" [Sifa suo jianshe xian gaochaoge de ge ji jun you gaozhao], Legal Daily (Online), 16 May 05.

23 "Standing Committee of the State Council Reviews and Approves in Principle the ‘Construction Plan for West-Central China Area Basic-Level Police Stations, Town and Township Judicial Offices and People’s Courts’ " [Guowuyuan changwuhuiyi shenyi bing yuanze tongguo"zhongxibu diqu jiceng paichusuo, xiangzhen sifasuo, renmin fating jianshe guihua"], Department of Guiding Grassroots Work (Online), 7 February 06.

24 "Ministry of Justice Sets ‘Four Targets’ for Serving the Construction of the Socialist Countryside" [Sifabu ding "sixiang renwu" fuwu shehui zhuyi xin noncun jianshe], Xinhua (Online),5 May 06.

25 Consultations increased from 1.9 million in 2003 to 2.66 million in 2005. "In One Year Over 430,000 People Assisted by China’s Legal Aid System" [Yi nian yuanzhu 43 wan duoming qunzhong wo guo falu yuanzhu zhidu jiancheng tixi], Xinhua (Online), 1 January 06; CECC,2005 Annual Report, 76–77.

26 Ministry of Justice (Online), "All-China Environmental Federation to Provide Legal Aid to Pollution Victims" [Zhonghua huanbao lianhehui biaoshi wei wuran shouhaizhe tigong falu¨ yuanzhu], 24 July 05.

27 Shanghai Municipality Decisions on Legal Aid [Shanghai shi falu¨ yuanzhu ruogan guiding], issued 9 May 06, art. 5. Article 6 provides that applicants seeking legal aid may obtain a statement proving economic need either from authorities in their place of hukou registration or actual place of residence. This appears to allow migrant applicants greater access to legal assistance in their actual place of residence. Provincial regulations issued before the 2003 National Regulations on Legal Aid had made access to legal aid conditional on local hukou status. CECC,2004 Annual Report, 63.

28 2006 Report on the Policy for Development of China’s Legal Profession [2006 nian Zhongguolu¨ shi ye fazhan zhengce baogao], issued 16 January 06; "ACLA, Justice Bureau Opinions Restrict Lawyer Involvement in Sensitive, Mass Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 4–5.

29 Guiding Opinion of the All China Lawyers Association Regarding Lawyers Handling Casesof a Mass Nature [Zhonghua quanguo lu¨ shi xiehui guanyu lu¨ shi banli qunti xing anjian zhidao yijian], issued 20 March 06, sec. I(1); "ACLA, Justice Bureau Opinions Restrict Lawyer Involvement in Sensitive, Mass Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 4–5.

30 Guiding Opinion of the All China Lawyers Association Regarding Lawyers Handling Cases of a Mass Nature, sec. III(2)-(3).

31 Ibid., sec. I(2)-(3).

32 Ibid., sec. IV(8).

33 "ACLA, Justice Bureau Opinions Restrict Lawyer Involvement in Sensitive, Mass Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 4–5; "Henan Justice Bureau Bans Lawyers From Using Media in Sensitive Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 5–6; "Henan Justice Bureau Establishes a Rule for Lawyers: No Stirring Up of Sensitive Cases" [Henan sifating wei lu¨ shi ding "guiju" mingan anjian jin chaozuo], Henan Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 10 April 06.

34 "ACLA, Justice Bureau Opinions Restrict Lawyer Involvement in Sensitive, Mass Cases," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 4–5; "Shenyang Lawyers Must Seek Advisory Opinions When Handling Sensitive Cases" [Shenyang lu¨ shi chengban mingan anjian xu qingshi], Legal Daily (Online), 19 April 06.

35 PRC Constitution, arts. 62, 67, 128.

36 Working Procedures for the Filing and Review of Judicial Interpretations [Sifa jieshi beian shencha gongzuo chengxu], issued 16 December 05; "NPC Standing Committee Establishes Constitutional Review System for Regulations and Judicial Explanations" [Renda changweihui jianli fagui he sifa jieshi beian shencha zhidu], Xinhua (Online), 19 December 05.

37 CECC Staff Interview.

38 "The NPC Revises Constitutional Review Procedures, Review Processes Should Draw Lessons from Foreign Countries’ Experiences" [Renda xiuding weixian shencha chengxu shencha caozuo xu jiejia waiguo jingyan], Southern Metropolitan News (Online), 21 December 05; "Constitutional Review and the Strengthening of Judicial Power" [Hexianxing shencha yu sifaquande qianghua], China Social Science, Vol. 2, 2002; Zhu Xiaoqing, "Legal Research Must Be Based on China’s Situation" [Faxue yanjiu ya lizu yu zhongguo shiji], Seeking Truth, 16 March 06.

39 "NPC Explains Constitutional Review System, Any Citizen Can Petition for Constitutional Review" [Renda jie weixian shenchazhi, renhe gongmin ke tiqing weixian shencha], Beijing News, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 2 December 04; "My Country Implements the Constitution by NPC Supervision, Constitution Still Cannot Be the Basis of Litigation" [Wo guo you renda jiandu xianfa shishi, xianfa reng buneng chengwei susong genju], People’s Daily (Online), 1 December 04.

40 See Zhu Xiaoqing, "Legal Research Must be Based on China’s Situation," which states: "We absolutely may not use ‘the Constitution may be studied and amended’ as an excuse to wittinglyor unwittingly take the constitutional systems of certain Western countries as our example, or to question or censure our country’s constitutional system."

41 Ibid.; Cheng Xiangqing, "A Discussion of Perfecting National People’s Congress Supervision System" [Lun wanshan renda jiandu zhidu], People’s Daily (Online), 15 July 04.

42 Zhu Xiaoqing, "Legal Research Must be Based on China’s Situation."

43 PRC Legislation Law, enacted 15 March 00, art. 90.

44 "New NPC Body to Address Law Conflicts," China Daily (Online), 21 June 04. China’s state-run media has said this system is justified because "the issues raised by the State Council andthe other five types [of government agencies] are more important," and because the large number of proposals that could be submitted by average citizens necessitated a "filtering procedure"before they were forwarded to the NPCSC. "National People’s Congress Standing Committee Clarifies Constitutional Review Procedure" [Quanguo renda mingque weixian shencha chengxu], Beijing News (Online), 20 December 05. One Chinese scholar, however, has characterized this "government first, citizens second" approach as "giving one the feeling that the state is above the people, more important than the people, and seems inconsistent with nature of a socialist country." Wang Zhenmin, "China’s Constitutional Review System" [Zhongguo weixian shenchazhidu] (Beijing: China Law and Politics University Publishing, 2004), 130.

45 Working Procedures for the Filing and Review of Administrative Rules, Local Rules, Autonomous Region and Special Purpose Regulations, and Special Economic Zone Rules [Xinzheng faqui, difangxing fagui, zizhi tiaoli he danxing tiaoli, jingji tequ fagu beian shencha gongzuochengxu], issued 16 October 00.

46 Ding Aiping and Fei Zhiming, "Constitutional Review Takes a Big Step Forward" [Weixianshencha you xiang qian mai chule yi bu], Democracy and Legal System Times (Online), 17 April 06. See also, Luo Jing, "The Structure and Weaknesses of China’s Press Legal System" [Woguoxinwen lingyu falu tixide goucheng yu quexian], The Journalist Monthly (Online), 1 February 06, which says that the absence of means for redress is the reason no cases have been filed by "people suing the government" in the area of media control, and that even if someone wished to file such a law suit, there is no law on which such a suit could be based; "Chinese Media, Scholars Criticize Lack of Legal Protections for Journalists," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, March 2006, 15.

47 "Groups Petition Government To Review Constitutionality Of Internet News Rules," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, July 2006, 6.

48 See "Legal Expert: Improve Legislative Filing and Review, Safeguard the Unity of the Nation’s Legal System" [Faxue zhuanjia: wanshan fagui beian shencha weihu guojia fazhi tongyi],China Youth Daily (Online), 22 December 05, which quotes Cai Dingjian as saying: "Currently our country’s local protectionism and departmental protectionism commonly causes a lack of unity laws and regulations, and legislative conflicts lead to citizens’ rights suffering harm." See also Tong Dahuan, "How To Realize ‘Procedural Rule by Law’ " ["Chengxu fazhi" ruhe shixian],China Economic Times (Online), 22 December 05; "Heilongjiang’s Compulsory Marriage Examination is Not Illegal," [Heilongjiang qianzhi hun jian bing bu weifa], Procuratorate Daily (Online), 1 August 05, 5 (citing Tai Qianhong: "Furthermore it is difficult bring about social groups and citizens submitting suggestions, and this is also significantly related to the fact that the current constitutional review mechanism is imperfect, and procedures are difficult to operate."); Cheng Xiangqing, "A Discussion of Perfecting National People’s Congress Supervision System" ("[O]ur nation’s constitutional supervision duty has never been effectively exercised. One reason for this is that the constitutional review mechanisms and procedures continues to need improvement."); "Several Problems with the National People’s Congress’ Constitutional Review Procedures" [Guanyu quanguo renda changweiyuanhui fagui beian shencha gongzuode jige wenti],People’s Daily (Online), 15 July 04.

49 "I think they should conclude each case with a formal written judgment supported by adequate reasons, instead of solving the problem behind close doors.’ " "New NPC Body to Address Law Conflicts," China Daily (Online) (quoting Wang Zhenmin); Sun Ruizhuo, "Three Suggestions Regarding the ‘Constitutional Review’ Procedure" [Dui "weixian shencha" chengxu de san dian jianyi], Da He Bao, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 21 December 05; "Legal Expert: Improve Legislative Filing and Review, Safeguard the Unity of the Nation’s Legal System" (citing Cai Dingjian as suggesting that the government tell the citizens within a fixed time whetheror not an application for review has been accepted, whether or not they are launching a review, the specific process of the review, or if it is rejected, the reason for not accepting it); Tong Dahuan, "How to Realize ‘Procedural Rule by Law,’ " China Economic Times.

50 "National People’s Congress Standing Committee Clarifies Constitutional Review Procedures," Beijing News (Online), (citing Jiang Mingan, director of the Beijing University Constitutional and Administrative Law Research Center).

51 "Constitutional Law Expert: Establishing a Constitutional Review Agency is an Important Step" [Xianfa xue quanwei zhuanjia: chengli weixian shencha jigou shi zhongda jinbu], China Youth Daily (Online), reprinted in the People’s Daily (Online), 22 June 04, quoting Han Dayuan, China People’s University Law School Vice Dean, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Constitutional Law Association Vice-President:

[T]he general consensus with our country’s constitutional community is that the National People’s Congress Standing Committee should establish a dedicated Constitutional Commission, with rank at least equal to that of the NPC’s specialist commission, and appoint authoritative legal scholars, experienced judges, and experienced lawyers to the specialist committee to serve as review commissioners. It would then directly review whether laws and regulations were unconstitutional or illegal, and report directly to the NPC Standing Committee, after which review procedures would be launched, and this method is relatively more suited to our country’s situation.See also, "Experts Suggest The National People’s Congress Establish a Constitutional Commission" [Zhuanjia jianyi quanguo renda zengshe xianfaweiyuanhui], China Youth Daily, reprinted in Xinhua (Online), 3 December 05.

52 PRC Legislation Law, arts. 90 and 91.

53 "Beneath the conflict of legislation lies the conflict of interests of different departments and local administrations and, in a word, power distribution." "New NPC Body to Address Law Conflicts," (quoting Wang Zhenmin); Cai Dingjian, "China Takes a Step Forward in Constitutional Review" [Zhongguo xian weixian maijin], Southern Weekend (Online), 22 December 05 (saying China’s legal system is characterized by local and departmental protectionism); "Heilongjiang’s Compulsory Marriage Examination is Not Illegal," Procuratorate Daily (Online) (quoting Tai Qianhong: "[S]tate agencies rarely submit suggestions for reviewing laws and regulations, and this is because a given state agency is often the law enforcement entity, and the law or regulation is often connected with their own interests."); Fu Dalin, "Using Openness and Gamesmanship to Prevent ‘Legislative Balkanization’ " [Yi gongkai he boyi fangzhi "lifa geju"], GuangmingDaily (Online), 28 March, 06: [S]ituations arise where there are fights between legal standards. Looking into the reason, it is basically because it is very easy for agencies to influence the legislative process, and when legislating some administrative agencies "fight for what is in their interests, oppose what is against their interests, drag their feet in what is in others’ interests, and refuse anything that divides their interests," this creates a situation of administrative legislation separatism that is unjust and unharmonious.

54 "Legal Expert: Improve Legislative Filing and Review, Safeguard the Unity of the Nation’s Legal System," China Youth Daily (Online), quoting Cai Dingjian: [O]ur country’s legislative filing and review system primarily reviews whether local regulations and administrative regulations conflict with the Constitution and laws. . . . It is related to a constitutional review system,but it has a major difference, as the core of modern constitutional review systems will resolve whether the laws formulated by national legislative bodies are unconstitutional, and it safeguards the authority of law and the rights of citizens. Legislative filing and review systems do not include reviewing problems of NPC formulated laws conflicting with the Constitution. . . .

55 Zhang Qianfan, "A Symbol of the Beginning of China’s Constitutional Government Era" [Zhongguo xianzheng shidai kaishi de biaozhi], Legal Daily (Online), 28 June 04; "ConstitutionalLaw Expert: Establishing a Constitutional Review Agency Is an Important Step," China Youth Daily (Online), (quoting Han Dayuan: "the Legislation Review and Filing Office is an agency subordinate to the Legislative Affairs Commission, and does not have any practical authority to rescind unconstitutional or illegal laws and regulations."); "National People’s Congress Standing Committee Clarifies Constitutional Review Procedures," Beijing News (Online) (citing Jiao Hongchang).

56 PRC Administrative Reconsideration Law, enacted 29 April 99, art. 17; PRC Administrative Procedure Law, enacted 4 April 89, art. 11.

57 Compare original Legislation Procedures article 13 ("After legislative review work has been completed, the NPCSC General Office shall be responsible for notifying in writing the work unit or individual who raised the review request or review proposal") with amended Legislation Procedures article 14 ("After legislative review work has been completed, the NPCSC General Officemay, as necessity dictates, notify in writing the government agencies or social organization, business enterprise, organization, or citizen who raised the review request or review proposal.")

58 Ding Aiping and Fei Zhiming, "Constitutional Review Takes a Big Step Forward" ("Even though unconstitutional and illegal laws and regulations are commonplace, the National People’s Congress and its Standing Committee has yet to rescind a single law or regulation. Soon after three academics petitioned regarding the Sun Zhigang incident, the State Council abolished the custody and repatriation measures, but it did not begin constitutional review procedures, nor did it provide any feedback to the public or the petitioners regarding the situation.").

59 For example, officials have said that Chinese legislators replaced earlier regulations with the Public Order Administration Punishment Law to comply with the requirements of the Legislation Law. PRC Public Security Administration Punishment Law, issued 28 August 05; "National People’s Congress Legislative Affairs Commission Report on the Results of the Consideration of the ‘Draft People’s Republic of China Public Order Administration Punishment Law’ " [Quanguo renda falu¨ weiyuanhui guanyu "zhonghua renmin gongheguo zhi’an guanli chufa fa (cao’an)" shenyi jieguode baogao], enacted 28 August 05.

60 Liu Wuhou, "Hoping That Constitutional Review Procedures Will Commence as Soon asPossible," [Qidai weixian shencha chengxu jinkuai qidong], Jiangnan Times, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 23 December 05; Liao Weihua, "Experts Suggest Establishing a SpecialConstitutional Committee" [Zhuanjia jianyi she xianfa zhuanmen weiyuanhui], Beijing News (Online), 21 September 04.

61 The 2005 amendment to Legislative Procedures added the phrase " . . . in order to safeguard the unity of the nation’s legal system." See also, "Legal Expert: Improve Legislative Filing and Review, Safeguard the Unity of the Nation’s Legal System," China Youth Daily (Online) (quoting Cai Dingjian: "[I]ts primary goal is to safeguard the unity of the nation’s legal system.").

62 PRC Constitution, arts. 62, 67; PRC Legislation Law, arts. 90–91; Cheng Xiangqing, "A Discussion of Perfecting National People’s Congress Supervision System" ("Our country’s system differs from the three powers separation implemented in Western countries, in that we implement a system whereby all power belongs to the people through the People’s Congress. . . . Our country’s Constitution stipulates that the sacred duty of supervising the implementation of the Constitution lies only with the National People’s Congress and its Standing Committee.").

63 China’s leaders have nevertheless acknowledged that unrestrained power leads to abuse and corruption, and that mechanisms are required to ensure citizens have a means to achieve redress of violations of their constitutional and legal rights. See, e.g., Zhu Xiaoqing, "Legal Research Must Be Based on China’s Situation" ("[E]very country believes that, if power is not subject to restraint and supervision, it must lead to corruption"); Cheng Xiangqing, "A Discussion of Perfecting National People’s Congress Supervision System" ("History, both ancient and modern, foreign and domestic, proves that if those who hold power are not restrained, they will necessarily abuse their authority and become corrupt."); Hu Jintao, "Speech in the Capital Commemorating the Twentieth Anniversary of the Promulgation and Implementation of the Constitution" [Zai shoudu gejie jinian zhonghua renmin gongheguo xianfa gongbu shixing ershi zhou nian dahui de yanjiang], Guangming Daily (Online), 4 December 02 ("As a result of problemswith flawed laws and systems and the ill-adapted quality of law enforcement personal, there remain many problems of laws not being complied with, laws not being strictly enforced, andviolations of law not being prosecuted, and there continues to exist some unconstitutional situations at different levels. We must expeditiously study and implement constitutional supervision mechanisms and further clarify constitutional supervision procedures in order to redress all violations of the Constitution.").

64 Ding Aiping and Fei Zhiming, "Constitutional Review Takes A Big Step Forward."

65 Under the national Regulations on Letters and Visits (RLV), citizens may "give information, make comments or suggestions, or lodge complaints" to xinfang (letters and visits) bureaus of local governments and their departments. Regulations on Letters and Visits [Xinfang tiaoli],issued 10 January 05, arts. 3, 6. The Law on Administrative Supervision allows citizens to file complaints of illegal behavior of government officials with Ministry of Supervision (MOS) officials. PRC Law on Administrative Supervision, enacted 9 May 97, art. 6. Party discipline bureaus handle similar accusations regarding Party members’ violation of Party discipline. Regulations on Intra-Party Supervision [Dangnei jiandu tiaoli], issued 17 February 04, arts. 8, 25–26. None of the above channels allows citizens to challenge the underlying legality of regulations.

66 PRC Administrative Reconsideration Law, enacted 29 April 99, arts. 6, 14. The Chinese administrative law system speaks in terms of "concrete" acts, which refer to actions by a government official or agency against a specific target with regard to a specific matter. "Abstract" acts refer to universally binding documents issued by administrative agencies to regulate behavior.

67 Ibid., art. 14; PRC Administrative Procedure Law, arts. 2, 11.

68 PRC State Compensation Law, enacted 12 May 94, art. 9.

69 Shaanxi Provincial Party Disciplinary Commission and Bureau of Supervision (Online), "Record of Jinhua Open Hearing of Party and Government Disciplinary Violations" [Jinhuagongkai shenli dangji zhengji anjian jishi], 24 March 05.

70 Defined as "regulatory documents below the level of rules" [Guizhang yixiade guifanxingwenjian]. See National People’s Congress (Online), "Explanation Regarding the Administrative Reconsideration Law of the People’s Republic of China" [Zhonghua renmin gongheguo xingzhengfuyi fa shiyi], 18 October 00. "Rules" are defined in article 2 of the Regulation for Filing Local and Administrative Rules [Fagui guizhang bei’an tiaoli], issued 14 December 01, as "Those rules [guizhang] formulated by State Council ministries and commissions, the People’s Bank of China, the Auditing Administration, and subordinate agencies having executive administration capacityin accordance with laws and State Council’s administrative regulations [xinzheng fagui], decisions, and orders within the scope of their authority pursuant to the Regulation on the Procedures for the Formulation of Rules. Article 6 of the Regulation on the Procedures for the Formulation of Rules [Guizhang zhiding chengxu tiaoli], issued 16 November 01, states that the names of rules generally include "provisions" [guiding] and "measures" [banfa], but not "regulations" [tiaoli].

71 PRC Administrative Reconsideration Law, art. 7.

72 National People’s Congress, "Explanation Regarding the Administrative ReconsiderationLaw."

73 Legislative Affairs Office of the State Council (Online), "2005 Analytical Report on Administrative Reconsideration and Administrative Litigation in Hubei Province" [2005 nian Hubei sheng xingzheng fuyi ji xingzheng yingsu qingkuang fenxi de baogao], 29 March 06.

74 Ibid.

75 2006 Supreme People’s Court Work Report, 11 March 06; 1995 Law Yearbook of China[1995 Zhongguo falu¨ nianjian] (Beijing: China Law Yearbook Press, 1995), 958.

76 Provisions on the Administration of Internet News Information Services [Hulianwangxinwen xiaoxi fuwu guanli guiding], issued 25 September 05.

77 The groups claimed that the Provisions granting the SCIO the authority to license Websites violated article 35 of the Constitution, and various provisions of the PRC Administrative Licensing Law, issued 27 August 03. "Petition on Behalf of the Aegean Sea Web Site Et. Al.to Repeal Rules on the Administration of Internet News Information Services" [Aiqinhai shijian weixian shencha shenqing daibiao tuan deng], Signature Net, issued 28 March 06.

78 Decision of the State Council Establishing Administration Examination and Approval Matters That Must Remain Subject to Administrative Licensing [Guowuyuan dui quexu baoliu de xingzheng shenpi xiangmu sheding xingzheng xuke de jueding daohang], issued 29 June 04.

79 PRC Administrative Reconsideration Law, art. 5.

80 PRC Administrative Procedure Law, art. 12(2) states that "people’s courts shall not accept actions initiated by citizens, legal persons or other organizations concerning any of the following matters: administrative rules and regulations, or decisions and orders with general binding force formulated and promulgated by administrative organs." PRC Administrative Reconsideration Law, art. 7 stipulates that "rules of departments and commissions under the State Council, and local people’s governments" are excluded from administrative reconsideration review.

81 PRC Administrative Procedure Law, arts. 52 and 53 state that, in adjudicating administrative disputes, people’s courts shall "rely upon" national laws and State Council and local regulations, and shall "refer to" the rules of State Council ministries, commissions, and local governments.

82 Wang Zhenmin, "China’s Constitutional Review System" ("But if the Legislation Law is strictly implemented, [Article 90] in fact clearly negates the constitutional review power of the Supreme People’s Courts and the lower level courts, and requires that, if the Supreme People’s Court runs into a situation where a rule or regulation is unconstitutional, it must temporarily suspend adjudication proceedings and apply to the NPCSC to undertake constitutional review of the rule or regulation . . . .").

83 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 95–98; Carl Minzner, "Xinfang: An Alternative to Formal Chinese Legal Institutions," 42 Stanford Journal of International Law 103, 115–6 (2006).

84 Regulations on Letters and Visits, arts. 3, 6.

85 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 95.

86 "The Growth of Xinfang Cases Has Been Turned Back" [Wo guo xinfang zongliang chixu pansheng shitou huo ezhi shangfang geng quxiang lixing], China National Radio (Online), 29 April 06.

87 SPC Work Report, 11 March 06. Note that since 2005, the SPC work report has included "executed" (zhixing) cases in its annual computations of judicial cases, raising the total numbers of cases handled by the Chinese judiciary by 2 million a year. CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 177, endnote 9.

88 Zhou Zhanshun, Director of the State Bureau of Letters and Calls stated in a 2003 interview that the total number of petitions received had risen regularly since 1993. "Director of the State Bureau for Letters and Calls: 80 Percent of Petitioners Are Justified," Outlook, reprinted in the China Internet Information Center (Online), 20 November 03. In 2006, Chinese authorities noted that the total number of petitions had declined in 2005 for the first time in 12 years. "The Growth of Xinfang Cases Has Been Turned Back," China National Radio.

89 SPC Work Report, 11 March 06.

90 "In the Past Three Months, Public Security Organs Have Resolved 163,000 Xinfang Problems from the Masses" [Guoqu 3 ge yue gongan jiguan jiejue qunzhong xinfang wenti 16.3 wan qi], People’s Daily (Online), 18 August 06.

91 Provisions on the Letters and Visits Work of Public Security Agencies [Gongan jiguan xinfang gongzuo guiding], issued 18 August 05, arts. 8, 38(5).

92 "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 14–15. Party leaders have set a 2006 goal to decrease the number of "mass incidents" such as strikes, marches, demonstrations, or collective petitions directed at government authorities. Ibid.

93 "Communist Party, State Council Order Stronger Controls Over Society," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 14–15.

94 "The Growth of Xinfang Cases Has Been Turned Back," China National Radio; "In the Past Three Months, Public Security Agencies Have Resolved 163,000 Xinfang Problems of the Masses," People’s Daily.

95 "The Growth of Xinfang Cases Has Been Turned Back," China National Radio. Official statistics also report a 20.7 percent decline in the number of collective petitions to national xinfang authorities and a 22.5 percent decrease in the number of collective petitioners approaching provincial xinfang authorities. Ibid. Chinese courts recorded a 5 percent decline in the total number of petitions in 2005. SPC Work Report, 11 March 06.

96 Reports state that authorities closed out 92.6 percent of those received, and successfully resolved more than 90 percent of the conflicts examined. "A Look Back at the New Xinfang Regulations" ["Xinfang tiaoli": changtong youxu kai yanlu wushi gaoxiao jie min you], People’s Daily (Online), 2 May 06.

97 Zhao Ling, "Xinfang Reform Triggers Controversy" [Xinfang gaige yinfa zhengyi], Southern Weekend (Online), 18 November 04.

98 Provisions on the Letters and Visits Work of Public Security Agencies, arts. 8, 38(5).

99 Regulations on Letters and Visits, art. 6.

100 For example, the xinfang responsibility system adopted in February 2006 by the Ningnan county government in Sichuan province provides that local authorities receive a warning if 10 or more petitioners from their jurisdiction collectively petition provincial or higher authorities, if 20 or more petitioners collectively petition prefectural authorities, or if 30 or more petitioners do so at the county level. If petitioners present three or more collective petitions within a year to provincial or national officials, local officials lose eligibility for promotion or other awards. Ningnan County Party and Government Xinfang Responsibility System [Zhonggong ningnan xian wei ningnan xian renmin zhengfu guanyu luoshi xinfang gongzuo zeren zhi he zeren zhuijiu zhi de shishi yijian], issued 27 February 06. See also Implementation Details For The Municipal 2005–2007 Xinfang Evaluation System [Guanyu yinfa "2005–2007 nian quan shi jijian jiancha xinfang jubao gongzuo mubiao guanli kaoping xize" de tongzhi], issued 2 August 05; Lujiang County Trial Regulation on Implementing Xinfang Responsibility System [Lujiang xian shixing xinfang gongzuo guocuo zeren zhuijiu zhi de zanxing guiding], issued 9 December 05.

101 Minzner, "Xinfang: An Alternative to Formal Chinese Legal Institutions," 156–58, 172–74.

102 Human Rights Watch, "China: Rampant Violence and Intimidation Against Petitioners," 8 December 05.

103 Human Rights Watch, " ‘We Could Disappear at Any Time’—Retaliation and Abuses Against Chinese Petitioners," December 2005, 47.

104 "Ministry of Public Security Issues Notice Regarding the Situation of Preventing Serious Public Security Incidents, and Ensuring the Supervision of Public Security" [Gonganbu tongbao yufang zhongda zhi’an zaihai shigu, baozhang gonggong anquan ducha qingkuang], China Internet Information Center (Online), 2 March 06. See also "Official Discloses Use of Mass Roundups During NPC, CPPCC Sessions," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, April 2006, 5. At the same time, Chinese authorities raided an area in Beijing where petitioners live and detained more than 400 people. Ibid.

105 "U.S. NGO Reports That Official Abuse of Petitioners Is Rampant in China," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 7–8.

106 "Supreme People’s Court To Strengthen Handling of Citizen Petitions by Trial Judges," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 6.

107 The 2005 Regulations on Letters and Visits require county-level and township governments to establish "leadership reception days" where petitioners may individually approach government leaders regarding the resolution of their grievances. Regulations on Letters and Visits, art. 10. The regulations also require local governments to adopt responsibility systems that make officials’ success in handling these petitions a component of their regular performance evaluations. Ibid, art. 7.

108 "Supreme People’s Court to Strengthen Handling of Citizen Petitions by Trial Judges," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, December 2005, 6.

VII(d) COMMERCIAL RULE OF LAW AND THE IMPACT OF THE WTO

FINDINGS

The Chinese government has made progress in bringing its laws and regulations into compliance with its World Trade Organization (WTO) commitments. Although significant flaws remain, the new body of commercial laws has improved the business climate for foreign companies in China. With new, more transparent rules, the Chinese trade bureaucracy has reduced regulatory and licensing delays in many sectors.
The Chinese commercial regulatory regime remains, however, largely opaque to both domestic and foreign businesses. When China joined the WTO in December 2001, the government committed to establishing an official journal that would publish drafts of trade-related measures for notice and comment, and to publishing trade-related measures no later than 90 days after they become effective. Although the government has acted to improve transparency, some central government agencies and many local governments are not consistent in publishing trade-related measures in the official journal.
The Chinese government tolerates intellectual property rights (IPR) infringement rates that are among the highest in the world. The Chinese government has not introduced criminal penalties sufficient to deter IPR infringement, and steps taken by Chinese government agencies to improve the protection of foreign intellectual property have not produced any significant decrease in infringement activity. The Chinese government’s failure to provide effective criminal enforcement of IPR has led foreign companies to turn to civil litigation to obtain monetary damages or injunctive relief. Civil litigants continue to find, however, that most judges lack the necessary training and experience to handle IPR cases, and damage awards are too low to be an effective deterrent.
Since acceding to the WTO, the Chinese government has used technical, regulatory, and industrial policies, some of which appear to conflict with its WTO commitments, to discriminate against foreign producers and investors and limit their access to the domestic market. U.S. rights holders and industry groups have complained that the government’s censorship regime serves as a barrier to entry and encourages IPR violations. In 2005, the American Chamber of Commerce in China wrote that censorship clearance procedures severely restrict the ability to distribute CD, VCD, and DVD products in China and provide an "unfair and unnecessary advantage to pirate producers who bring their products to market long before legitimate copies are available for sale."

Introduction

On December 11, 2001, China formally became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). In doing so, the Chinese government agreed to abide by the rules governing trade relations among most of the nations in the world, and voiced its willingness to make fundamental changes to its trade regime to conform with the WTO’s rules-based system, affecting China’s system of governance at all levels. The WTO agreements and China’s accession documents contain many core elements of the rule of law. When China joined the WTO, the Chinese government committed to ensuring that all trade-related measures be administered in a non-discriminatory manner. The WTO also imposes transparency on its members by requiring that all laws, regulations, judicial decisions, and administrative rulings relating to trade be published promptly.

The government’s implementation of its WTO non-discrimination and transparency obligations is a useful measure of the overall development of the rule of law in China, including the extent to which the government treats individuals equally under the law and makes laws and administrative regulations accessible to the public. The Chinese government has made progress in bringing its laws and regulations into compliance with its WTO commitments. The new body of commercial laws has improved the business climate for foreign companies in China. With new, more transparent rules, the Chinese trade bureaucracy has reduced regulatory and licensing delays in many sectors. Nevertheless, serious problems remain in such areas as regulatory transparency, the enforcement of intellectual property rights (IPR), and discrimination against goods and services of foreign origin. Most of China’s WTO commitments were to have been phased in by December 2004, and the past year therefore provides an indication of what Chinese citizens and foreign investors can expect of China as a WTO member with its full range of WTO commitments in place.

The U.S. and Chinese governments established the U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT) in 1983 as a government-to-government mechanism to develop and facilitate the bilateral commercial relationship. The two governments held the 17th plenary session of the JCCT on April 11, 2006, in Washington, D.C. The Chinese delegation made a number of commitments on trade issues of priority concern to the United States, such as fighting piracy of U.S. intellectual property; increasing transparency in China’s domestic regulatory process; ending duplicative testing of U.S. medical products entering the Chinese market; resuming sales of U.S. beef; and making progress toward accession to the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement. The U.S. Department of Commerce is the lead U.S. government agency in the JCCT process, and engages the Chinese government to ensure compliance with commitments made at JCCT meetings.

Transparency

The Chinese commercial regulatory regime continues to exhibit what the United States Trade Representative (USTR) describes as "systemic opacity." 1 China’s Protocol of Accession to the WTO requires that the Chinese government translate all trade-related laws, regulations or other measures into one or more of the WTO’s official languages.2 In addition, to the maximum extent possible, it must make these laws, regulations and other measures available before they are implemented or enforced, but in no case later than 90 days after the date of implementation or enforcement.3 Moreover, the government committed to designating an official journal to regularly publish trade-related laws, regulations, and other measures, and to provide additional relevant information, such as the effective date for a particular measure and the identity of the governmental and non-governmental authorities responsible for authorizing, approving, or regulating services activities.4 Before implementing or enforcing trade-related laws, regulations, and other measures, the Chinese government has committed to publishing them in an official journal and to providing a reasonable period for public comment to the appropriate government authorities, except in extraordinary circumstances.5

The government, in particular the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM), has taken steps toward improving transparency, but still does not consistently publish trade-related measures6 and does not always translate those measures that it publishes.7 Some government agencies do not circulate drafts of trade-related measures to outside groups or individuals, domestic or foreign, or do so only on the condition that the outside party promises not to share the draft more widely.8

In March 2006, the State Council issued a circular providing that the "Chinese Foreign Economic Trade Gazette" would be the government’s official journal for the publication and registration of "all laws, regulations, or other measures pertaining to or affecting trade in goods, services, trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights (TRIPs), or the control of foreign exchange." 9 The circular reiterated that all local governments and government agencies are required to forward to MOFCOM any trade-related regulations that they promulgate or make available in draft form for public comment. MOFCOM is then responsible for publishing the regulations. MOFCOM began making the Gazette available on its Web site in 2003.10 A Commission review of the Gazette indicates, however, that few trade-related measures below the central government level have been published there.

Poor transparency has made it difficult for the U.S. government to obtain accurate information on the Chinese government’s subsidy programs.11 The WTO Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures requires each WTO member to submit an annual notification of all the subsidies that it maintains, and provides that members shall respond to requests for information regarding practices that appear to constitute subsidies "as quickly as possible and in a comprehensive manner." 12 To date, however, the Chinese government has not met its annual notification commitment. The United States submitted a request to the Chinese government in October 2004 regarding a number of subsidy programs.13 The Chinese government did not respond until April 2006,14 and that response was limited to subsidies that existed between 2001 and 2004.

Chinese officials credit China’s accession to the WTO as having increased the government’s attention to transparency. Zhou Hanhua, the head of the State Council-designated drafting team on open government measures [see Section VII(b)—Institutions of Democratic Governance and Legislative Reform], said WTO accession has raised awareness about citizen rights and the importance of openness and transparency.15 Some local governments also have cited the WTO transparency principle as support for their own reforms. For example, officials in Changzhou city, Jiangsu province, announced in November 2005 that the city government would no longer enforce regulatory documents that have not been published first in the local newspaper, the government’s gazette, or other publications specified by the city government. In the circular announcing this requirement, the Changzhou government said that, "[A]ccording to the WTO ‘principle of openness and transparency,’ there is generally one month between the time that regulatory documents and other policies and proceedings are promulgated and the time that they are implemented." 16 The new procedures provided that the public could "inspect and review" any such draft measure before the government makes it effective if it has been published in one of the three approved media.

Intellectual Property Rights Protection and Enforcement

Intellectual property counterfeiting and piracy in China are rampant, according to Chinese17 and U.S. government sources.18 Industry reports indicate that infringement levels in China range from 85 to 95 percent for all copyrighted works.19 In 2005, the value of copyrighted works that were pirated exceeded US$2.3 billion.20 China is now the second-largest legal music market in Asia, with sales worth US$212 million in 2004. Sales of pirated discs were, however, worth approximately US$400 million.21 Ninety percent of the software used in China is pirated,22 and business software losses were estimated at US$1.27 billion in 2005.23 A study commissioned by the Motion Picture Association of America found that 93 percent of the Chinese film market is lost to piracy,24 costing U.S. rights holders nearly US$300 million per year, according to industry estimates.25 According to U.S. customs statistics, 69 percent of all counterfeit products seized at the U.S. border in 2005 were of Chinese origin,26 and the volume of seized Chinese goods continues to rise.27 U.S. industry reports of piracy levels in China ranged from an assessment that "no significant reduction in IPR infringement levels" had taken place in 2005,28 to a more positive assessment that there had been sharp improvement in some regions.29

Some Chinese officials have characterized their government’s IPR enforcement efforts as effective, or downplayed the seriousness of IPR issues.30 In November 2005, the head of China’s WTO delegation responded to simultaneous requests under Article 63 of the WTO Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights from the United States, Japan, and Switzerland for information on the Chinese government’s IPR enforcement, by saying that the blame laid on China for being one of the top producers and exporters of counterfeit and infringing automotive parts was groundless.31 One report in the state-run Chinese news media cited the United States and other developed countries as being the source of intellectual property piracy.32 A Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) analyst said that the U.S. government exaggerates IPR issues because it fears China’s surging exports.33 According to one senior Chinese customs official, IPR infringement in China is "not that serious" when compared with international standards and when viewed in proportion to China’s total exports to the United States.34

Chinese officials cite enforcement statistics and legislative activities to demonstrate a strong respect for IPR.35 In the weeks before the April 2006 meeting of the bilateral Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT), Chinese officials made several announcements regarding administrative IPR enforcement measures that the government had recently undertaken.36 The State Council and its agencies continue to issue new regulations regarding intellectual property rights.37 In March 2006, the MOFCOM National IPR Protection Working Group Office issued an "Action Plan on IPR Protection 2006" outlining how 11 government ministries and agencies will coordinate in nine areas to work on the protection of trademarks, copyrights, and patents, and formulate and revise IPR-related laws and regulations.38 In July 2006, a new regulation on Internet copyright protection went into effect.39 Chinese officials said this regulation would form the basis of China’s ratification of the World Intellectual Property Organization Internet treaties in the second half of 2006.40 In November 2005, the Supreme People’s Court published four draft interpretations for comment regarding unfair competition, plant patents, civil IPR disputes, and civil disputes regarding music television broadcasting rights.41

Ongoing enforcement and legislative activity, however, has not translated into decreased IPR infringement. At the conclusion of a review conducted under Special 301 provisions of U.S. trade law in April 2005, the United States elevated China to the "Priority Watch" list. In its report, the USTR noted that "[i]nadequate IPR enforcement is one of China’s greatest shortcomings as a trading partner," and that "China suffers from chronic over reliance on toothless administrative enforcement and underutilization of criminal remedies." 42

At the 2005 JCCT Plenary, the Chinese government committed to completing its legalization program to ensure that all central, provincial, and local governments offices would use only licensed software, and would extend that program to enterprises in 2006.43 In March 2006, the National Copyright Administration, Ministry of Information Industry, Ministry of Finance, and State Council jointly reiterated requirements set forth in previous regulations that ordered Chinese government agencies to use legitimate copies of software. According to Chinese officials, all government departments had complied with this mandate.44 The software industry reports, however, that the level of new government purchases does not support this claim.45

Current provisions in the Criminal Law are inadequate to deter infringement.46 While China has said that the absolute number of criminal IPR infringement cases rose from 2004 to 2005,47 the number remains small in comparison to the volume and value of IPR violations that occur in China each year. The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) requires WTO members to maintain criminal IPR infringement penalties, including monetary fines "sufficient to provide a deterrent." 48 China’s state-run media, however, cites "experts" to support the position that, because intellectual property is a private right, the government should prosecute IPR violations only in those cases that "negatively influence the public interest," and that if the government were to focus on assisting foreign companies in protecting their IPR, "it would be an infringement on the rights of Chinese individuals and companies." 49

High thresholds for criminal liability make it difficult for the Chinese government to prosecute illegal commercial operations.50 Although some high-profile prosecutions have been undertaken,51 because the government calculates criminal thresholds using the retail value of the illegal goods rather than the value of genuine products, the current procedure creates a "safe harbor" for commercial infringers. In addition, because a government agency that successfully prosecutes an IPR case is eligible to receive a portion of any fines assessed, current rules create a disincentive to transfer cases to law enforcement officials.52 The Supreme People’s Court and Supreme People’s Procuratorate issued an interpretation in 2004 on transferring IPR infringement cases from administrative to criminal enforcement,53 but the U.S. government subsequently determined that the revisions did not go far enough,54 and less than 25 percent of respondents in one survey of U.S. businesses believed the interpretation would aid IPR protection to a moderate or great extent.55 In response to expressions of concern from the United States regarding the availability of remedies to address commercial-scale counterfeiting and piracy, as well as reliance on non-deterrent administrative penalties rather than transferring cases for criminal prosecution,56 China’s WTO delegation said that the National People’s Congress had no plans to amend China’s Criminal Law or other intellectual property laws.57

A lack of interagency cooperation is at least partly to blame for the government’s continued failure to impose criminal sanctions on IPR infringers, according to Zhu Xiaoqing, Deputy Procurator General of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate.58 The government has begun, however, to address this problem. In January and March 2006, the Ministry of Public Security and several other government agencies enacted rules intended to improve interagency coordination in handling criminal trademark and copyright infringement cases.59

The Chinese government’s failure to provide effective administrative and criminal enforcement of IPR has led foreign companies to turn to civil litigation to obtain monetary damages or injunctive relief.60 Civil litigants continue to find, however, that most judges lack the necessary training and experience to handle IPR cases. In addition, the evidentiary and other rules governing civil lawsuits are generally vague or ineffective, and damage awards are too low to be an effective deterrent.61 Despite these challenges, some high-profile lawsuits have been filed in which foreign IPR holders have succeeded in suing infringers as well as the Chinese government. For example, in December 2005, the Shanghai No. 2 Intermediate People’s Court ordered a Chinese coffee retailer to pay Starbucks Corporation 500,000 yuan (US$62,000), saying the Chinese retailer had engaged in unfair competition by using Starbucks’s Chinese name and imitating the design of its cafe´s.62 In June 2006, the Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court ordered the State Intellectual Property Office to withdraw its decision to invalidate Pfizer, Inc.’s patent on the active ingredient in the drug Viagra.63

The central government has begun to make policy statements emphasizing the importance of IPR protection, specifically about how this protection will benefit domestic Chinese IPR holders. At its October 2005 plenum, the Communist Party included "innovation" in the 11th Five-Year Plan (2006–2010), and since then Chinese officials64 and the state-run media65 have called for increasing IPR protection to further the innovation of Chinese companies and increase China’s international trade. In 2004, China overtook the United States to become the world’s largest exporter of information and communication technology goods.66 Although the majority of these goods are made by foreign-invested enterprises,67 some high-technology Chinese manufacturers, such as Huawei and Lenovo, are garnering global name recognition and market share. In 2005, the first Chinese company with independently developed intellectual property was listed on the NASDAQ.68

The Chinese government possesses the resources necessary to enforce IPR, but appears to lack the resolve to do so with respect to foreign rights holders. The government’s position is that its failure to enforce IPR is a result of China’s current stage of economic development.69 According to Chinese and U.S. experts, however, the problem is that local police generally resist efforts to shut down commercial infringers because large-scale pirating efforts support local economies and have the financial support of key local officials.70 In 2002, the State Council enacted regulations specifically addressing protection of the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games’ trademark symbol from counterfeiting.71 Western news media reports indicate that vendors who otherwise sell counterfeit goods are avoiding the new Olympic symbol out of fear of government reprisals.72

Financial Services

In 2004, the United States recorded a US$145 million financial services surplus with China, according to the U.S. International Trade Commission.73 Exports of U.S. banking and securities services to China were down, however, from 2003.74 Although the Chinese government has acknowledged the value that foreign investment and exchanges can bring to its financial services sector,75 it continues to impose strict limits and high barriers to entry on foreign investment in its banking, insurance, and securities sectors.

BANKING

The Chinese government has committed to eliminating all non-prudential measures that restrict ownership, operation, and juridical form of foreign financial institutions, including measures on internal branching and licenses, before 2007.76 The government currently imposes tighter limitations and higher barriers to entry on foreign banks than on Chinese banks.

In its WTO accession agreement, the government also set different restrictions and schedules on foreign banks based on whether they conduct business in domestic or foreign currency. With respect to business in domestic currency, the government has met its WTO commitment regarding lifting geographic restrictions. The Chinese WTO accession agreement provides that, immediately upon joining the WTO, the government would allow foreign banks to conduct domestic currency business with foreign-invested enterprises and foreign individuals, subject to certain geographic restrictions. Within two years after accession, foreign banks were also to be able to conduct domestic currency business with Chinese enterprises, subject to certain geographic restrictions, which were to be lifted gradually over the following three years.77 The Chinese government met these commitments, and opened several cities ahead of schedule.78 In addition, in December 2005, the China Banking Regulatory Commission (CBRC) announced that it was lowering the minimum operating capital requirement to conduct domestic currency businesses from 500 million yuan to 400 million yuan for a foreign bank branch, and from 300 million yuan to 200 million yuan for a wholly foreign-owned or a joint venture bank.79

With respect to foreign currency business, the Chinese government agreed as part of its WTO accession agreement that, immediately upon joining the WTO, it would allow foreign banks to conduct foreign currency business without any geographic or client restrictions. According to the U.S. Trade Representative, although the Chinese government has permitted licensed foreign banks to freely engage in foreign currency business with any customer, only a limited number of banks are allowed to enter into forward foreign exchange contracts.80 In addition, according to one industry group, measures issued in May 2004 limit the foreign currency financing of foreign banks in China and, although identical restrictions are applicable to domestic banks, their effects on foreign banks are disproportionately negative.81

Market entry requirements for foreign banks are higher than those for domestic banks. For example, domestic banks need only 100 million yuan in registered capital to establish an urban commercial bank.82 Foreign banks seeking to establish a market presence through a wholly foreign-owned or joint venture bank must have at least 300 million yuan in registered capital.83 In addition, Chinese regulations, consistent with China’s WTO services schedule, provide that these banks must have total assets of at least US$10 billion.84 Finally, a wholly foreign-owned bank must have had a representative office in China for at least two years.85 Even if a foreign bank meets these requirements, it is restricted to conducting foreign currency business with a limited category of clients, unless it meets higher registered capital requirements.86

The prudential thresholds to establish a branch are much higher for wholly foreign-funded banks or joint venture banks than for domestic commercial banks.87 A wholly foreign-funded bank or joint venture applying to establish a branch must have three years of business operation experience in China, and have been profitable for two consecutive years before applying.88 In addition, Chinese law, consistent with its WTO services schedule, provides that a foreign bank applying to establish a branch in China must have at least US$20 billion in total assets.89 In its accession agreement, the Chinese government agreed that qualified foreign financial institutions could establish joint venture banks immediately after accession. The government currently caps total foreign investment in any single Chinese bank at 25 percent, however, with no single foreign investor allowed to hold more than 20 percent.90

In December 2005, it was reported that a group of investors led by Citigroup had successfully bid for the right to negotiate to purchase an 85 percent stake in the Guangdong Development Bank, with Citigroup taking a 40 percent stake.91 This led to speculation and conflicting reports that Chinese authorities might be considering raising limits on foreign investment in Chinese banks.92 In April 2006, however, China’s state-run media reported that, "It is certain that the banking regulatory agency will not let the ceiling be broken in this case." 93 The same month, the CBRC sent a letter to the Guangdong provincial government saying: "The case of Guangdong Development Bank has been looked into many times by the CBRC and other related administrations, and it is hard to break the present restrictions on foreign strategic investor issues." 94 In July, Chinese-language news media in Hong Kong reported that Citigroup would lower its offer to below 20 percent.95

INSURANCE

According to the USTR’s 2005 report on China’s WTO compliance, opaque regulatory processes and overly burdensome licensing and operating requirements continue to hinder U.S. insurance companies’ access to China’s insurance market.96 In its accession agreement, the Chinese government agreed that it would phase out geographic restrictions on all types of insurance operations by 2004.97 The China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC) approved life insurance operations for U.S. insurers in Beijing municipality, Suzhou city, and Tianjin municipality two years ahead of schedule, in Chongqing municipality one year ahead of schedule,98 and removed all geographic restrictions in 2004.99

Foreign insurance companies may enter the Chinese market as wholly foreign-owned subsidiaries selling insurance policies other than life insurance, but foreign investment in domestic life insurance providers is capped at 51 percent,100 and the Chinese government does not plan to lift this restriction.101 To obtain a license, foreign insurance companies must have at least 30 years of experience in the insurance business, have had a representative office in China for no less than two years, and have no less than US$5 billion in total assets.102

According to the USTR, every U.S. insurer that has applied to enter the China market has received a license.103 At the end of 2005, the CIRC had approved 40 overseas insurers, which operated 99 offices and held a combined market share of almost 7 percent.104 In May 2006, the CIRC authorized subsidiaries of American International Group, Inc. to expand their businesses in Guangdong and Jiangsu provinces and to issue group contracts throughout China covering life insurance, personal accident and health insurance, and other products.105

U.S. companies have complained, however, that while domestic insurers can obtain multiple branch licenses at once, the government requires foreign companies to apply for them one at a time.106 According to a report from the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, while the CIRC claims it does not have any restrictions on opening multiple branch offices, it has denied several U.S. insurance companies’ applications to open multiple branch offices, and instead granted approval to open only one branch office.107

SECURITIES

The Chinese government currently limits foreign participation to minority stakes in securities joint ventures (49 percent for fund management and 33 percent for securities trading).108 Joint ventures are permitted to underwrite and trade B-shares and H-shares, as well as government and corporate debt.109 The Chinese government has allowed foreign institutions to trade in A-shares since December 2002, but only those that have met strict criteria, and then only to a limited extent.110 "A-shares" refers to shares of companies incorporated in mainland China that are traded in Chinese stock markets and are denominated in local currency. "B-shares" refers to shares of companies incorporated in China that are traded in Chinese stock markets and are denominated in foreign currencies. "H-shares" refers to shares of companies incorporated in China that are listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange and foreign stock exchanges.

In its accession agreement, the government agreed that immediately upon WTO accession it would allow foreign securities institutions to engage directly (without a Chinese intermediary) in B-share business. In addition, representative offices in China of foreign securities institutions could become special members of all Chinese stock exchanges. Finally, foreign service providers were permitted to establish joint ventures with foreign investment up to 33 percent to conduct domestic securities investment fund management business, increasing to 49 percent in 2004. Also by 2004, foreign securities institutions were to be permitted to establish joint ventures with up to one-third foreign ownership. These institutions were to be allowed to engage (without a Chinese intermediary) in underwriting A-shares, underwriting and trading of B- and H-shares, government and corporate debts, and launching funds.111

The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) announced they had established a framework for a dialogue between the two agencies.112 The objectives of the dialogue included improving cooperation and the exchange of information in cross-border securities enforcement matters, and expanding upon the existing program of training and technical assistance that the SEC provides to the CSRC.

CHINA'S FINANCIAL SERVICES ENVIRONMENT

Money laundering, embezzlement, bribery, and financial fraud are major problems in China. The International Monetary Fund has estimated that money laundering in China may total as much as US$24 billion annually, while the Asian Development Bank estimates that more than 2 percent of China’s gross domestic product is laundered in mainland China each year. Transparency International, an anti-corruption NGO based in Germany, ranked China 78 out of 158 in its 2005 Corruption Perceptions Index,113 and reports in Chinese state-run news media indicate that government corruption in China is widespread.114

The Chinese government is taking steps to address these issues. In January 2005, China became an observer to the Financial Action Task Force.115 In October 2005, the National People’s Congress ratified the UN Anti-Corruption Convention.116 In April 2006, the People’s Bank of China issued a series of draft regulations for public comment aimed at "beefing up efforts to rein in money laundering across its banking, securities, and insurance sectors." 117 In addition, in February 2006, the China Banking Regulatory Commission issued rules requiring newly established joint stock commercial banks, which have equity owners and are typically smaller institutions, to have at least one foreign shareholder.118

Information and Entertainment

The Chinese government made limited commitments in its WTO accession agreements regarding foreign participation in the domestic information and entertainment sectors.119 The government agreed to permit foreign investors to enter the retail market for books, newspapers, and magazines within one year after accession, and to permit them to import and engage in wholesale distribution of these products within three years of accession. The government also committed to implementing a system in which the relevant regulatory authority for the provision and transfer of financial information would be separate from, and not accountable to, any service suppliers that it regulated.120

Although the government initially allowed foreign enterprises to obtain the right to distribute books, newspapers, and magazines,121 it has recently enacted regulations that appear to restrict this right.122 In January 2005, the State Council issued a revised Sectoral Guidelines Catalogue for Foreign Investment that, like the version issued in March 2002, placed the importation of books, magazines, and newspapers in the "prohibited" category.123 The Chinese government maintains that it may impose this restriction based on the general exception for the protection of the public morals in Article XX of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994.124

The government has not established an independent regulator for financial information service providers, despite its WTO commitment to do so. In 2004, the State Council issued a decision designating the Xinhua News Agency, a government agency directly under the control ofthe State Council, as the regulator of foreign financial information service providers in China.125 Foreign companies have complained that Xinhua has been using its regulatory authority to increase control over the distribution of content, and has been expanding the definition of a wire service so as to establish a monopoly on the dissemination of sports and financial news.126 In September 2006, Xinhua issued new measures prohibiting international financial information companies from providing news and information directly to Chinese customers.127 Instead, under the new measures, foreign media outlets such as Reuters and Bloomberg may only sell their products through an agency appointed by Xinhua.128

U.S. rights holders and industry groups have complained that the government’s censorship regime serves as a barrier to entry and encourages IPR violations. In 2005, the American Chamber of Commerce in China wrote that censorship clearance procedures severely restricted the ability to distribute CD, VCD, and DVD products in China and provide an "unfair and unnecessary advantage to pirate producers who bring their products to market long before legitimate copies are available for sale." 129 In its 2006 Special 301 Report, the USTR cited delays created by the Chinese censorship process as a market access restriction. This restriction adversely affects U.S. IPR holders by artificially limiting the availability of foreign content and thereby leading consumers to resort to pirated goods. In addition, U.S. officials noted that rights holders have complained that the government’s censorship standards and procedures for video and television broadcasting products are unclear. The U.S. delegation to the WTO’s TRIPs Council asked Chinese officials to explain their government’s standards and procedures, how WTO members can obtain copies of them, and the inquiry process when a delay in approval occurs. U.S. delegates made similar inquiries about how Chinese authorities screen and censor entertainment software.130 The Chinese government told the U.S. delegation to "convey these TRIPs non-relevant concerns to the competent committees or councils in the WTO, for example the Committee on Market Access." 131

Chinese government censorship also makes it difficult for foreign Internet and media companies to operate in China. In February 2006, in testimony before the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific and the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights, and International Operations of the Committee on International Relations of the U.S. House of Representatives, a Google representative said that Chinese government censorship was one of the factors that forced the company to launch a new, self-censoring service.132 Microsoft has said that Chinese government regulations allow authorities to restrict content on "the kinds of Internet-based services provided by Microsoft’s MSN division." 133 Yahoo! no longer owns the Yahoo! China business.134 In September 2005, the chief executive of Time Warner, Inc., said that his company had withdrawn from a US$50 million Internet venture in January 2004 because the Chinese government insisted that it had the right to monitor all traffic on the service.135 [See Section V(b)—Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression.]

The government’s restrictions on foreign participation in China’s media industry reflect growing Party concern that its monopoly is weakening over what Chinese citizens view, read, and listen to. The government has effectively banned all foreign news media from distributing their products in China.136 When the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television increased restrictions on foreign participation in China’s domestic television and film production in March 2005, it issued a circular saying that regulators must "control the contents of all products of joint ventures in a practical manner, understand the political inclinations and background of foreign joint venture parties, and in this way prevent harmful foreign ideology and culture from entering the domain of television program production through joint ventures." 137 In August 2005, Chinese government regulators blocked News Corp.’s plan to operate a television channel in China.138 In June 2006, when News Corp. announced it would sell part of its stake in Phoenix Satellite Television, a channel that the Chinese government permitted to have limited broadcast rights in China, Western news media cited analysts as saying that the deal "underscored Beijing’s apparent attempt to limit foreign firms’ operations in the sensitive media industry and News Corp.’s efforts to circumvent that." 139 The action coincided with the government’s promulgation of several regulations that limit foreign access to China’s media industry.140

Government Procurement

When China acceded to the WTO, the government made several commitments related to non-discrimination in government procurement. These commitments include providing all foreign suppliers an equal opportunity to participate in procurements that are opened to any foreign suppliers, conducting procurement in a transparent manner, and ensuring procurements would be subject only to regulations of general application and procedures that had been published and made available to the public.141 In addition, the Chinese government committed to beginning negotiations for membership in the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA) "as soon as possible." 142 China became an observer to the WTO Committee on Government Procurement in February 2002, but has yet to join the GPA. At the April 2006 Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT), Chinese officials committed to starting formal negotiations to join the GPA, and to submitting a list of government entities to be subject to GPA coverage no later than December 2007.143 The government has acknowledged the potential benefits to the domestic commercial environment that joining the GPA represents.144 Nevertheless, at least one Chinese expert has said that China’s government procurement market may remain closed to foreign companies for another four years.145

Little government procurement in China is currently open to competitive bidding, and decentralized and individual agency procurement expenditures are growing much more rapidly than centralized government procurement expenditures.146 According to the state-run media, the current government procurement system suffers from several problems, including officials making procurements without prior authorization and government agencies charged with oversight of procurement not imposing sanctions for violations of existing regulations.147 These practices in turn hinder the government’s ability to make appropriate budget forecasts for procurement.148 Corruption also continues to be a problem. In April 2006, the Ministry of Finance launched a four-stage program, scheduled to be completed by the end of 2006, to address bribery in government procurement.149 In April 2006, the Ministry of Finance also established a task force on commercial bribery and launched a hotline for reporting bribery in government procurement.150

Agriculture

Agricultural trade with China is "among the least transparent and predictable of the world’s major markets," according to Deputy U.S. Trade Representative Karan K. Bhatia.151 The government’s inspection and quarantine system continues to implement discriminatory sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures with questionable scientific bases. The WTO, the United States, and other WTO members have expressed concerns over how the Chinese government handles restrictions on foreign agricultural imports. According to the WTO, the Chinese government’s SPS regime and inspection procedures for imports are complex and unclear.152 The Chinese government maintained bans on Florida citrus and U.S. cherries entering the Chinese market through late 2004, despite the lack of a scientific basis for the decisions.153 The General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine (AQSIQ) has also set a limit for selenium in U.S. wheat that is lower than the international standard. The requirement, if enforced, could result in a significant decrease in exports of U.S. wheat to China.154 WTO members have also raised concerns that the Chinese government is apparently using SPS measures to ban imports of affected products from countries rather than just the affected regions within countries.155 The Chinese government has said however, that its SPS standards are fully compliant with international standards and were based on risk assessment.156

According to the USTR, "capricious practices by Chinese customs and quarantine officials can delay or halt shipments of agricultural products into China." 157 In August 2005, the United States expressed concern to the WTO Committee on Import Licensing about requirements that importers must obtain an import inspection permit158 and quarantine inspection permit159 prior to signing an import contract.160 These regulations allow port quarantine authorities to return or destroy any cargoes without a prior import inspection permit. In addition, according to the USTR, AQSIQ uses its discretion to slow down and suspend issuance of quarantine inspection permits, and uses unofficial quantity requirements to reject shipments that are too large, and to limit imports during peak harvest periods.161 Furthermore, exporters are forced to ship commodities to Chinese ports without quarantine inspection permits because of delays in the issuance of the permits and the limited time purchasers have under the permits to purchase, transport, and discharge cargoes.162 The inefficiencies lead to demurrage bills for Chinese purchasers.

The Chinese government employs food safety standards for imported commodities in a manner that lacks transparency,163 and in some cases appears intended as a way to limit imports. With re-spect to genetically modified agricultural products, international practice is that, once a trait is approved for a product it need not be approved for use in other products, whether singly or combined with other approved traits.164 The Chinese government, however, not only requires that a trait be reviewed each time it is used in a new product, but also requires combinations of approved traits to be separately approved.165

The end result of the Chinese government’s implementation of its SPS, import inspection permit, quarantine inspection permit, and food safety systems has been, according to the U.S. government and the American Chamber of Commerce in China, a source of both significant commercial uncertainty for U.S. exporters as well as higher prices for Chinese importers and consumers.166 The U.S. government has asked the Chinese government to explain why import inspection permits do not constitute import licenses, but instead fall under the umbrella of SPS measures, as the Chinese government has claimed.167

While the soybean industry has not experienced significant problems in these areas in the past two years,168 U.S. beef exporters continue to be hard hit. At the April 2006 Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT), the Chinese government agreed to reopen the Chinese market to U.S. beef, subject to the completion of a technical protocol.169 China had joined several countries in banning U.S. beef following the discovery of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) in a cow imported into the United States from Canada in December 2003. Even though the United States repeatedly provided China with extensive technical information on all aspects of its BSE-related surveillance and mitigation measures, China maintained its ban for over two years without providing any scientific justification for the decision or identifying the regulatory steps that the U.S. government needed to pursue to have the ban lifted.170

The Chinese government announced in June 2006 that it was lifting the ban on U.S. beef.171 U.S. government officials and industry sources have said that this will not lead to a resumption of beef exports, because the Chinese government has yet to agree to a technical protocol.172 Moreover, China’s June announcement, even if implemented, would only open the Chinese market to a narrow segment of imports (boneless beef under 30 months of age) rather than all beef, consistent with Organization for Animal Health (OIE) standards. The Chinese government made similar commitments in 2004 and 2005 with respect to bovine semen and embryos, but the U.S. government and industry analysts have noted little or no progress in getting the relevant Chinese agencies to allow imports of those items to resume, as regulatory authorities impose information requirements that are not consistent with OIE standards.173

When it acceded to the WTO, the Chinese government committed to establish a transparent tariff-rate quota (TRQ) system that included large and increasing TRQs for imports of wheat, corn, rice, cotton, wool, sugar, vegetable oils, and fertilizer, a portion of which was to be reserved for importation through non-state trading entities.174 After China joined the WTO, complaints arose that its TRQ system lacked transparency and included burdensome licensing procedures.175 While the Chinese government eliminated certain unnecessary licensing requirements in 2004,176 problems with a lack of transparency continue, and there is no publicly available list of quota holders.177

Certain aspects of China’s value-added tax (VAT) system continue to generate concerns about a lack of national treatment as they relate to agriculture. In October 2005, the United States and China notified the WTO that they had resolved a longstanding dispute over the Chinese government’s preferential rebate of a substantial portion of VAT for domestically designed and produced integrated circuits. Problems remain, however, with respect to fertilizers and agricultural products, as U.S. industry reports state that Chinese producers are able to avoid payment of the VAT on their products, either as a result of poor collection procedures, special deals or even fraud, while the full VAT must be paid on competing imports.178

In April 2006, AQSIQ Minister Li Changjiang signed a memorandum of understanding with U.S. Agriculture Secretary Mike Johanns. The signatories agreed to exchange information on food regulations and standards, inspection and quarantine procedures, and other issues such as pests and diseases, harmful residues, and food certification.179 The same month, the American Soybean Association signed a three-year agreement with China’s Chamber of Commerce for Import and Export of Foodstuffs, Native Produce and Animal By-products that included measures on information exchange and training programs.180

Automobiles

In March 2006, the United States filed a WTO request for consultations with China, saying that the Chinese government’s industrial policy for automobiles discriminates against foreign auto parts in a manner which appears inconsistent with China’s WTO commitments.181 Canada and the European Union also filed similar requests.182 The U.S. request expressed the understanding that, if imported parts in a vehicle exceed a specified threshold, the Chinese government would assess a charge on the imported auto parts equal to the tariff on complete vehicles, rather than the lower charge otherwise applied to auto parts. The U.S. request says that these measures appear to constitute a charge in excess of rates that the Chinese government committed to in its accession agreement, as well as a subsidy contingent upon the use of domestic rather than imported goods.183

Even as it agreed to consultations with the United States, Canada, and the European Union,184 the Chinese government, speaking through state-run media, said that China should "promulgate a regulation on imports of auto parts in an attempt to prompt foreign partners to produce core auto parts in China, thus reducing the country’s dependence on imported components." 185 Consultations were held in May, which were joined by Japan, Mexico, and Australia, but no resolution was reached.186 In June, the European Union said it would seek another round of consultations. In September, several countries, including the United States, requested the WTO establish a dispute resolution panel to address this issue.187

Steel

The National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) issued a new steel industrial policy in July 2005188 that, according to the USTR, provides for state management of "nearly every major aspect of China’s steel industry." 189 The USTR reports that the policy includes provisions that appear to raise barriers to foreign participation, discriminate against foreign equipment and technology imports, and encourage the use of domestically produced equipment.190 The USTR has said that the policy imposes a high degree of government direction and decisionmaking about the allocation of resources into and out of China’s steel industry. The USTR reports that this policy is inconsistent with the spirit of China’s general WTO obligations, and raises concerns regarding China’s WTO commitment not to influence, directly or indirectly, commercial decisions on the part of state-owned or state-invested enterprises.191 The U.S. and Chinese governments held the first Steel Dialogue meeting in March 2006. During this meeting, U.S. officials stressed U.S. steel industry concerns that government direction, not market mechanisms, is driving much of the capacity expansion in China’s steel industry.192

The policy’s requirement that foreign investors possess proprietary technology or intellectual property in the processing of steel also raises concerns. The USTR has said that, because foreign investors are not allowed to have a controlling share in Chinese steel and iron enterprises, this requirement would seem to constitute a de facto technology transfer requirement, in conflict with China’s WTO commitments not to condition investment on the transfer of technology.193

In May 2005, without prior notification to the WTO, the Chinese government imposed new import licensing procedures for iron ore.194 In August 2005, the United States submitted questions to the WTO Committee on Import Licensing noting that qualification rules reportedly restrict licenses to 48 traders and 70 steel producers, but that no list of criteria or list of qualified companies had been published.195 The United States raised the issue of the operation of the import licensing procedures applicable to iron ore during the transitional reviews before the Committee on Import Licensing in September 2005,196 and before the Committee on Trade-Related Investment Measures in October 2005.197 The Chinese delegates maintained that the government did not impose any qualifying criteria, but it also acknowledged that two organizations affiliated with the Chinese government had been discussing whether it was necessary to impose industry rules regarding the qualification criteria for enterprises applying for automatic import licenses.198

Distribution Services and Trading Rights

When it acceded to the WTO, the Chinese government committed to phase out restrictions on the right of foreign investors to import and export products in and out of China ("trading rights") and to sell products within China ("distribution services") for most sectors by December 2004.199 While it implemented its trading rights commitments nearly six months ahead of schedule,200 the government’s efforts to implement the distribution services commitments were characterized by "delay and confusion." 201 Although the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) issued regulations on foreign distribution services in April 2004,202 the Ministry subsequently found it necessary to issue several circulars to clarify issues relating to sales away from a fixed location ("direct sales"),203 the ability of foreign-invested enterprises in bonded zones to apply for distribution rights,204 and the procedures for foreign-invested enterprises to expand their business scope to include distribution.205 The government did not issue formal regulations on direct sales until August 2005.206 According to U.S. government and industry sources, however, these regulations contained several problematic provisions.207 In February 2006, however, MOFCOM issued the first direct selling license to Avon Products, Inc.,208 and in April 2006, the government agreed to establish a public-private dialogue designed to facilitate direct sales.209

Standards

As part of its WTO accession commitments, the Chinese government became obligated under the WTO Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement to use international standards as the basis for domestic standards except when ineffective or inappropriate, and to refrain from adopting more trade-restrictive standards than necessary.210 In November 2005, a Chinese representative told the WTO Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade that as the result of an "overhaul" of national standards to ensure their consistency with WTO commitments, the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine and the Standards Administration of China reported that a total of 1,416 national standards had been nullified, among which 114 were mandatory.211 Nevertheless, according to the WTO, the percentage of China’s national standards that are equivalent to international standards has remained unchanged since 2000, at around 32 percent.212 In May 2006, the U.S. Trade and Development Agency awarded the American Chamber of Commerce in China a US$500,000 technical assistance grant to promote increased cooperation between the United States and China in the development of commercial and industrial standards and regulatory policy.213

Despite these positive steps, according to the USTR, the Chinese government continues to pursue "unique national standards in many areas of high technology that could lead to the extraction of technology or intellectual property from foreign rights holders." 214 For example, in May 2003, the Chinese government issued two standards that incorporated the WLAN Authentication and Privacy Infrastructure (WAPI) encryption.215 WAPI differs from, and cannot function with, the 802.11 standard approved by the International Standards Organization (ISO). In addition, the government was prepared to enforce the standard by providing the algorithms only to a limited number of Chinese companies, requiring foreign competitors to provide specifications of their products if they wished to produce WLAN equipment for the Chinese market.216 At the April 2004 Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT) meeting, Chinese officials agreed to delay WAPI implementation, and submitted a voluntary WAPI standard to the ISO.217

In March 2006, the ISO rejected China’s proposed WAPI standard.218 The Chinese government said that the decision had been influenced by "the diplomatic relationship between the United States and other nations," and that "nothing would affect WAPI’s domestic application." 219 The Chinese government filed appeals with the ISO in April and May asking it to overturn the vote and accusing the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE) of "organizing a conspiracy against the China-developed WAPI, insulting China and other national bodies, and intimidation and threats." 220 In June, the Chinese delegation walked out of an ISO-organized meeting, saying that only 7 of the 17 countries opposing the WAPI standard had attended the meeting, and that the "monopoly force from the American standard maker IEEE poisoned the voting process and created an unfair atmosphere at the Prague meeting."221

Bilateral Cooperation on Commercial Issues

The U.S. Department of Commerce (DOC) promotes bilateral cooperation with relevant Chinese government departments and agencies on market access issues and ensuring compliance with trade agreements. Past DOC programs have offered training to Chinese officials on protection of intellectual property rights, adoption standards, promotion of the rule of law, and improving domestic health care. To improve transparency in the Chinese commercial legal regime, DOC officials, in cooperation with the National People’s Congress, held roundtables in three major Chinese cities during 2005 that focused on legislative and regulatory transparency. As the Chinese government works to adopt its first anti-monopoly law, DOC also hosted a Chinese delegation to the United States in November 2005 to discuss the principles of U.S. antitrust law. In July 2006, DOC officials organized a program focusing on the U.S. Federal Register system and regulatory transparency for a delegation from the China Foreign Economic and Trade Gazette. In August 2006, DOC and the Legislative Affairs Commission of China’s National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) jointly organized a seminar on the revision of China’s Partnership Enterprise Law. The revisions adopted by the NPCSC later in the month incorporated a number of suggestions made by the U.S. side, thus bringing the Chinese regulatory regime, important to professional services and venture capital firms, closer to international practices. A bilateral Standards and Intellectual Property program held in September 2006 focused on the relationship between standards and intellectual property as well as their impact on innovation and competitiveness.

Notes to Section VII(d)—Commercial Rule of Law and the Impact of the WTO

1 U.S. Department of State (Online), "U.S.-China Trade Lacks ‘Balance in Opportunity,’ Official Says," 4 April 06.

2 English, French, and Spanish. Includes all laws, regulations, and measures pertaining to or affecting trade in goods, services, trade-related aspects of intellectual property rights, or the control of foreign exchange.

3 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, WT/ MIN(01)/3, 10 November 01, para. 334.

4 Ibid., para. 332; World Trade Organization, Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China, WT/L/432, 23 November 01, para. 2(C)2.

5 Ibid.

6 U.S. Department of State, "U.S.-China Trade Lacks ‘Balance in Opportunity,’ Official Says," 4 April 06.

7 World Trade Organization, Committee on Import Licensing: Report to the Council for Trade in Goods on China’s Transitional Review, G/LIC/14, 2 November 05. para. 3.10 (citing the representative of China as saying that, while all the procedures and requirements relating to TRQ administration were available on the Ministry of Commerce and National Development and Reform Commission Web sites, owing to huge resource restraints and language difficulties it was difficult for his authorities to have all procedures and requirements in English and make them available on the Web sites).

8 Coalition of Service Industries, Letter to USTR and Department of Commerce Regarding 2006 JCCT Plenary, 21 March 06; CECC Staff Interview.

9 Circular Regarding Further Carrying Out the Work Relating to Implementing Transparency Provisions of China’s World Trade Organization Protocol [Guanyu jinyibu zuohao lu¨ xing wo guo jiaru shijie maoyi zuzhi yidingshu toumingdu tiaokuan xiangguan gongzuo de tongzhi], issued 30 March 06. When China acceded to the WTO, it stated that the "full listing of official journals" was as follows: Gazette of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China; Gazette of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China; Collection of the Laws of the People’s Republic of China; Collection of the Laws and Regulations of the People’s Republic of China; Gazette of MOFTEC of the People’s Republic of China; Proclamation of the People’s Bank of the People’s Republic of China; and Proclamation of the Ministry of Finance of the People’s Republic of China. World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II—Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01, para. 330. MOFCOM first began issuing the Bulletin in November 2002.

10 MOFCOM has made its Gazette available at the following URL: https://www.mofcom.gov.cn/ static/column/b/g.html/1.

11 Hearing of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, 5 February 04, Testimony of James J. Jochum, Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Import Administration.

12 Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures, 15 April 94; Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, arts. 25.1 and 25.9.

13 U.S. Department of State, "U.S.-China Trade Lacks ‘Balance In Opportunity,’ Official Says," 4 April 06.

14 World Trade Organization, Committee on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures—Subsidies: China Notification Pursuant to Article XVI:1 of the GATT 1994 and Article 25 of the SCM Agreement, G/SCM/N/123/CHN, 13 April 06.

15 "Senior Official Credits WTO Accession for Advancing Transparency," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, November 2005, 8; "Giving the Public Open Access," Beijing Review (Online), 13 October 05.

16 "Changzhou City Government Adopts WTO-Inspired Transparency Measure," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, January 2006, 8; "Changzhou: No Effect for Unpublicized Laws" [Changzhou: bu gongbu de zhengce guifan bu neng shengxiao], Legal Daily (Online), 8 December 05; Circular Regarding the Program To Submit Proposals to the City Government’s 2006 Plan for Drafting Regulatory Documents [Guanyu baosong shi zhengfu 2006 nian zhiding guifanxing wenjian jihua jianyi xiangmu de tongzhi], issued 7 November 05.

17 "China Clamped Down on Rampant Piracy Last Year," Xinhua (Online), 10 March 06.

18 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

19 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

20 U.S. Department of State, "U.S. Boosting IPR Enforcement in China, Commerce Official Says," 10 March 06.

21 "China’s Piracy Crackdown Praised," Reuters (Online), 30 March 06.

22 "China Vows To Bar Software Piracy," International Herald Tribune (Online), 27 March 06. See also, "US-China Meet Could Yield Some Progress on Piracy," Reuters (Online), 11 April 06. A Chinese government-backed study claimed that only 26 percent of the software packages installed on computers in China in 2005 were illegal, pirated copies. "Twenty-six Percent of China’s Software Illegal," China Daily (Online), 18 May 06.

23 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

24 Motion Picture Association of America, Inc., "Comprehensive Snapshot of Film Theft Provides International Anti-Piracy Roadmap," 3 May 06.

25 "Hollywood Urges China Reforms Before Olympics," Reuters (Online), 13 December 05.

26 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on ForeignTrade Barriers, 31 March 06.

27 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, China Top-to-Bottom Review, 1 February 06.

28 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

29 "China Results Mixed in Antipiracy Efforts," Variety (Online), 26 October 05.

30 "Ministry of Public Security Targets Intellectual Property Infringement with RemarkableSuccess" [Quanguo gongan jiguan daji qinfan zhishi chanquan fanzui chengxiao xianzhu], Xinhua (Online), 15 November 05; "Major Headway Made in IPR Protection," China Daily (On-line), 28 March 06.

31 World Trade Organization, Report to the General Council by the Chair, Council for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, IP/C/39, 21 November 05, para. 8.

32 "Ministry of Public Security: Inspection Reveals 200 Illegal Optical Disc Production LinesAre from United States and Europe" [Gonganbu: chahuo de 200 tiao feifa guangpan shengchanxian jun laizi Oumei], People’s Daily (Online), 17 November 05.

33 "US Exaggerates IPR Violations: Experts," Xinhua (Online), 4 March 06.

34 State Council Information Office (Online), "State Council Information Office Holds PressConference To Discuss Strengthening of Intellectual Property Rights Administrative Law Enforcement" [Guo xinban jiu jiaqiang zhishi chanquan xingzheng zhifa deng qingkuang juxingfabuhui], 27 March 06 (quoting Gong Zheng, deputy director of the General Administration of Customs).

35 According to China’s state-run media, Chinese authorities destroyed 106 million pirated discs and books in 2005. "Major Headway Made in IPR Protection," China Daily (Online), 28March 06. Between September 2004 and September 2005 Chinese authorities handled over 50,000 infringement cases with fines of up to 376 million yuan (US$46.36 million). During that period authorities seized over 50 million illegal audio-visual products and 19,000 illegal businesses were closed down, in addition to handling 3,176 cases of counterfeit patents. "ChineseState Council IP Office Director Touts China’s IP Protection Effort," Xinhua (Online), 3 November 05.

36 "United States and China Conclude Annual Bilateral Trade Meeting," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 14. In April 2006, the Ministry of Information Industry,National Copyright Administration, and Ministry of Commerce jointly issued a circular requiring all computers manufactured and sold in China to have legitimate copies of an operating system installed before they reach consumers. Circular Regarding Certain Issues Relating to the Pre-installation of Computer Operating System Software [Guanyu jisuanji yu zhuang zhengbancaozuo xitong ruanjian youguan wenti de tongzhi], issued 6 April 06. Between January and April 2006, the government investigated 48 optical disc-copying enterprises, and found 14 wereoperating illegally. It rescinded six licenses and ordered eight enterprises to shut down and "make adjustments." "China Punishes 14 Companies for Illegal Disc Copying," People’s Daily(Online), 27 March 06.

37 Examples include: Trademark Examination Rules [Shangbiao pingshen guize], issued 26September 05; Interpretation of Relevant Issues of Handling Criminal Cases of Infringing Upon Copyright Concerning Audio-visual Fixation [Guanyu banli qinfan zhuzuoquan xingshi anjianzhong sheji luyin luxiang zhipin you guan wenti de pifu], issued 13 October 05; Working Plan for Regional Punishment Campaign To Strike Hard Against Illegal Piracy Conduct [Yanli dajiqinquan daoban weifa fanzui huodong quyuxing zhengzhi xingdong gongzuo fangan], issued 28 October 05; Regulations on the Administration of Entertainment Venues [Yulechangsuo guanlitiaoli], issued 29 January 06 (banning pirated products for commercial use in these places); Measures on the Resolution of Domain Name Disputes [Yuming zhengyi jiejue banfa], issued14 February 06. In November 2005, the State Intellectual Property Office announced that it had commenced work on the third amendment to China’s Patent Law. "Patent Law Reform Set in Motion," China Daily (Online), 24 November 05.

38 Ministry of Commerce (Online), "China’s Action Plan on IPR Protection 2006" [2006Zhongguo baohu zhishi chanquan xingdong jihua], 8 March 06.

39 Regulation on the Protection of Network Information Broadcasting Rights [Xinxi wangluochuanboquan baohu tiaoli], issued 10 May 06; "China Vows To Better Protect Copyright on Internet," Xinhua (Online), 31 May 06.

40 "Vice Premier, Senior Official Say China Moving to Join WIPO Internet Treaties," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 14; "Liu Binjie: China To Enter Into WTO Internet Treaties in Second Half of Year" [Liu Binjie: Zhonguo jiangyu xiabannian jiaru guoji hulianwang gongyue], Xinhua (Online), 12 April 06; U.S. Department of Commerce, Press Conference with Gutierrez and Wu Yi at the Annual Meeting of the U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade, 11 April 06.

41 "Supreme Court Publicizes and Seeks a Review of Four Draft Interpretations" [Zuigaofa jiu si ge sifa jieshi gao gongkai zhengqiu yijian], Xinhua (Online), 21 November 05. See Interpretation Regarding Certain Laws To Be Used in Adjudicating Disputes Relating to Music Television Copyright Civil Disputes (Draft for Comment) [Guanyu shenli sheji yinyue dianshi zhuozuoquan minshi jiufen anjian sheyong falu¨ ruogan wenti de jieshi (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 18 November 05; Interpretation Regarding Certain Laws To Be Used in Adjudicating Disputes Relating to Unfair Competition Civil Disputes (Draft for Comment) [Guanyu shenli bu zhengdang jingzheng minshi jiufen anjian sheyong falu ruogan wenti de jieshi (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 18 November 05; Interpretation Regarding Certain Laws To Be Used in Adjudicating Disputes Relating to Intellectual Property Rights Conflicts Civil Disputes (Draft for Comment) [Guanyu shenli sheji zhishi chanquan quanli chongtu minshi jiufen anjian sheyong falu¨ ruogan wenti de jieshi (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 18 November 05; and Interpretation Regarding Certain Laws To Be Used in Adjudicating Disputes Relating to Plant Variety Rights Infringement Dis-putes (Draft For Comment) [Guanyu shenli qinfan zhiwu xinpin zhong quan jiufen anjiansheyong falu¨ ruogan wenti de jieshi (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 18 November 05. The comment period concluded in March 2006. "SPC Strengthens Judicial Interpretation Work in Intel-lectual Property Adjudication" [Zuigao fayuan jiaqiang zhishi chanquan shenpan sifa jieshi gongzuo], China Court Net (Online), 10 March 06.

42 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

43 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, The U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerceand Trade (JCCT), Outcomes On Major U.S. Trade Concerns, 11 July 05.

44 "Major Headway Made in IPR Protection," China Daily (Online), 28 March 06.

45 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

46 PRC Criminal Law, enacted 1 July 79, amended 14 March 97, 1 October 97, 25 December99, 31 August 01, 29 December 01, 28 December 02, arts. 213—20. U.S. Chamber of Commerce, The AmCham-China White Paper: American Business in China, 16 May 05, 48 ("The most glaring deficiency in the current IPR regime is the one key law not revised when China joined the WTO— its criminal code. This should be revised to provide stronger protection, enhanced penalties and further clarification of standards.").

47 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06. See also,"IPR Protection in 2005," China Daily (Online), 28 March 06.

48 Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, Marrakesh AgreementEstablishing the World Trade Organization, 15 April 94, art. 61.

49 "IPR Judicial System in Need of Review, Says Legal Expert," China Daily (Online), 16 February 06.

50 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

51 See, e.g., "First Instance Court Decision Made on Major Intellectual Property Rights Violation Case of ‘Counterfeiting the Registered Trademark of the American Cisco Technology, Inc.’ "["Jiamao Meiguo sike gongsi zhuce shangbiao an" yi shen panjue], Xinhua (Online), 29 August 05; Ministry of Commerce, 2005–2006 Awards for Best Cases of IPR Protection [2005–2006niandu zhishi chanquan baohu zuijia anli jiang], 12 April 06.

52 "U.S. Companies to Test China’s Criminal IPR Enforcement Regime," Inside U.S.-ChinaTrade (Online), 21 September 05.

53 Interpretation Concerning Certain Questions of Using the Criminal Law To Handle Violations of Intellectual Property Rights [Guanyu banli qinfan zhishichanquan xingshi anjian juti yingyong falu¨ ruogan wenti de jieshi], issued 8 December 04.

54 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

55 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, China’s WTO Implementation and Other Issues of Importanceto American Business in the U.S.-China Commercial Relationship, September 05, 36.

56 World Trade Organization, Communication from the United States to China, Council forTrade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, IP/C/W/453, 5 October 05.

57 World Trade Organization, Report to the General Council by the Chair, Council For Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, IP/C/39, 21 November 05.

58 Opinion Regarding the Timely Transfer of Cases in Administrative Enforcement That AreSuspected of Involving Crimes [Guanyu zai xingzheng zhifa zhong jishi yisong shexian fanzui anjian de yijian], issued 27 March 06.

59 Ibid.; Temporary Provisions Regarding Strengthening Linkages and Cooperation During Striking Criminal Copyright Violation Work [Guanyu zai daji qinfan zhuzuoquan weifa fanzuigongzuo zhong jiaqiang xianjie peihe de zanxing guiding], issued 20 March 06; Temporary Provisions Regarding Strengthening Linkages and Cooperation During Striking Criminal TrademarkExclusivity Violation Work [Guanyu daji qinfan shangbiao zhuanyongquan weifa fanzui gongzuo zhong jiaqiang xianjie peihe de zanxing guiding], issued 13 January 06; and Temporary Provisions Regarding Strengthening Intellectual Property Law Enforcement Cooperation [Guanyu jiaqiang zhishi chanquan zhifa xiezuo de zanxing guiding], issued 24 March 06. The agencieswere the Ministry of Supervision, State Administration of Industry and Commerce, National Copyright Administration, and General Administration of Customs.

60 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 Special 301 Report, 28 April 06.

61 Ibid.; "Legal Experts Say IPR Judicial System in Need of Review," China Daily (Online),16 February 06; "Piracy Has No Place in China’s Hi-Tech Dream," South China Morning Post (Online), 12 January 06.

62 "Starbucks Wins China Trademark Fight," Associated Press, reprinted in International Herald Tribune (Online), 2 January 06. See also, "Hennessy Wins China Piracy Case," BBC (Online), 30 November 05.

63 "Viagra Ruling in Beijing Lifts Foreign Firms’ Hopes," Wall Street Journal (Online), 5 June 06. Twelve Chinese drug companies appealed the verdict. "Chinese Firms Appeal Ruling Over Viagra," China Daily (Online), 20 June 06.

64 "Fight on Piracy Is for China’s Own Good, Says Official," Reuters (Online), 23 February 06.

65 "Yearender: China To Strengthen IPR Protection To Encourage Innovation," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 27 December 05.

66 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, "OECD Finds That China Is Biggest Exporter of Information Technology Goods in 2004, Surpassing US and EU," 12 December 05. Includes computers, mobile phones, and digital cameras.

67 "China Overtakes U.S. As Tech Supplier," International Herald Tribune (Online), 12 December 05 (stating that "Figures from the Chinese Ministry of Commerce show that companies that had received overseas investment accounted for almost 90 percent of 2004 exports of high technology products."). See also "Learning from China’s Export Boom," Business Week, 19 January 06 (Roughly 60 percent of exports are made by foreign-invested enterprises, and the percentage progressively rises with the technology level.).

68 "First Chinese IT Company with Independent IPR Appears on NASDAQ," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 11 November 05.

69 "A Realistic View Into the IPR Issue: Comment," People’s Daily (Online), 29 March 06; "China To Continue Efforts in Combating Piracy, FM Spokesman," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 23 February 06.

70 Intellectual Property Protection as Economic Policy: Will China Ever Enforce Its IP Laws?, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 16 May 05, Testimony of Daniel C.K. Chow. See also, "Copyright Forum Hears of Advances and Failures," South China Morning Post (Online), 27 April 06 (quoting Yan Xiaohong, deputy commissioner of the National Copyright Administration, as saying: "Local protectionism has resulted in rampant piracy and counterfeiting, which tainted the country’s international image.").

71 Regulations on the Protection of the Olympic Symbol [Aolinpike biaozhi baohu tiaoli], issued 4 February 02.

72 "Yes, Beijing Can Stop Counterfeiters," Newsweek (Online), 10 January 06. Another example is the Chinese government’s repression of the Falun Gong spiritual movement. Before the state banned Falun Gong in 1999, the spiritual group’s materials were found throughout China. Since the crackdown, the only publicly available materials in China that discuss Falun Gong are anti-Falun Gong materials published by the government.

73 International Trade Commission, Recent Trends in U.S. Services Trade: 2006 Annual Report, June 06.

74 Ibid.

75 "China’s Banking Industry Enters Global Integration," China Daily (Online), 20 December 04.

76 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II—Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01.

77 Ibid.

78 The schedule required the Chinese government to permit foreign banks to conduct local currency business in Shantou, Ningbo, Shenyang, and Xi’an by December 2005. The government opened the latter two cities in December 2004, and the former two and Harbin, Changchun, Lanzhou, Yinchuan and Nanning in December 2005. World Trade Organization, Secretariat Report—Trade Policy Review: China, WT/TPR/S/161, 28 February 06, para. 179.

79 Public Notice Regarding Further Opening Up China’s Banking Industry [Guanyu jin yi bu duiwai kaifang yinhangye xiangguan shixiang de gonggao], issued 8 December 05, art. 2.

80 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

81 Measures Governing Foreign Debts of Domestic Foreign Funded Banks [Jingnei waizi yinhang waizhai guanli banfa], issued 27 May 04; Robert Vastine (President of the Coalition of Service Industries), Statement to the Trade Policy Staff Committee, U.S. Trade Representa-tive, 14 September 05.

82 PRC Commercial Bank Law, issued 10 May 95, amended 27 December 03, art. 13.

83 Detailed Rules for the Implementation of the Regulations on the Administration of Foreign-funded Financial Institutions [Waizi jinrong jigou guanli tiaoli shishi xize], issued 26 July 04, arts. 31–36.

84 Regulations on the Administration of Financial Institutions with Foreign Investment [Waizi jinrong jigou guanli tiaoli], issued 12 December 01, arts. 6 and 8. US$20 billion in the case of foreign bank branch.

85 Ibid., art. 6. The Chinese government has stated it will waive the representative office requirement for foreign banks that directly apply for the establishment of operational branches in western China (Shaanxi, Gansu, Qinghai, Sichuan, Yunnan, and Guizhou provinces, Chongqing municipality, and the Ningxia Hui, Xinjiang Uighur, and Tibet Autonomous Regions). "China Announces New Policies to Encourage Foreign Banks to Enter Western Regions," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 22 September 05.

86 Detailed Rules for the Implementation of the Regulations on the Administration of Foreign-Funded Financial Institutions, arts. 31.

87 PRC Commercial Bank Law, arts. 19–20.

88 Detailed Rules for the Implementation of the Regulations on the Administration of Foreign-Funded Financial Institutions, art. 17.

89 Regulations on the Administration of Financial Institutions with Foreign Investment, art. 7. US$20 billion in the case of a foreign bank branch.

90 Measures on the Administration of Foreign Financial Institutions Taking Equity Stakes in Chinese Invested Financial Institutions [Jingwai jinrong jigou touzi rugu zhong zijin jinrong jigou guanli banfa], 8 December 03, arts. 8 and 9.

91 "Citigroup Expected To Land China Deal," New York Times (Online), 31 December 05.

92 "China Cap on Foreign Investment in Banks May Change Soon—Central Huijin," Forbes (Online), 22 June 06; "China May Raise Caps on Banks," Wall Street Journal (Online), 23 June 06; "China Govt Official: Studying Easing Bank Investment Cap," Wall Street Journal (Online), 21 April 06. But see also, "China Bank Investment Caps To Stay: Regulator," Reuters (Online), 21 April 06; "Official: Opening up Further to Foreign Banks To Have ‘Big Impact’ on PRC Banks," China Daily (Online), 9 March 06 (citing Shi Jiliang, Vice Chairman of the China Banking Regulatory Commission, as saying that China will continue to limit foreign banks’ investment to two domestic banks because strategic investors "do not need too many partners," and that current restrictions on foreign investment in local banks are appropriate and will probably not be changed before the end of 2006).

93 "China CBRC Says Guandong Devt Deal Will Not Be Exempt from Foreign Stake Rules," Forbes (Online), 19 April 06.

94 "Foreign Investors’ Bank Bid Left Hanging," China Daily (Online), 25 April 06.

95 "Hope for a Breakthrough in the Guangdong Development Bank Reorganization Deadlock," Ta Kung Pao (Online), 12 July 06.

96 Office U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

97 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II —Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01.

98 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2004 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 04.

99 Public Notice Regarding Implementation of WTO Accession Commitments [Guanyu lu¨ xing rushi chengnuo de gonggao], issued 11 December 04.

100 Ibid.

101 World Trade Organization, Secretariat Report—Trade Policy Review: China, WT/TPR/S/ 161, 28 February 06, para. 190.

102 Regulation on the Administration of Foreign-Funded Insurance Companies [Waizi baoxian gongsi guanli tiaoli], issued 5 December 01.

103 U.S. Department of State (Online), Jon Shaffer, "Huge Unrealized Opportunities Remain in China’s Services Sectors," 6 May 05.

104 "China Approves 40 Overseas Insurers," Xinhua (Online), 2 March 06.

105 "AIA Receives Approvals To Conduct Group Insurance Business in China," American International Group Press Release, 26 May 06; "AIG Subsidiaries Receive Approvals from Chinese Regulators for Guangdong and Jiangsu Provincial Expansion," American International Group Press Release, 15 May 06.

106 "Schumer Delays Schwab USTR Confirmation Over China Trade Complaint," China Trade Extra (Online), 26 May 06.

107 Jon Shaffer, "Huge Unrealized Opportunities Remain in China’s Services Sectors."

108 Rules for Establishment of Securities Companies with Foreign Equity Participation [Waizi cangu zhengquan gongsi jianli guize], issued 1 June 02, art. 10; Measures for the Administration of Securities Investment Fund Management Companies [Zhengquan touzi jijin guanli gongsi guanli banfa], issued 12 August 04, art. 10; Circular Regarding Certain Questions Regarding the Implementation of the "Measures for the Administration of Securities Investment Fund Management Companies" [Guanyu shishi "Zhengquan touzi jijin guanli gongsi guanli banfa" ruogan wenti de tongzhi], issued 21 September 04, art. 1(7).

109 Rules for Establishment of Securities Companies with Foreign Equity Participation [Waizi cangu zhengquan gongsi jianli guize], issued 1 June 02, art. 5.

110 "Joint Venture Securities Companies Enter the A-Share Business" [Hezi quanshang jieru A gu yewu], Shanghai Securities Report, reprinted in State Council Information Office (Online), 13 December 02; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 30 March 05.

111 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II—Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01.

112 Securities and Exchange Commission (Online), "SEC and CSRC Announce Terms of Reference for Enhanced Dialogue," 2 May 06.

113 Transparency International, Corruption Perceptions Index 2005, 18 October 05.

114 At a December 2005 meeting of Asian and European prosecutors in Shenzhen, Deputy Procurator General Wang Zhenchuan said that procuratorates nationwide prosecuted and punished 50,000 corrupt officials from 2003 to 2005. "50,000 Officials Punished in Anti-Corruption Campaign," Xinhua (Online), 11 December 05. In 2005, Chinese news media reported on "China’s biggest political scandal," in which more than 260 government officials were alleged to have connections with Ma De, a senior official in Heilongjiang province convicted in July 2005 for taking bribes. "Official on Trial for Selling High-level Jobs," China Daily (Online), 23 March 05.

115 An inter-governmental body established by the G-7 nations in 1989 to develop and promote national and international policies to combat narcotics trafficking-related money laundering and terrorist financing.

116 "China Ratifies UN Convention against Corruption," Xinhua (Online), 27 October 05.

117 "Government Considering New Anti-Money Laundering Regulations to Address Corruption, Improve Commercial Environment," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, June 2006, 16–17; "New Rules against Money Laundering Proposed," Xinhua (Online), 13 April 06; Anti-Money Laundering Provisions for Insurance Financial Organizations (Draft for Soliciting Opinions) [Baoxianye jinrong jigou fan xiqian guiding (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 12 April 06; Anti-Money Laundering Provisions for Securities and Commodities Financial Organizations (Draft for Soliciting Opinions) [Zhengquan, qihuoye jinrong jigou fan xiqian guiding (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 12 April 06. Anti-Money Laundering Provisions for Banking and Financial Organizations (Draft for Soliciting Opinions) [Yinhangye jinrong jigou fan xiqian guiding (zhengqiu yijian gao)], issued 12 April 06.

118 Measures on Implementing the Items Subject to Administrative Licensing for China-Funded Commercial Banks [Zhongzi shangye yinhang xingzheng xuke shixiang shishi banfa], issued 12 January 06, art. 7(4). See also, "China Sets New Bank Rules," Wall Street Journal (Online), 24 February 06.

119 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II—Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01.

120 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II—Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06, 133.

121 For example, the Measures on the Administration of Foreign-Invested Book, Magazine, and Newspaper Distribution Enterprises [Waishang tuozi tushu, baozhi, qikan fenxiao qiye guanli banfa], issued 17 March 03; and the Measures on the Management of Foreign Investment in the Commercial Sector [Waishang touzi shangye lingyu guanli banfa], issued 16 April 04.

122 For example, the Measures on the Administration of the Subscription of Imported Publications [Ding hu ding gou jinkou chubanwu guanli banfa], issued 31 December 04; Certain Opinions Regarding the Introduction of Foreign Investment Into the Cultural Domain [Guanyu wenhua lingyu yinjin waizi de ruogan yijian], issued 6 July 05. See, Office of the U.S. TradeRepresentative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05; "Moving Forward on Distribution," China Business Review (Online), September-October 2005.

123 Catalogue for the Guidance of Foreign Investment Industries [Waishang touzi chanye zhidao mulu], issued 30 November 04, Part 3(VIII)(2). It also included in the "prohibited" category news agencies and television program production.

124 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

125 Decision of the State Council Establishing Administration Examination and Approval Matters That Must Remain Subject to Administrative Licensing [Guowuyuan dui xu baoliu de xingzheng shenpi xiangmu sheding xingzheng xuke de jueding daohang], issued 29 June 04.

126 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, The AmCham-China White Paper: American Business in China, 16 May 05, 126; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06, 133.

127 Measures for Administering the Release of News and Information in China by Foreign News Agencies [Waiguo tongxunshe zai zhongguo jingnei fabu xinwen xinxi guanli banfa], issued 10 September 06.

128 Michael Connolly, "Beijing Curbs Media to Protect Their Rights?, " Wall Street Journal (Online), 11 September 06.

129 U.S. Chamber of Commerce, China’s WTO Implementation and Other Issues of Importance to American Business in the U.S.-China Commercial Relationship, September 2005, 39.

130 World Trade Organization, WTO Communication from the United States to China, Council for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, IP/C/W/453, 5 October 05.

131 World Trade Organization, Report to the General Council by the Chair, Council for Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights, IP/C/39, 21 November 05.

132 The Internet in China: A Tool for Freedom or Suppression?, Hearing of the Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives, Testimony of Elliot Schrage, Vice President, Global Communications and Public Affairs, Google Inc., 15 February 06.

133 Ibid., Testimony of Jack Krumholtz, Associate General Counsel and Managing Director,Federal Government Affairs, Microsoft Corporation.

134 Ibid., Testimony of Michael Callahan, Senior Vice President and General Counsel, Yahoo!.

135 "Murdoch Says News Corp. Has Hit ‘Brick Wall’ in China," Bloomberg News (Online), 19 September 05.

136 "Government Regulators Block Foreign Access to China’s Media Market," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, October 2005, 9; "New SARFT Rules Further Restrict Cooperation and Interaction Between Domestic Radio and Television Stations and Foreign Counter-parts," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August, 2005, 4; Notice Regarding Further Strengthening the Administration of Radio and Television Channels [Guanyu jin yi bu jiaqiang guangbo dianshi pindao guanli de tongzhi], issued 4 August 05 (stipulating that to preserve the government’s ability "to make final decisions regarding the contents of propaganda," and that "controlling shares in radio and television stations must be in the hands of the government, and non-government investors may not participate in editorial decisions."); Certain Opinions Regarding the Introduction of Foreign Investment into the Cultural Domain [Guanyuwenhua lingyu yinjin waizi de ruogan yijian], issued 6 July 05; "Five Government Agencies Formulate the ‘Certain Opinions Regarding the Introduction of Foreign Investment Into the Cultural Domain’ " [5 bu wei zhiding "guanyu wenhua lingyu yinjin waizi de ruogan yijian"], Xinhua (Online), 4 August 05 (stating that the "Certain Opinions" document "prohibits foreign businesses from investing in businesses that engage in book, magazine, or newspaper publishing, distribution, or importation, businesses that publish, produce, distribute, or import audio-visualproducts and electronic publications, as well as businesses that utilize information networks to launch audio-visual programming services, news Web sites, and Internet publishing.").

137 "New Rules Issued: Foreign-Invested Film and Television Media May Only Open One Joint Venture Company" [Xin guiding chutai: waizi yingshi chuanmei zhi neng kai yi jia hezi gongsi], People’s Daily (Online), 7 March 05; Notice Regarding Matters Relating to the Implementation of the "Temporary Provisions on the Administration of Sino-Foreign Investment and Cooperative Joint Venture Television Program Production Enterprises" [Guanyu shishi "zhongwai hezi, hezuo guangbo dianshi jiemu zhizuo jingying qiye zanxing guiding" youguan shiyi de tongzhi], issued 7 March 05. For additional examples, see Section III(a)—Special Focus for 2006: Freedom of Expression.

138 "Media Executives Court China, But Still Run Into Obstacles," New York Times (Online), 29 August 05.

139 "News Corp. Sells Phoenix TV Stake to China Mobile," Washington Post (Online), 8 June 06. News Corp. had been distributing the National Geographic Channel, a music channel, and other programming to local cable television companies without government permission.

140 Certain Decisions Regarding Non-Public Investment in Cultural Industries [Guowuyuan guanyu feigongyou ziben jinru wenhua chanye de ruogan jueding], issued 13 April 05 (prohibiting the importation of newspapers, magazines, movies, and television shows); Circular Regarding Promulgation of the "Provisions on the Administration of Radio, Film, and Television Systems’ Local Foreign Affairs Work" [Guanyu yinfa "guangbo yingshi xitong difang waishi gongzuo guanli guiding" de tongzhi], issued 7 July 05 (prohibiting television and radio stations from leasing their channels to foreign companies, and from cooperating with foreign companies in station operations); Measures Regarding Strengthening the Administration of the Importation of Cultural Products [Guanyu jiaqiang wenhua chanpin jinkou guanli de banfa], issued 28 April 05 (freezing approvals for new foreign satellite television channels). See, e.g., "China Exclusive: China Issues Regulations to Protect Cultural Security," People’s Daily (Online), 12 August 05;"Policies in the Cultural Area Are Continuously Issued Promoting the Health Development of the Culture Sector" [Wenhua lingyu xiangguan zhengce luxu chutai cujin wenhua chanyejiankang fazhan], Xinhua (Online), 21 August 05. Also in late 2005, the GAPP issued an internal rule limiting approvals for the introduction of foreign magazines to science and technology publications. "GAPP Tightens Restrictions on Foreign Publications," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 13; Geoffrey A. Fowler and Juying Qin, "China Curbs Magazinesfrom Foreign Publishers," Wall Street Journal (Online), 7 April 06.

141 World Trade Organization, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, Schedule CLII, Part II —Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions, WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01.

142 Ibid.

143 U.S. Department of Commerce, "The U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT) Outcomes on U.S. Requests," 11 April 06.

144 "China’s Government Procurement Market Will Open" [Zhongguo zhengce caigou shichangjijiang duiwai kaifang], Economic Information Daily, reprinted in China Finance and Economy News (Online), 3 August 05.

145 "Drafter Predicts: Government Procurement To Open Up to Foreign Companies in Four Years" [Qicaozhe yuce: Zhongguo zhengfu caigou 4 nian hou kaifang], Beijing Business Today(Online), 27 April 06.

146 "Industry Expert Expects Procurement Market To Remain Closed Four More Years," CECCHuman Rights And Rule Of Law Update, June 2006, 17.

147 "There Exists a Phenomenon in Government Procurement Where There Is Law But It Is Not Being Obeyed" [Zhengfu caigou cunzai you fa bu yi fa xianxiang jianguan gongzuo jidai jiaqiang], Xinhua (Online), 30 November 05.

148 "Government Procurement: Who Has Market Opportunity? " [Zhengfu caigou: shichang jihui luo shei jia?], People’s Daily (Online), 4 July 02.

149 "Ministry of Finance Launches Project to Combat Bribery in Government Procurement and Commercial Enterprises" [Caizhengbu qidong zhengfu caigou lingyu shangye huilu zhuanxiangzhili gongzuo], Xinhua (Online), 1 April 06.

150 "Ministry of Finance Begins Accepting Reports of Commercial Bribery in Government Procurement" [Caizhengbu kaishi shouli zhengfu caigou lingyu shangye huilu jubao], Xinhua (Online), 21 April 06.

151 U.S. Senate Finance Committee, Testimony of Karan K. Bhatia, Deputy U.S. Trade Representative, 29 March 06.

152 World Trade Organization, Secretariat Report—Trade Policies and Practices by Measure, WT/TPR/S/161, 28 February 06, para. 4; World Trade Organization, Secretariat Report—Contents and Summary Observations, WT/TPR/S/161, 28 February 06, para 12.

153 These two bans ended in late 2004, except for cherries from California. Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

154 The maximum residual level has not been enforced yet. Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06. WorldTrade Organization members may avoid a claim that their phytosanitary measure lacks a scientific basis if they rely on an international standard. World Trade Organization Agreement onthe Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures, arts. 3.1 and 3.3.

155 World Trade Organization, Secretariat Report—Contents and Summary Observations, WT/TPR/S/161, 28 February 06, para 85.

156 Ibid.

157 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

158 Administrative Measures for the Entry-Exit Inspection and Quarantine for Grains and Feed Stuff, 4 December 01.

159 Administrative Measures for Entry for Animal and Plant Quarantine [Jinjing dongzhiwu jianyi shenpi guanli banfa], issued 2 August 02.

160 World Trade Organization, Questions from the United States to China, World Trade Organization Committee on Import Licensing, G/lic/q/chn/16, 16 August 05, para. 3.

161 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

162 In June 2004, the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine issued Public Notice 2004[73] [Guojia zhiliang jiancha yancha zongju gonggao 2004 nian di 73 hao], which extended the period of validity for quarantine permits from three months to six months.

163 American Chamber of Commerce in China, 2006 White Paper, 74.

164 Ibid., 76; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

165 American Chamber of Commerce in China, 2006 White Paper, 76.

166 Ibid., 74; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

167 World Trade Organization, Questions from the United States to China, World Trade Organization Committee on Import Licensing, G/lic/q/chn/16, 16 August 05, para. 3.

168 U.S.-China Economic Relations, Hearing of the Senate Finance Committee, Testimony of Gary Joachim, Vice President, American Soybean Association, 29 March 06.

169 U.S. Department of Commerce, The U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade (JCCT) Outcomes on U.S. Requests, 11 April 06.

170 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

171 Ministry of Agriculture Public Notice Number 678 [Nongyebu gonggao di 678 hao], issued 29 June 06 (provided that it has been stripped of spines, brains, and other parts).

172 "U.S.: No Deal on Beef Trade with China," Business Week (Online), 30 June 06; "U.S. Says China Announcement on Beef Market Opening Is Meaningless," Inside U.S.-China Trade (Online), 5 July 06.

173 "U.S., China Cite Progress on Beef, GPA, Subsidies; But Questions Remain," Inside U.S.China Trade (Online), 12 April 06; "U.S. Considering Next Steps in Bid to Open China’s Beef Market," Inside U.S.-China Trade (Online), 12 July 06; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative,2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

174 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on ForeignTrade Barriers, 31 March 06.

175 Ibid.

176 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

177 American Chamber of Commerce in China, "White Paper 2006," 76; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

178 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

179 U.S. Department of Agriculture (Online), "Johanns Signs Agreement With China on FoodSafety and Plant and Animal Health," 13 April 06.

180 American Soybean Association, "ASA and Chinese Officials Sign Agreement in WashingtonD.C.," 11 April 06.

181 World Trade Organization, Request for Consultations by the United States: China—Measures Affecting Imports of Automobile Parts, WT/DS340/1, 3 April 06.

182 World Trade Organization, Request for Consultations by Canada: China—Measures Affecting Imports of Automobile Parts, WT/DS342/1, 19 April 06.; World Trade Organization, Request for Consultations by the European Communities: China—Measures Affecting Imports of Automobile Parts, WT/DS339/1, 3 April 06.

183 The request also notes that Chinese regulations appear to assess tariffs on certain specifiedparts and assemblies as though they are complete vehicles. According to the request, these appear to be inconsistent with the Article 2 of the TRIMs Agreement, Articles II and III of theGATT 1994, Article 3 of the SCM Agreement; and China’s Protocol on the Accession. The request cited the following rules as providing for the aforementioned treatment: Auto Industry Development Policy [Qiche chanye fazhan zhengce], issued 21 May 04; Management Measures for Imports of Auto Parts Having the Characteristics of a Complete Automobile [Goucheng zhengchetezheng de qiche lingbujian jinkou guanli banfa], issued 28 February 05; and Rules for Determining Whether Imported Automotive Parts and Components Constitute Complete Vehicles[Jinkou qiche lingbujian goucheng zhengche tezheng heding guize], issued 28 March 05.

184 "Nation Agrees To Hold Talks on Auto Parts," China Daily (Online), 10 April 06.

185 "China Becomes Victim of Trade Protectionism," China Daily (Online), 10 April 06.

186 "Consultation Over Auto Parts Tariffs May Continue," Xinhua (Online), 16 June 06; "U.S.To Move Quickly Toward WTO Auto Parts Case," ChinaTradeExtra (Online), 7 June 06.

187 "U.S. Department of State, "Trade Dispute Panel Sought on Auto Parts Exports to China,"15 September 06.

188 Steel Industry Development Policy [Gangtie chanye fazhan zhengce], issued 20 July 05.

189 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

190 "NDRC Issues Steel Industry Development Policy," CECC Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, August 2005, 8; Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress onChina’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05. The policy encourages domestic enterprises to "use domestic facilities and technology" while importing only "equipment and technology that cannotbe made domestically or for which domestic supply is unable to satisfy the requirements." Steel Industry Development Policy, art. 18. The policy prohibits foreign control over domestic steelenterprises and restricts foreign investment in the steel industry. Steel Industry Development Policy, art. 23. Foreign companies wishing to invest in the domestic steel industry must have produced either 10 million tons of steel or 1 million tons of high-alloy specialty steel during the previous year. Ibid. If the foreign company can fulfill these requirements it may invest in existing Chinese steel facilities, but may not create new ones.

191 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05. See also, "Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China," WT/ MIN(01)/3, para. 46.

192 Congressional Steel Caucus Hearing, Statement by Timothy Stratford, Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for China Affairs, 14 June 06.

193 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05. See also, Report of the Working Party on the Accession of China, WT/ MIN(01)/3, para. 49.

194 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

195 World Trade Organization, Questions from the United States to China, Committee on Import Licensing, G/LIC/Q/CHN/16, 16 August 05.

196 World Trade Organization, Minutes of the Meeting Held on 28 September 05, Committee on Import Licensing, G/LIC/M/22, 2 November 05.

197 World Trade Organization, 2005 Transitional Review Mechanism, for the Council for Trade-Related Investment Measures, Committee on Trade-Related Investment Measures, G/L/ 751, 24 October 05.

198 World Trade Organization, Minutes of the Meeting Held on 28 September 05, Committee on Import Licensing, G/LIC/M/22, 2 November 05. The organizations were the China Steel Industry Association and the Commercial Chamber for Metals, Minerals and Chemicals Importers and Exporters.

199 Protocol on the Accession of the People’s Republic of China, World Trade Organization Document WT/L/432 (23 November 01), para. 5; "Report of the Working Party on the Accession ofChina, Schedule CLII, Part II—Schedule of Specific Commitments on Services List of Article II MFN Exemptions," WT/MIN(01)/3/Add.2, 10 November 01.

200 PRC Foreign Trade Law, issued 1 July 04.

201 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05.

202 Measures on the Management of Foreign Investment in the Commercial Sector [Waishangtouzi shangye lingyu guanli banfa], issued 16 April 04.

203 Circular Regarding Certain Issues with Foreign-Invested Non-Commercial Enterprises Expanding the Scope of Retail Operations [Guanyu waishang touzi fei shangye qiye zengjia fenxiao jingying fanwei youguan wenti de tongzhi], issued 2 April 05.

204 Circular Regarding Issues Regarding the Administration of Trade in Bonded Zones and Bonded Logistic Parks [Guanyu baoshui qu ji baoshui wuliu yuanqumaoyi guanli youguan wenti de tongzhi], issued 28 July 05. See also, "Moving Forward on Distribution," China Business Review, September-October 05.

205 Circular Regarding Certain Issues with Foreign-Invested Non-Commercial Enterprises Expanding the Scope of Retail Operations; Ministry of Commerce (Online), "Ministry of Commerce Promulgates Set of Provisions on the Handling Procedures for Establishing the Scope of Projects for Foreign-Invested Commercial Enterprises" [Shangyebu banbu sheli waishang touzi shangye lingyu xiangmu banli chengxu deng xilie guiding], 5 August 05.

206 Regulation on the Administration of Direct Selling [Zhixiao guanli tiaoli], issued 23 August 05.

207 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 Report to Congress on China’s WTO Compliance, 11 December 05; "Companies Hope Direct Sales Approval for Avon Leads to Others," Inside US-China Trade (Online), 8 March 06.

208 "Avon Grabs China’s First License for Direct Sales," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 5 March 06.

209 U.S. Department of Commerce, Remarks as Prepared by Commerce Secretary Carlos Gutierrez on Behalf of the U.S. Delegation, 11 April 06.

210 World Trade Organization, Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade, arts. 2.2 and 2.4.

211 World Trade Organization, Minutes of the Meeting of 2 November 2005, Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade, G/TBT/M/37, 22 December 05.

212 World Trade Organization, Secretariat Report—Trade Policies and Practices by Measure, WT/TPR/S/161, 28 February 06, para. 4.

213 U.S. Trade and Development Agency, USTDA Initiative Promotes U.S.-China Cooperation in Industrial Standards Policy and Regulatory Development, 23 May 06.

214 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2006 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 31 March 06.

215 Ibid.

216 Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, 2005 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers, 30 March 05.

217 Ibid.

218 "ISO Votes Down China Encryption System," Associated Press, reprinted in China Daily (Online), 14 March 06.

219 "China Resolved to Use Home-Grown WLAN Security Technology," Xinhua (Online), 13 March 06.

220 "China Appeals to ISO Against Intel-Dominated Wireless Encryption Standard," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (Online), 29 May 06.

221 "Chinese WAPI Delegation Quits Prague Meeting," Xinhua, reprinted by the Ministry of Commerce (Online), 9 June 06.

VIII. Tibet

Introduction | The Status of Discussion Between China and the Dalai Lama | Culture, Development, and Demography | Tibetan Culture and Human Rights

FINDINGS

In 2005, the Dalai Lama increased his efforts to explain that he does not seek Tibetan independence from China. The Dalai Lama’s envoys traveled to China for a fifth round of dialogue with Chinese officials in February 2006, relaying a request to Chinese leaders to permit the Dalai Lama to visit China. Tibetans could benefit from full implementation of the Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law, but the lack of local self-government in Tibetan autonomous areas of China creates mistrust in the dialogue and demonstrates that authorities are not implementing this law.
The Chinese government favors accelerating implementation of development initiatives, especially the Great Western Development program, that already erode Tibetan culture and heritage. The Qinghai-Tibet railway began passenger service in July 2006, increasing Tibetan concerns about the railway’s potential effects on Tibetan culture and the environment. Education levels among Tibetans are much lower than those of ethnic Han Chinese, undermining the ability of Tibetans to compete for employment and other economic advantages in an emerging market economy that attracts an increasing number of Han.
The Chinese government strictly limits the rights of Tibetans to exercise the constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of religion, speech, and assembly. Communist Party political campaigns promote atheism and strengthen government efforts to discourage Tibetan aspirations to foster their unique culture and religion. Chinese authorities have punished Tibetans, such as Jigme Gyatso, a former monk imprisoned in 1996 who is serving a 17-year sentence and Choeying Khedrub, a monk serving a life sentence since 2000, for peaceful expressions and non-violent actions that officials believe could undermine Party rule. The Commission’s Political Prisoner Database listed 103 known cases of current Tibetan political detention or imprisonment as of August 2006, a figure that is likely to be lower than the actual number of Tibetan political prisoners. Based on sentence information available for 70 of the current prisoners, the average sentence is approximately 10 years and 11 months.

Introduction

The Chinese government and the Communist Party give economic development in Tibetan areas of China a higher priority than protecting basic human rights such as the freedoms of religion, speech, and assembly. Chinese officials provide economic statistics1 to demonstrate Tibetan progress, but Tibetans continue to struggle with poverty, suffer from inadequate education, and face a growing number of better-educated ethnic Han who travel to Tibetan areas and compete for jobs and other economic benefits. The government can strengthen China’s ethnic and national unity by improving the implementation of the Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law, and by ensuring that Tibetans can manage their affairs, become equal competitors with their neighbors, and preserve their unique cultural, religious, and linguistic heritage.2

The Status of Discussion Between China and the Dalai Lama

U.S. government policy on Tibet recognizes the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties3 in other provinces to be a part of China.4 The State Department’s annual Report on Tibet Negotiations detailed the U.S. government’s steps to encourage Chinese officials to "enter into a dialogue with the Dalai Lama or his representatives leading to a negotiated agreement on Tibet." 5 The Report described the Dalai Lama as someone who "represents the views of the vast majority of Tibetans," and expressed encouragement that Chinese officials invited the Dalai Lama’s envoys to visit China in February 2006 (2005 visits also cited). The Report states, "The Administration believes that dialogue between China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives will alleviate tensions in Tibetan areas and contribute to the overall stability of China." The Report notes, however, that "the lack of resolution of these problems leads to greater tensions inside China and will be a stumbling block to fuller political and economic engagement with the United States and other nations." 6

In 2005, the Dalai Lama increased his efforts to explain that he does not seek Tibetan independence from China. During a religious teaching in India in January 2006, the Dalai Lama spoke to some 9,000 Tibetans who traveled from Tibetan areas of China to be among the estimated 90,000 attendees.7 In his closing remarks, the Dalai Lama told them that he does not seek Tibetan independence, and that he is working for a solution based on the Middle Way Approach8 and within the existing Chinese constitutional framework.9 He urged Tibetans returning to China to tell other Tibetans about the importance of his approach for ensuring genuine autonomy for Tibetans.10

The Dalai Lama’s envoys traveled to China for a fifth round of dialogue with Chinese officials in February 2006.11 Special Envoy Lodi Gyari12 and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen did not travel to the TAR or one of the Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures (TAPs) in other provinces, as they did during previous trips to China.13 Instead, they visited the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region to observe "the situation" in one of the other five provincial-level ethnic autonomous regions, and to meet with Zhu Weiqun, the deputy head of the Communist Party’s United Front Work Department (UFWD). Gyari explained that as a result of the visit, "today there is a better and deeper understanding of each other’s position and the fundamental differences that continue to exist in the position held by the two parties." A Tibetan government-in-exile representative told reporters in July 2005 that the most fundamental difference is over "the definition of Tibet," and explained, "While China sees Tibet as the area included under the Tibet Autonomous Region, Tibetans claim a much larger area14 where the culture and language are Tibetan." 15

After the envoys returned to India, the Dalai Lama focused his annual March 10 statement16 entirely on the dialogue, emphasizing his commitment to the dialogue process and expressing his wish to visit China. He summarized his position by saying, "I have only one demand: self-rule and genuine autonomy for all Tibetans, i.e., the Tibetan nationality in its entirety. This demand is in keeping with the provisions of the Chinese Constitution, which means it can be met." 17 The Dalai Lama stated that his envoys relayed a request to Chinese leaders to permit him to visit China as a religious pilgrim. "As well as visiting the pilgrim sites, I hope to be able to see for myself the changes and developments in the People’s Republic of China," he said.18

Tashi Wangdi, the Dalai Lama’s representative to the Americas, told a Commission roundtable in March 2006 that the Chinese government’s basic concern is the "unity, territorial integrity, and economic health of the country." A resolution of the Tibetan issue would contribute to China’s national interests, he said, and if the Dalai Lama were to visit China, it would be a "win-win situation" for the Chinese leadership:

The Middle Way Approach adopted by His Holiness will in fact reinforce and strengthen all this. . . . One of the most effective ways of creating the right atmosphere is through personal contact and face-to-face meetings. It is with this in mind His Holiness the Dalai Lama had conveyed to the Chinese government through his envoys his wish to visit some of the holy Buddhist pilgrimage sites in China.19

The Tibetan government-in-exile’s March 10, 2006, statement declared support for the Dalai Lama’s policy, and described Tibetans as "one of China’s 55 minority nationalities." 20 The statement noted that "before 1951 [Tibetans] all lived together in small, compact groups in a contiguous chain," and argued that administrative unity of that territory is necessary to protect Tibetan culture:

In essence, we have always said that the need to have genuine autonomy for the three provinces of Tibet or the entire Tibetan people is the basic principle. We cannot compromise on this principle. . . . Because of these reasons,21 we have proposed the need to have unification of all the Tibetans, with the status of genuine autonomy. This demand is in accordance with Marxist and Leninist principles and the provisions of the Chinese Constitution.

Chinese officials say that the Dalai Lama’s proposal to combine existing areas of Tibetan autonomy22 and implement genuine autonomy is not consistent with the Chinese Constitution and laws. Lhagpa Phuntsog (Laba Pingcuo), Secretary General of the China Tibetology Research Center and former Vice Chairman of the TAR, told reporters in May 2006 that the Dalai Lama had raised two principal issues, "greater Tibet" and "real autonomy." He said that the Dalai Lama’s demands "don’t match the history of Tibet," and that changing the status quo would not accord with the Chinese Constitution or the Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law (REAL).23 Sun Yuxi, the Chinese Ambassador to India, told reporters in October 2005 that the Dalai Lama’s request for a legal system "something like that of Hong Kong," is not possible, and that a "larger Tibet, [that would] include part of four more Chinese provinces," is "technically not acceptable." 24 In July 2006, Wu Yingjie, the Vice Chairman of the TAR government, rejected the Dalai Lama’s objective that a Tibetan autonomous area should have a democratically elected government, according to a Hong Kong news media report.25 According to Wu, the Dalai Lama has said26 that if he returns to China, the Chinese government should create a greater Tibet and allow democracy within it. Wu said that it is not possible for the Chinese government to accept the Dalai Lama’s conditions, and that Tibetans enjoy prosperity under Party leadership and are reluctant to see the Dalai Lama return.27

Chinese government officials express interest in continuing the dialogue, but blame the Dalai Lama for the lack of substantive progress, claiming that he is attempting to "split the motherland." 28 China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused the U.S. Congress on September 14, 2006, of sending a "severely wrong signal to the ‘Tibet-independence’ forces" 29 after the U.S. House of Representatives passed a bill the previous day authorizing the Dalai Lama to receive the Congressional Gold Medal.30 After the Dalai Lama’s envoys visited China in February, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Qin Gang told reporters that the Dalai Lama "steals his way to this or that corner of the world" in order to "split our motherland." 31 Jampa Phuntsog (Xiangba Pingcuo), Chairman of the TAR government, however, recognized the envoys’ visit in frank remarks to reporters in Beijing on March 6: "We cannot call the talks negotiations now. They are just dialogue, or contact, but the channels for communication have always been smooth. . . . We will have further discussions in [the] future. But we haven’t yet reached the stage of substantive negotiations." 32

Tibetans could benefit from full implementation of the REAL, but the lack of local self-government in Tibetan autonomous areas of China creates mistrust in the dialogue and demonstrates that authorities are not implementing this law. The REAL asserts in its Preamble that the practice of autonomy "reflects the state’s full respect for and guarantee of ethnic minorities’ right to administer their internal affairs." 33 Article 7 of the REAL, however, requires that local autonomous governments "place the interests of the state as a whole above all else and actively fulfill the tasks assigned by state organs at higher levels." 34 A 2004 Harvard University study of autonomy in Tibetan areas of China considered a compilation of 161 laws and regulations, and found that poor implementation ne-gates the value of autonomy legislation and erodes the rule of law.35 A University of Hong Kong professor pointed out in March 2006 that regional ethnic autonomy is "very restricted" because "Beijing can override it through either legislation or administrative decisions." 36 "Today, the concept is valued primarily for speeding up economic and industrial development, which itself threatens the cultures and languages of minorities," according to the professor’s article.

The central government and Party defend the regional ethnic autonomy system, asserting that it is successful. A February 2005 State Council White Paper declared that regional ethnic autonomy is "a correct solution to the issue of ethnic groups," and that more than 50 years of implementation prove that the system is "immensely successful." 37 At a meeting chaired by President and Party General Secretary Hu Jintao in August 2005, the Politburo considered "Tibet work in the new century" and declared that "the ethnic regional autonomy system has been continually consolidated and perfected, and the people of all ethnic groups fully enjoy their rights as masters of the country." 38

Some Tibetans reject the Dalai Lama’s offer to resolve the issue within the framework of the Chinese Constitution and autonomy, and their willingness to speak out is increasing. For example, the chairman of the oldest Tibetan advocacy group in the United States told a Commission roundtable in March 2006 that the dialogue has not resulted in "any tangible progress." 39 He said that he believes most Tibetans want independence, but they support the Middle Way Approach because of their high regard for the Dalai Lama. He warned that Chinese leaders may be mistaken if they expect the Tibet issue to fade away after the Dalai Lama passes away:

Rather than the issue dying away, there is a greater likelihood that the issue will destabilize, with future generations of very frustrated Tibetans resorting to other means to bring freedom to Tibet. The role and the position of the Dalai Lama has been a great stabilizer for the Tibetan community, the Free Tibet Movement, and even the world.40

The Chinese government portrays as terrorists some Tibetans living outside of China who call for independence,41 but has not provided evidence for this designation. In February 2004, a Chinese public security journal described the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC), a pro-independence NGO based in India that claims 20,000 members worldwide,42 as "the extremists among the new generation of the Dalai Lama group." 43 The article claimed, "It can be said that every violent terrorist activity that took place in the Tibetan regions was intricately connected with extremist organizations such as the TYC." 44 An August 2005 article in China’s Tibet magazine charged that "[TYC] diehards stick to ‘Tibetan independence,’ stand for violence, and work hand-in-glove with international terrorists to form terrorist organizations in India." 45

Some Tibetans, especially the younger generation, are questioning the non-violent message of Buddhist philosophy. TYC President Kalsang Phuntsok acknowledged in December 2005 that "a huge section of the Tibetan youth community" believes that the Tibetan independence movement "is like any other movement:"

There is no reason for us to restrain ourselves just because we are Buddhist or just because we have a leader of His Holiness’s stature. . . . [We] have a youth section which is not so much influenced by the Buddhist philosophy. They are very much attracted by the movements which are going on all over the world, mostly violence-infested movements, and people see they are achieving results. They look around everywhere, whether it’s Israel or Palestine or the Middle East—these give them every reason to believe in every [violent] movement that is being waged on this Earth.46

A senior broadcaster for the Voice of America summarized the complexities of the outlook for dialogue at a March 2006 Commission roundtable:

Cumulatively, these disparate variables have had the effect of creating conditions more favorable to a strategy of engagement for Beijing. But while it seems likely that China will, for the time being, continue to pursue talks with the Dalai Lama, it seems equally unlikely that the two parties can expect to begin discussing matters of substance under present circumstances. . . . [T]he question now for Beijing is whether its deferral of substantive negotiations risks forgoing an historic opportunity to reach a lasting solution on the dispute over Tibet.47

Culture, Development, and Demography

The Chinese government favors accelerating implementation of development initiatives, especially the Great Western Development program (GWD),48 that already erode Tibetan culture and heritage. Minister Li Dezhu of the State Ethnic Affairs Commission (SEAC) described GWD in 2000, the first year of implementation, as "the necessary choice for solving China’s nationality problems under the new historical conditions." 49 He pointed out that GWD will integrate ethnic minorities into the mainstream of "marketization and socialization," saying, "[E]ach nationality will become more strongly unified with each day under the centripetal force . . . of the large family of the Chinese nation." Implementation of programs such as GWD encourages Han migration into Tibetan and other ethnic areas, a movement that Li described as a westward flow of "human talent" that would result in "clashes and conflicts" between ethnic groups. Li warned that clashes must be "handled well," or there would be a detrimental effect on national unity and social stability.50

The Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law (REAL) provides local autonomous governments the right to modify or cancel the implementation of higher-level laws and regulations,51 but the central government overrides the rights of local governments by passing laws that ensure implementation of central government policies such as GWD. Li said in 2000 that the state "must use legal methods to provide legal guarantees for the implementation of these policies, and safeguard implementation [of GWD] with laws and regulations." 52 A March 2004 State Council paper called on the government to "speed up the pace of law-making as it pertains to the development of the West, to provide a legislative guarantee for the development of the West." 53 In March 2006, Wang Jinxiang, Vice Minister of the National Development and Reform Commission and Deputy Director of the State Council Office of the Leading Group for Western Region Development, said that the National People’s Congress is preparing a draft law that "aims to create a favorable legal environment and support for a smooth implementation of the western region development program." 54 If enacted, this law would be the first national law created solely for the development of a single region, according to Wang.

Senior government and Party officials emphasized the importance of hastening the implementation of development policies when they attended a September 2005 ceremony in Lhasa marking the 40th anniversary of the establishment of the TAR.55 Jia Qinglin, a Politburo Standing Committee member, led the delegation and told an assembly of Party cadres in Lhasa that the pace of change in the TAR must be quickened from "accelerated development" to "development by leaps and bounds." 56 Jia listed priorities that include boosting rural Tibetan living standards and income, increasing infrastructure construction, and consolidating the TAR’s ties with China’s populous east, along with the political objective of cracking down on expression and activity that the Party characterizes as "separatist and sabotaging activities." 57 The latter descriptions can apply to peaceful expressions of devotion to the Dalai Lama, and Tibetan complaints about Chinese policies. Authorities in Lhasa tightened security before the anniversary and detained as many as 10 Tibetans,58 including Sonam,59 a monk employed at the Potala Palace, and Sonam Gyalpo,60 a Lhasa tailor who had video and printed material in his home featuring the Dalai Lama.

The Qinghai-Tibet railway, officially designated as a key GWD project,61 began passenger service in July 2006, ahead of scheduled completion in 2007,62 increasing Tibetan concerns about the railway’s potential effects on the Tibetan culture and environment.63 President Hu Jintao inaugurated the railway at a ceremony in Golmud city, Qinghai province. Hu described the railway’s completion as "an important expression of the constant increase in the comprehensive national strength of our country," and of "very great significance" to speeding up regional economic and social development and "enhancing ethnic solidarity and consolidating the motherland’s frontier defense." 64 Ragdi (Raidi), an ethnic Tibetan who is a Vice Chairman of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) and former Chairman of the TAR People’s Congress, described the railway during its first week of operation65 as the Tibetan people’s "road to heaven," and predicted that it would "have a profound and far-reaching historical significance." 66 In August, an official announced that the government plans to extend the railway westward from Lhasa to Rikaze, the TAR’s second largest city, within three years.67

State-run news media reports about the railway’s startup rejected assertions that operating the railway will result in increased Han migration into the TAR, or threaten the Tibetan culture and environment. A Xinhua editorial published on July 1 dismissed claims that "an influx of the Han people" would lead to Tibetan "cultural genocide," 68 countering that the railway will benefit Tibetans by providing them access to "modern civilization." 69 Lhasa mayor Norbu Dondrub said the same day, "Tibetan culture will not disappear when there is market demand for it. The Tibetan culture will not have fundamental changes with the opening of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway. On the contrary, it has a bright future." 70 Wu Yingjie, Vice Chairman of the TAR government and head of the provincial Propaganda Bureau,71 told foreign reporters in July that, "Tibet’s unique natural conditions make it impossible for the Han people and other ethnic groups to settle down here," 72 a statement that is inconsistent with Chinese census statistics that document the increasing Han population in the TAR.73 Chinese news reports described the passengers expected to use the new railway as tourists, visitors, or travelers. Chairman of the TAR government Jampa Phuntsog (Xiangba Pingcuo) acknowledged on July 4 that the railway will bring "a lot of travelers" to the TAR and build the tourism industry, but the railway would not have "a great impact" on the Tibetan environment.74 A TAR tourism official announced in May that 4,000 "tourists" 75 will arrive in Lhasa every day after the railway is operating, and that the railway would bring an additional 400,000 visitors to the TAR during the remainder of 2006.76 Official estimates are not available of the number of persons the government expects to arrive by train in Lhasa who will seek employment, conduct business, engage in a professional practice, or remain in the area for other reasons.

As the inauguration date of the 33 billion yuan (US$4.12 billion)77 railway approached, Chinese officials and experts disclosed that thawing permafrost on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau could adversely affect operation of the railway, but officials did not warn of any immediate risks. Professor Wu Ziwang, an expert at the Chinese Academy of Sciences frozen soil engineering laboratory,78 said in January 2006 that the permafrost layer on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau is melting and will continue to deteriorate due to global warming.79 "I am worried that after ten years the railroad will be unsafe," he said. In February, Wu observed that faster thawing of the permafrost "might greatly increase the instability of the ground . . . where major projects such as highways or railways run through." 80 La Youyu, the Deputy Director General of the railway’s construction headquarters, disclosed in August 2005 that about 340 miles of track crosses frozen earth that "is vulnerable to climate change" and "will thaw in summer and distend the railway base in winter." 81

Supreme People’s Court (SPC) and Party officials opened a conference on June 15 that considered the role the judiciary should play in maintaining social stability following the opening of the Qinghai-Tibet railway in July.82 SPC Vice President Zhang Jun said that the railway has an important role in the GWD program, and that the inauguration of the rail service would create "new demands regarding the work of the courts." He stressed that courts along the rail line, the principal terminals of which are Lhasa and Xining, the capital of Qinghai province, must strengthen their "communication and cooperation" to coordinate efforts to "resolve problems." The courts of both the TAR and Qinghai province must be active participants in the "comprehensive management of public security" to "assure the harmony and stability of the Qinghai-Tibet area, particularly the safe operation of the railroad," Zhang said.83 Wang Yibin, a TAR Communist Party Standing Committee member and the head of the TAR Public Security Bureau, also spoke at the conference and provided specific judicial "requirements" linked to the TAR’s "current anti-splittist struggle and public security situation." 84 The requirements included: increasing the force of "strikes against all categories of criminal activity;" establishing a legal environment that is "favorable to the safety of the railroad;" and protecting the legal rights and interests of workers while "preventing and appropriately handling mass incident work." 85

Chinese law, government and Party policies, and official statements increase Tibetan concerns that programs such as GWD86 and projects such as the Qinghai-Tibet railway will lead to large increases in Han migration. In an unusual statement, a China Daily report in October 2005 described the government’s expectation that the railway will "attract tourists, traders, and ethnic Chinese settlers" to the region.87 The implementation provisions of the REAL issued in May 2005 instruct the state to encourage and support "talents of all categories and classes to develop and pioneer in ethnic autonomous areas." 88 The Provisions require local governments to provide newly arriving "talent" with "preferential and convenient working and living conditions," and to ensure that their dependents and children "enjoy special treatment in employment and schooling." 89 An opinion paper circulated by the Party Central Committee and the government in July 2005 called for "a large number of trained personnel, especially graduates of schools of higher learning, to go to [grassroots areas, especially the western region] to render meritorious service and make a distinguished career." 90 The paper advises the state to offer incentives, such as full repayment of academic loans, to graduates who work for an unspecified number of years in "harsh areas." 91

The Chinese government hampers objective study of regional social and economic issues by providing inadequate or misleading information about the number of ethnic Han who live, work, and trade in Tibetan autonomous areas. The Commission’s 2005 Annual Report showed that official Chinese census data portray ethnic Han population as decreasing in 10 of 13 Tibetan autonomous areas between 1990 and 2000,92 a decline that contradicts the visible changes evident in many Tibetan towns and cities, and raises questions about the reliability of the data.93 Comparing national census data with population data from provincial statistical yearbooks demonstrates that the yearbooks sometimes report even fewer Han in Tibetan areas than the census.94 Census data for 2000 reports 158,570 Han in the TAR,95 for example, but a TAR annual statistical yearbook reports only 72,122 Han in the TAR in 2000 (less than half the census figure).96

A Chinese academic study conducted in Lhasa in 2005 observed that GWD promotes the flow of "a large number of temporary migrants" into the TAR, and leads to increased competition between a "low quality" local Tibetan workforce and incoming (mostly Han) migrant workers.97 The authors, Professors Ma Rong and Tanzen Lhundup, examine the migrant population in Lhasa (Tibetan and non-Tibetan), and the role of local authorities in registering and managing the migrant population. The paper concludes that it is difficult to study temporary migrants in the TAR, and that the actual number of temporary migrants is much larger than official records reveal.98 The authors explain that temporary migrants keep moving seasonally, and usually try to avoid registering with local authorities in order to escape payment of fees and charges. Local governments are understaffed with inexperienced personnel and cannot keep track of the migrants.99

Education levels among Tibetans are much lower than those of ethnic Han,100 undermining the ability of Tibetans to compete for employment and other economic advantages in an emerging market economy that attracts an increasing number of Han. Based on 2000 census data, the Tibetan rate of illiteracy (47.55 percent) is more than five times higher than for Han (8.60 percent), while Han reach senior middle school at more than five times the rate of Tibetans (8.83 percent compared to 1.70 percent).101 Ma and Lhundup found similar patterns in their study of migrants in Lhasa: the rate of illiteracy among Tibetan migrants (32.3 percent) was almost 10 times higher than for Han migrants (3.3 percent),102 and Han migrants were better prepared to secure jobs that require skills learned in junior or senior middle school. Of the migrants surveyed, Han reached junior or senior middle school at about twice the rate of Tibetans: 53.7 percent of Han compared to 26 percent of Tibetans reached junior middle school, and 19.4 percent of Han compared to 9 percent of Tibetans reached senior middle school.103 The survey’s population sample shows that the advantage Han migrants enjoy in the Lhasa job market is qualitative, based on their education levels, and also quantitative—there were at least four times as many Han migrants in Lhasa as Tibetan migrants.104

The difference in education levels heightens the barrier that rural Tibetans face, even compared to urban Tibetans, when they seek employment or commercial opportunities in urban centers.105 Tibetans living in towns and cities reached senior middle school at about 12 times the rate of Tibetans living in rural areas, according to official 2000 census data.106 Based on the same data, Tibetans with the least access to education—rural Tibetans—outnumbered Tibetan residents of towns and cities by more than five-to-one.107 The average income of TAR rural residents remains a fraction of urban income, but according to official data the gap has narrowed slightly. In 2000, the average TAR urban per capita income (6,448 yuan) was 4.84 times more than the average rural per capita income (1,331 yuan).108 In 2005, the average TAR urban per capita income (8,411 yuan) was 4.05 times higher than the average rural per capita income (2,075 yuan).109

The Chinese government implements policies intended to improve educational and economic opportunities for rural Tibetans,110 especially nomadic herders, but programs require Tibetans to participate on the government’s terms. In the first three years of a pasture construction and nomadic settlement program launched in 2001, authorities in the TAR relocated 48,000 nomadic herders and settled them in fixed communities.111 A government program to settle nomadic herders, including Tibetans, in Qinghai province placed about 10,000 families in fixed communities by 2005.112 In Gansu province, a program started in the late 1990s to settle nomadic herders in Tibetan autonomous areas settled 7,000 families by 2004 and is expected to be complete in 2009.113 A U.S. Agency for International Development rangeland expert told a Commission roundtable in March 2004 that in his opinion, despite good government intentions,114 most Tibetan farmers and herders have not been able to participate fully in assessing, planning, and implementing the programs that affect their lives.115

Tibetan Culture and Human Rights

The Chinese government strictly limits the rights of Tibetans to exercise the constitutionally guaranteed freedoms of religion, speech, and assembly. Communist Party political campaigns promote atheism and strengthen government efforts to discourage Tibetan aspirations to foster their unique culture and religion. Chinese authorities have punished Tibetans for peaceful expressions and non-violent actions that officials believe could undermine Party rule. The downward trend in the number of known Tibetan political prisoners,116 compared to an upward trend that peaked in the mid-1990s,117 suggests that Tibetans are avoiding the risks of direct protest against government policies, and turning to other, sometimes innovative, ways to express and protect their culture.118

An example of Tibetan cultural expression, and of the Dalai Lama’s influence on Tibetans, emerged after the Dalai Lama told thousands of Tibetans gathered in January 2006 at a religious teaching in India,119 "I am ashamed and don’t feel like living when I see all those pictures of people decorating themselves with skins and furs." 120 He specifically referred to fur trim from rare and endangered animal species that some Tibetans use to decorate traditional garments. "Neither use, sell, or buy wild animals, their products or derivatives," he instructed the attendees. In February and March 2006, Tibetans in Tibetan autonomous prefectures in Qinghai, Gansu, and Sichuan provinces responded by conducting campaigns to collect and burn fur stripped from garments.121 Security officials detained and questioned the Tibetan organizers of at least two events and then released them, apparently without charge.122 At an event in March, the organizers took care to avoid provoking authorities,123 but participants openly displayed their devotion to the Dalai Lama.124 Police monitored the scene, but did not detain or question any participants, or prevent the Tibetans from burning the fur.125

Chinese authorities carried out 24 known political detentions of Tibetans in 2005, an increase compared to the 15 such detentions in 2004, according to information available in the Commission’s Political Prisoner Database (PPD) as of August 2006. Of the political detentions in 2005, 10 took place in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR), 8 in Qinghai province, and 6 in Gansu province. None of the known political detentions of Tibetans in 2005 took place in Sichuan province, although Sichuan was the location of the largest number of new cases from 2001–2004.126 In January 2006, a court in Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Gansu province sentenced Tibetan monks Dargyal Gyatso and Jamyang Samdrub, and nuns Choekyi Drolma, Tamdrin Tsomo, and Yonten Drolma to up to three years’ imprisonment for displaying and distributing letter-sized posters critical of the Chinese government.127 The nuns are the first nuns known to be imprisoned in Gansu province since this period of Tibetan political activism began in 1987.128

The PPD listed 103 known cases of current Tibetan political detention or imprisonment as of August 2006, a figure that is likely to be lower than the actual number of Tibetan political prisoners. Reports of Tibetan political imprisonment often do not reach monitoring groups until at least one or two years after the detentions occur. Approximately 55 of the Tibetans are believed to be detained or imprisoned in the TAR, approximately 25 in Sichuan province, fewer than 15 in Qinghai province, and 6 in Gansu province. Based on sentence information available for 70 of the current prisoners, the average sentence is approximately 10 years and 11 months.

The Commission welcomed the decision by Chinese authorities to permit nun Phuntsog Nyidron to travel to the United States in March 2006 to receive medical treatment.129 Lhasa authorities im-prisoned her for more than 14 years for participating in a peaceful political demonstration, and then for secretly recording songs that criticized the Chinese government’s rule of Tibetans while she was in prison.130 In another development, the Lhasa Intermediate People’s Court commuted Bangri Chogtrul’s sentence from life imprisonment for "splittism" 131 to a fixed term of 19 years in July 2003, and then reduced his sentence by an additional year in November 2005, according to a February 2006 NGO report.132 The same court sentenced Nyima Choedron, Bangri Chogtrul’s wife, to 10 years’ imprisonment on the same charge in September 2000, and subsequently reduced her sentence twice, by 18 months in 2002 and 1 year in 2004. Officials released her on February 26, 2006, after commuting the final year of her sentence.133 No new developments were reported in the cases of prisoners Ngawang Phuljung (a monk serving a 19-year sentence since 1989), Choeying Khedrub (a monk serving a life sentence since 2000), or Tenzin Deleg (a lama imprisoned in 2002, serving a life sentence). (See Section VI—Tibet of the CECC 2005 Annual Report for more information about these cases.)

Manfred Nowak, UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, reported after his visit to China in late 2005 that TAR authorities opened Qushui Prison, near Lhasa, in April 2005 for male prisoners serving sentences longer than 15 years, as well as prisoners sentenced as a "principal" criminal when more than one person commits a "joint crime." 134 NGO reports of Tibetan political prisoners in Qushui Prison have confirmed few by name, although according to a Commission staff analysis about 25 political prisoners, most of them transferred from Lhasa’s TAR Prison (Drapchi), are likely to be imprisoned in Qushui Prison.135

Nowak interviewed three Tibetan political prisoners at Qushui Prison: Jigme Gyatso136 (a former monk imprisoned in 1996 who is serving a 17-year sentence), Bangri Chogtrul,137 and Lobsang Tsultrim138 (a monk serving a 14-year sentence since 1995). Each prisoner recounted his personal experience of beating, torture, or other abuse during imprisonment. Jigme Gyatso reported that authorities extended his 15-year sentence by an additional 2 years after he shouted slogans in March 2004 calling for the Dalai Lama’s long life.139 The prisoners told Nowak that conditions in Qushui Prison are harsher than those in TAR Prison, and they said that imprisoned monks are forbidden to pray.140

Notes to Section VIII—Tibet

1 "Tibet Sees Record High Per Capita GDP in 2005," Xinhua (Online), 13 January 06. Jampa Phuntsog (Xiangba Pingcuo) told reporters that the TAR GDP grew to 25.04 billion yuan in 2005, an increase of more than 12 percent for the fifth consecutive year.

2 Office of the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, U.S. Department of State, Report on Tibet Negotiations, April 2006. U.S. policy urges China to "respect the unique religious, linguistic, and cultural heritage of its Tibetan people and to respect fully their human rights and civil liberties." Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06. The report observes, "The preservation and development of the unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage of Tibetan areas and the protection of Tibetan people’s fundamental human rights continued to be of concern." See also, CECC, 2003 Annual Report, 2 October 02; Teaching and Learning Tibetan: The Role of Tibetan Language in Tibet’s Future, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 7 April 03.

3 Steven Marshall and Susette Cooke, Tibet Outside the TAR: Control, Exploitation and Assimilation: Development with Chinese Characteristics (Washington D.C.: self-published CDROM, 1997), Table 7. The 13 Tibetan autonomous areas include the provincial-level Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), with an area of 1.2 million square kilometers (463,320 square miles), as well as 10 Tibetan autonomous prefectures (TAP) and two Tibetan autonomous counties (TAC) located in Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan, and Yunnan provinces. Qinghai province: Yushu TAP, 197,791 square kilometers (76,367 square miles); Guoluo (Golog) TAP, 78,444 square kilometers (30,287 square miles); Huangnan (Malho) TAP, 17,901 square kilometers (6,912 square miles); Hainan (Tsolho) TAP, 41,634 square kilometers (16,075 square miles); Haibei (Tsojang) TAP, 52,000 square kilometers (20,077 square miles); Haixi (Tsonub) Mongol and Tibetan AP, 325,787 square kilometers (125,786 square miles). Gansu province: Gannan (Kanlho) TAP, 45,000 square kilometers (17,374 square miles); Tianzhu (Pari) TAC, 7,150 square kilometers (2,761 square miles). Sichuan province: Ganzi (Kardze) TAP, 153,870 square kilometers (59,409 square miles); Aba (Ngaba) Tibetan and Qiang AP, 86,639 square kilometers (33,451 square miles); Muli (Mili) TAC, 11,413 square kilometers (4,407 square miles). Yunnan province: Diqing (Dechen) TAP, 23,870 square kilometers (9,216 square miles). The Table provides areas in square kilometers; conversion to square miles uses the formula provided on the Web site of the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS): one square kilometer = 0.3861 square mile. Based on data in the Table, the 10 TAPs and two TACs have a total area of approximately 1.04 million square kilometers (402,000 square miles). The TAR and the Tibetan autonomous prefectures and counties are contiguous and total approximately 2.24 million square kilometers (865,000 square miles). Xining city and Haidong prefecture, located in Qinghai province, have a total area of 20,919 square kilometers (8,077 square miles) and are not Tibetan autonomous areas.

4 Office of the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues, U.S. Department of State, Report on Tibet Negotiations, April 2006. The Report is mandated by Section 611 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, 2003. See, Committee on International Relations (Online), U.S. House of Representatives, "Survey of Activities, Week of April 17, 2006," last visited 6 September 06. The Survey of Activities lists receipt of the Report on Tibet Negotiations by the Committee on International Relations on April 14, 2006.

5 Ibid. "Encouraging substantive dialogue between Beijing and the Dalai Lama is an important objective of this Administration. The United States encourages China and the Dalai Lama to hold direct and substantive discussions aimed at resolution of differences at an early date, without preconditions."

6 Ibid.

7 Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Online), "Education Will Help Tibetans to Fight for Their Rights," 17 January 06. The Dalai Lama led an 11-day teaching known as the Kalachakra.

8 Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Online), "The Middle-Way Approach: A Framework for Resolving the Issue of Tibet," last visited 30 August 06. The explanation of the Middle-Way Approach lists eight "important components." The first three are: (1) Without seeking independence for Tibet, the Central Tibetan Administration strives for the creation of a political entity comprising the three traditional provinces of Tibet; (2) Such an entity should enjoy a status of genuine national regional autonomy; (3) This autonomy should be governed by the popularly-elected legislature and executive through a democratic process.

9 Tibetan Government-in-Exile, "Education Will Help Tibetans to Fight for Their Rights."

10 International Campaign for Tibet (Online), "The Kalachakra in India: Dalai Lama Tells Tibetans From Tibet They Are Key to Future," 11 January 06. "The Dalai Lama opened the Kalachakra teachings this week in Amravati, India, with a powerful statement urging Tibetans from inside Tibet to tell Tibetans when they return about the importance of the ‘Middle Path’ approach towards a genuine autonomy for Tibet."

11 Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Online), "Statement by Special Envoy Lodi Gyari, Head of the Delegation Sent by His Holiness the Dalai Lama to China," 25 February 06. Special Envoy Lodi Gyari and Envoy Kelsang Gyaltsen traveled with two senior aides, Sonam N. Dagpo and Bhuchung K. Tsering. The delegation visited China from February 15 to 23, 2006.

12 In addition to serving as the Dalai Lama’s Special Envoy, Lodi Gyari is the Executive Chairman of the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT). According to the ICT mission statement, ICT "promotes self-determination for the Tibetan people through negotiations between the Chinese government and the Dalai Lama." The ICT Web site describes Tibet as an "occupied" country of 2.5 million square kilometers (965,000 square miles) with Lhasa as its capital.

13 The envoys traveled to China in September 2002, May-June 2003, and September 2004. (In addition to visiting Beijing and other major Chinese cities, they visited Lhasa in 2002, Dechen (Deqen) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (Yunnan province) in 2003, and Kardze (Ganzi) TAP (Sichuan province) in 2004. They met with Chinese officials in Bern, Switzerland in late June to early July 2005.)

14 The Tibetan government-in-exile’s representation of Tibet exceeds the total area of Chinese-designated Tibetan autonomy by about 100,000 square miles. Aside from pockets of long-term Tibetan settlement in Qinghai, most of that is made up of autonomous prefectures or counties allocated to other ethnic groups. These include the Nu, Lisu, Bai, and Naxi in Yunnan Province; the Yi and Qiang in Sichuan Province; the Hui, Kazak, Mongol, and Yugur in Gansu Province; the Hui, Tu, Salar, and Mongol in Qinghai Province; and, according to some maps, Mongol in Xinjiang. Substantial Han Chinese populations are also included, some established for centuries.

15 "Spokesman: Differences on Tibet’s Definition Persist Between China, Dalai Lama," Associated Press, reprinted in Phayul (Online), 8 July 05.

16 The Dalai Lama has made a statement on the anniversary of the 1959 Lhasa uprising on March 10 of every year that he has lived in exile, beginning in 1960.

17 Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama (Online), "Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the Forty-Seventh Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, 10 March 2006," 10 March 06. The Dalai Lama listed the unique characteristics of Tibetans: "Tibetans—as one of the larger groups of China’s 55 minority nationalities—are distinct in terms of their land, history, language, culture, religion, customs, and traditions."

18 Ibid.

19 The China-Dalai Lama Dialogue: Prospects for Progress, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 13 March 06, Written Statement and Testimony of Tashi Wangdi, Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Americas.

20 Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Online), "Statement of the Kashag on the 47th Anniversary of the Tibetan People’s Uprising Day, 10 March 2006," 10 March 06.

21 Ibid. "[T]oday [Tibetans] are either scattered or live in these areas with a majority nation-ality. Therefore, [they] are reduced to minority [status] in their own areas, [and] it is not possible to protect their unique characteristics. . . . Therefore, if things go in this direction it would be nothing but similar to the system of ‘divide and rule’ practised under imperialism."

22 The Dalai Lama explained in an interview with the Voice of America Mandarin Service on September 11, 2003, that the existing areas of Tibetan autonomy should be joined together toform a single administrative area. International Campaign for Tibet (Online), "Dalai Lama Explains His Position on China’s Preconditions on Negotiations on Tibet," 15 September 03. Transcript of Voice of America Mandarin Service interview with the Dalai Lama conducted by Zhang Jing, 11 September 03. Responding to a question about his concept of the "Tibet" that shouldhave genuine autonomy, the Dalai Lama responded, in part, "But since I’m asking for a certain right which the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China provided, within that [constitutional right], [I’m asking that] they be joined from small pieces, like autonomous regions, autonomous districts, autonomous prefectures, like that. So instead of many small, small autonomies,the self-administration, actually, as far as work is concerned, or effectiveness, is concerned, is more difficult. So a broader administration could be more effective."

23 "Dalai Lama’s Demands Are Obstacle to Talks: China," Reuters, reprinted in Washington Post (Online), 26 May 06; "Dalai Returning to China—Experts Are Not Optimistic About It,"Wen Wei Po, 27 May 06 (Open Source Center, 30 May 06). Wen Wei Po reported the same re-marks by Lhagpa Phuntsog: "Dalai’s proposal of building a great Tibet region and his demandof implementing a high degree of autonomy in Tibet are not in accord with the history of Tibet, China’s Constitution, and the law governing regional national autonomy."

24 "Tibet No Longer a Chink in Bilateral Ties: China," Indo-Asian News Service (IANS), reprinted in Phayul (Online), 28 October 05.

25 "Dalai’s Return Based on What He Says and Does," Wen Wei Po, 5 July 06 (Open Source Center, 7 July 06). "Wu pointed out that at present, the Dalai Lama’s continual launching ofanti-Chinese political activities has undermined the peace and stability of Tibet. He [Dalai Lama] stated clearly that if he returned, the central government must accept two conditions:to build a great Tibet region, and to hold democratic elections in Tibet—and that seems to be definitely impossible."

26 Tibetan Government-in-Exile, "The Middle-Way Approach: A Framework for Resolving the Issue of Tibet." The Dalai Lama’s Middle Way Approach calls for "the creation of a political entity comprising the three traditional provinces of Tibet," for the political entity to "enjoy a status of genuine national regional autonomy," and that "autonomy should be governed by the popularly-elected legislature and executive through a democratic process."

27 "Dalai’s Return Based on What He Says and Does," Wen Wei Po. "He added that in recentyears under the CPC leadership Tibetans enjoy a standard of living just as prosperous as ‘the blossoming of sesame seeds,’ and thus they are reluctant to see the Dalai Lama return."

28 "Central Government Opens Door to Communicate with Dalai Lama: Says Tibetan Autonomous Regional Chairman," Xinhua (Online), 14 March 06. "For many years, the Chinese centralgovernment has made great efforts and showed sincerity to help facilitate negotiations, Qiangba Punco [Jampa Phuntsog] told Xinhua in an exclusive interview in Beijing. But the talks betweenthe two sides have not achieved results. The responsibility for this totally rests with the Dalai Lama side for their failure to truly recognize the situation, Qiangba Punco said. . . . Judgingfrom the communication between the central government and the Dalai Lama, it is obvious that although the Dalai Lama has been changing his tactics, he has not changed his ‘Tibet independence’ stance and his efforts to split the motherland, Qiangba Punco said."

29 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Online), "Foreign Ministry Spokesman Qin Gang’s RegularPress Conference on 14 September 2006," 15 September 06; "China Strongly Opposes U.S. Awarding Congressional Gold Medal to Dalai Lama," Xinhua, reprinted in People’s Daily (On-line), 15 September 06.

30 The U.S. Senate passed S.2784, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama Congressional Gold Medal Act,on May 25, 2006. The U.S. House of Representatives passed its companion legislation (H.R.4562) on September 13, 2006.

31 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Online), "Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Qin Gang’s Press Conference on 16 February 2006," 16 February 06.

32 "China Says No Progress in Talks with Dalai Lama," Reuters (Online), 6 March 06.

33 Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law [hereinafter REAL], enacted 31 May 84, amended 28 February 01, Preamble.

34 REAL, art. 7: "Institutions of self-government in ethnic autonomous areas shall place theinterests of the state as a whole above all else and actively fulfill all tasks assigned by state institutions at higher levels."

35 China’s Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law: Does it Protect Minority Rights?, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 11 April 05, Written Statement and Testimony of David L. Phillips, Senior Fellow, Council on Foreign Relations. Phillips told the roundtable that a study of Tibetan autonomy laws and regulations that he co-authored in 2004 considered "a compilation of 161 laws and regulations concerning autonomy arrangements in the ethnic Tibetan areas of [the Tibet Autonomous Region, and Sichuan, Qinghai, Gansu, and Yunnan provinces]." Theodore C. Sorenson and David L. Phillips, Legal Standards and Autonomy Options for Minorities in China: The Tibetan Case (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, 2004), 45. The report lists seven areas of concern about the practice of ethnic minority rights of Tibetans in China: basic freedoms, access to infor-mation, economy, religion, education, healthcare, and environment. The report states, "Shortcomings in implementation of laws on autonomy and ethnic minority rights give rise to the above concerns. Faulty implementation [of laws and regulations] negates the value of legislation and erodes the rule of law."

36 Yash Ghai, "China’s Constitution: Which Model of Autonomy for Tibet? " South China Morning Post (Online), 3 March 06. Professor Ghai is an honorary professor at the University of Hong Kong. (His remark refers to provisions for regional ethnic autonomy under Chapter III, Section 6, of the Constitution.)

37 State Council Information Office, White Paper on Regional Autonomy for Ethnic Minorities in China, Xinhua (Online), 28 February 05. The White Paper states in its conclusion, "The practice of more than half a century has proved that the system and practice of China’s regional ethnic autonomy have been immensely successful. Regional ethnic autonomy is a correct solution to the issue of ethnic groups in China, and is in keeping with China’s actual conditions and the common interests of all ethnic groups."

38 "CPC Central Committee Politburo Holds Meeting to Look Into Further Doing a Good Job in Tibet Work in the New Century and New Stage; CPC Central Committee General Secretary Hu Jintao Chairs Meeting," Xinhua, 26 August 05 (Open Source Center, 26 August 05).

39 The China-Dalai Lama Dialogue: Prospects for Progress, Written Statement and Testimony of Sonam Wangdu, Chairman, United States Tibet Committee.

40 Ibid.

41 Tibetans living outside of China generally do not face imprisonment for peacefully advocating Tibetan independence. The U.S. Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), however, observes that the Tibetan community in Nepal faces restrictions on the freedom of assembly, including a ban on celebrating Tibetan Democracy Day. Inside China, Tibetans who peacefully advocate Tibetan independence could face imprisonment under Article 103 of the Criminal Law, which sets out punishment for persons who "organize, plot or carry out the scheme of splitting the State or undermining unity of the country," as well as for someone who "incites others to split the State or undermine unity of the country."

42 Tibetan Youth Congress (Online), "About Us," site last visited 31 August 06. According to the TYC Web site, the TYC is the largest and most active Tibetan NGO in exile.

43 Liu Yuxiang and Wu Kun, "Analysis on Threats of Violent Acts of Terror Presently Facing Sichuan Province," Policing Studies, No. 2, 10 February 04 (Open Source Center, 17 May 04). The authors claim that TYC members "have repeatedly engineered violent terrorist activities both inside and outside Sichuan, such as bomb attacks, assassinations, and arson."

44 Ibid. In the same article, the authors modify their description, saying, "At present, violent terrorist organizations such as the TYC are still at a lower level in general and have not yet evolved into a terrorist organization with international leverage."

45 Chen Fan, "Lies Do Not Hold Water," China’s Tibet (Online), No. 4, 2005.

46 "Dalai Lama Rejects Tibetan Buddhist Praise of China," Reuters (Online), 29 December 05.

47 The China-Dalai Lama Dialogue: Prospects for Progress, Written Statement and Testimony of Tseten Wangchuk, senior broadcaster, Voice of America, Tibetan language service.

48 Li Dezhu, "Large-Scale Development of Western China and China’s Nationality Problem," Seeking Truth, 15 June 00 (Open Source Center, 15 June 00). Li Dezhu (Li Dek Su) addresses the social and ethnic implications of the program that Jiang Zemin launched in 1999. Li states that the program is intended to "accelerate economic and social development of the western region and the minority nationality regions in particular."

49 Ibid.

50 Ibid. "In carrying out the strategy of large-scale western development, development of the west will be greatly accelerated and human talent will flow westward if the country favors the western regions in policy and capital. . . . In keeping with the increased population flow of the various ethnic groups, there will be some changes in the proportions of the nationalities. There will also be some conflicts and clashes in their contacts. If this is not handled well, it will have a deleterious effect on national unity and social stability, and should draw a high level of attention."

51 REAL, art. 20. "If a resolution, decision, order or instruction of a state organ at a higher level does not suit the actual conditions in an ethnic autonomous area, an autonomous agency of the area may report for the approval of the state organ at the next higher level to either implement it with certain alterations or cease implementing it altogether. The next higher level state agency must give its decision within sixty days of receiving the report."

52 Li Dezhu, "Large-Scale Development of Western China and China’s Nationality Problem."

53 State Council, "Some Suggestions of the State Council on Continuing to Press Ahead with the Development of the Western Region," Xinhua, 22 March 04 (Open Source Center, 29 March 04).

54 "Law on Western Development in Pipeline," China Daily (Online), 14 March 06. Vice Minister Wang Jinxiang said the Legislative Affairs Office of the State Council was working on the 14th version of the bill, and that it will be the first time a law is created for the development of a single region. The law is based on the experience of the U.S., Japan, Canada, Germany, and France in promoting the development of their poor regions, according to the report.

55 "Masses of All Ethnic Groups in Tibet Hold a Rally to Celebrate the 40th Founding Anniversary of the Tibet Autonomous Region; Hu Jintao Writes a Congratulatory Inscription; Jia Qinglin Attends and Addresses the Rally," Xinhua, 1 September 05 (Open Source Center, 4 September 05).

56 "A Cadres Meeting Was Held To Mark the 40th Anniversary of the Founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region," Xinhua, 31 August 05 (Open Source Center, 7 September 05).

57 Ibid.

58 TibetInfoNet (Online), "Detentions Before 40th Anniversary of TAR," 8 September 05. According to the report, details are not available about nine of the detainees or the reasons that security officials detained them. State Security Bureau ransacked Sonam Gyalpo’s home on August 28 and found photos of the Dalai Lama, video cassettes of the Dalai Lama conducting Buddhist teaching, and other books and printed matter.

59 Human Rights Watch (Online), "Tibet: Monk Spirited Away by Security Forces," 17 September 05. According to the report, a confidential Human Rights Watch source characterized the detention as "politically motivated."

60 TibetInfoNet (Online), "Detentions Before 40th Anniversary of TAR," 8 September 05.

61 "Report on the Outline of The 10th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development by Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji at the Opening of the Fourth Session of the Ninth National People’s Congress at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing," China Central Television, 5 March 01 (Open Source Center, 5 March 01). Premier Zhu said, "During the Tenth Five-Year Plan period, we need to place emphasis on key projects for a good beginning to the program. . . . We must focus on a number of major projects of strategic significance, such as the transmission of natural gas and electricity from western to eastern regions and the planned Qinghai-Tibet Railway." State Council Office of Western Region Development, "Implementation Opinions Concerning Policies and Measures Pertaining to the Development of the Western Region," Xinhua, 20 December 01 (Open Source Center, 15 January 01). "Resources must be concentrated on the construction of a host of major projects that impact the development of the western region as a whole, such as the "West China-East China Gas Pipeline Project," the "West China-East China Power Transmission Project," the Qinghai-Tibet Railway, major state highways, and the proper exploitation, conservation, and utilization of water resources."

62 "Qinghai-Tibet Railway Ready for Operation on July 1," Xinhua (Online), 29 June 06. Zhu Zhensheng, the vice director of an office managing the railway, said that the railway startup is one year ahead of schedule due to "good construction, environment, and safety conditions." Guo Aibing, "Full Steam Ahead for World’s Highest Railway," China Daily (Online), 8 November 01. The article, published in the year when railway construction started, reports that completion was due in 2007. "US$660m Poured into Qinghai-Tibet Railway," China Daily (Online), 1 December 04. The article reports that increased funding "was needed to ensure the rail link could open to the public on schedule in 2007." "Tibet Rail Construction Completed," China Daily (Online), 15 October 05. The article indicated that commercial passenger service would begin early in 2007, saying, "Once signaling and track testing is completed in the next 15 months, it will be possible to travel from Beijing to Lhasa in 48 hours."

63 "Tibetans in Tibet Speak Against Qinghai-Tibet Railway," Phayul (Online), 29 June 06. A Phayul representative interviewed seven recently arrived Tibetan refugees about Tibetan views about the railway. They expressed concerns about increased ethnic Han migration, the loss of farm of grazing land, natural resource exploitation, and adverse effects on the environment and Tibetan culture. "Tibet Braces for Wave of Newcomers as Rail Link Opens," Radio Free Asia (Online), 30 June 06. The article reports the concerns of NGOs based outside of China. International Campaign for Tibet (Online), "Political Repression Intensifies as Tibet Railway Opens," 30 June 06. The report provides information about the railway’s construction, and Chinese and Tibetan views on the railway’s potential impact on Tibetan culture.

64 "Hu Jintao’s Speech at a Rally To Celebrate Putting the Qinghai-Tibet Railway Into Service on 1 July 2006," Xinhua, 1 July 06 (Open Source Center, 01 July 06).

65 "China Arranges First Five Scheduled Trains to Tibet," Xinhua (Online), 5 May 06. Deputy General Manager Ma Baocheng of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway Company announced on May 5, 2006, that the first five trains to Lhasa would depart from Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Chengdu, and Xining, and that they were all sold out. "Tibetan Railway Ticket Price Confirmed," China Tibet Information Center (Online), 26 June 06. "[S]ources from the 8th conference of the leading group for Qinghai-Tibet Railway construction" announced that the scheduled railway service would link Lhasa with Beijing, Chengdu, Chongqing, Lanzhou, and Xining. The report did not explain why Shanghai and Guangzhou departures were not included as part of initial operations.

66 "Tibetan Legislator Calls Railway ‘Road to Heaven’ for Tibetans," Xinhua (Online), 6 July 06.

67 "Tibet’s New Railway To Extend to Xigaze Next Year: Official," Xinhua (Online), 9 August 06. Yu Yungui, a senior official in the Rikaze (Shigatse) prefectural government in the TAR, said that the 270 kilometer (170 mile) extension is expected to take three years.

68 "Dalai Lama: Rail Link ‘Cultural Genocide’," Associated Press, reprinted in Washington Post (Online), 12 September 05. Referring to the Qinghai-Tibet railway, then under construction, the Dalai Lama told reporters in Idaho, "Some kind of cultural genocide is taking place. In general, a railway link is very useful in order to develop, but not when politically motivated to bring about demographic change." "China Opens World’s Highest Railway to Tibet," Agence France-Presse, reprinted in Yahoo! (Online), 1 July 06. Thupten Samphel, a spokesman for the Tibetan government-in-exile indicated that the Dalai Lama conditionally supports the railway. Samphel told reporters, "If there is no political motivation and no hidden political agenda, the railway will be good for Tibet. This is why his holiness the Dalai Lama has declared his support for the project."

69 "People Should Have a More Worldly Eye on Tibet Railway," Xinhua (Online), 1 July 06.

70 "Railway Makes Room for Tibetan Culture: Experts," Xinhua (Online), 1 July 06.

71 "Tibet Tourism Impact Fears Rejected," South China Morning Post (Online), 6 July 06. In addition to naming Wu Yingjie as the Vice Chairman of the TAR government, the article describes Wu as the region’s "propaganda chief."

72 "Railway Won’t Bring Influx of Settlers to Tibet: Official," Xinhua (Online), 12 July 06.

73 Tabulation on China’s Nationality: Data of 1990 Population Census, Department of Population Statistics of State Statistical Bureau and Economic Department of State Nationalities Affairs Commission (Beijing: China Statistical Press, May 1994), Table 2–1. Tabulation on Nationalities of 2000 Population Census of China, Department of Population, Social, Science and Technology Statistics, National Bureau of Statistics, and Department of Economic Development, State Ethnic Affairs Commission (Beijing: Ethnic Publishing House, September 2003), Table 10–1. According to census data, Han population in the TAR increased from 80,837 in 1990, to 158,570. Bureau of Human Rights, Democracy, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06. According to the report, the Chinese 2000 census does not provide a complete count of ethnic Han in the TAR: "However, TAR census figures did not include a large number of longterm Han residents, such as cadres, skilled workers, unskilled laborers, military and paramilitary troops, and their dependents."

74 "Qinghai-Tibet Railroad No Harm to Environment," China Daily (Online), 06 July 06.

75 "Qinghai-Tibet Railway to Transport 4,000 More Tourists Each Day," Xinhua (Online), 21May 06.

76 "Qinghai-Tibet Railway to Bring More Visitors to Tibet," China News Service (Online), 22May 06.

77 Cao Deshung, "Tibet Rail Construction Completed," China Daily (Online), 15 October 05.

78 "Frozen Soil Thawing Faster, Endangering Qinghai-Tibet Railway," Xinhua (Online), 5 February 06.

79 "Experts at the Chinese Academy of Sciences Are Concerned That Disaster Could Strike Ten Years from Now" [Dongtu tui rong jiang weixie qing zang tielu anquan], Beijing News (Online), 22 January 06.

80 "Frozen Soil Thawing Faster, Endangering Qinghai-Tibet Railway," Xinhua.

81 "New Height of World’s Railway Born in Tibet," Xinhua (Online), 24 August 05: "About 550 kilometers of the railway runs on frozen earth."

82 "Conference Opens on Judicial Response to Opening of Qinghai-Tibet Railroad," China Court Net (Online), 16 June 06.

83 Under the Criminal Law, acts of sabotage against trains and railways are crimes under Articles 116, 117, and 119, and gathering crowds to disturb order at railway stations, along railway lines, or to harm or obstruct business operation are crimes under Articles 290 and 291.

84 "Conference Opens on Judicial Response to Opening of Qinghai-Tibet Railroad," ChinaCourt Net (Online).

85 Ibid.

86 PRC State Council, "Some Suggestions of the State Council on Continuing To Press Ahead with the Development of the Western Region." The paper states that the success of GWD depends on sending a substantial number of personnel to live and work in the western region: "The key to the great development of the West is qualified personnel, especially leading cadres and high-level professionals. . . . Each year we should select a fairly large number of cadres at the appropriate levels and send them to the Western region to work among leading groups above the county level. . . . We need to establish a system that regularly sends scientific, technical, educational, public health, and cultural personnel and other professionals to the Western region to support work in the rural areas." The paper advises that the government must establish "regional economic growth nodes" that will "promote the development of an entire area."

87 "Tibet Rail Construction Completed," China Daily (Online), 15 October 05. "The gigantic project, which involves an investment of 33 billion yuan (US$4.7 billion), is part of the nation’sefforts to build up the underdeveloped western regions. . . . The line is expected to attract tourists, traders and ethnic Chinese settlers who currently have to take either expensive flights toLhasa or bone-shaking bus rides."

88 Provisions of the State Council for Implementing the Law on Regional Ethnic Autonomy ofthe People’s Republic of China, issued 11 May 05, art. 29.

89 Ibid.

90 "Responsible Comrades from the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, the Ministry of Personnel, and the Ministry of Education Answer Reporter’s Questions on Guiding and Encouraging Graduates of Schools of Higher Learning To Seek Employment in Grass-Roots Areas," Xinhua, 13 July 05 (Open Source Center, 22 July 05). "While continuing to carry out the ‘plan for encouraging university students to serve the western region voluntarily,’ the ‘Opinions’ have clearly demanded that in the next five years starting from 2005, a certain number of graduates of schools of higher learning will be recruited every year and organized to carry out the work of supporting education, supporting agriculture, supporting medical care, and assisting the poor in towns and townships. After serving for two to three years, they will be assisted by relevant departments to independently choose their career in the market." ("Opinionson Guiding and Encouraging Graduates of Schools of Higher Learning to Seek Employment in Grassroots Areas" explains that the government will not rely solely on volunteers, but will recruit graduates to work in the GWD region.)

91 Ibid.

92 Tabulation on China’s Nationality: Data of 1990 Population Census, Table 2–1. Tabulation on Nationalities of 2000 Population Census of China, Table 10–1. According to census data, Han population decreased in 10 areas of Tibetan autonomy (listed in order of size of decrease): Guoluo prefecture (Qinghai), -25.0 percent; Hainan prefecture (Qinghai), -22.7 percent; Haibei prefecture (Qinghai), -20.2 percent; Huangnan prefecture (Qinghai), -19.2 percent; Yushu prefecture (Qinghai), -16.9 percent; Muli county (Sichuan), -16.1 percent; Aba prefecture (Sichuan), -14.3 percent; Haixi prefecture (Qinghai), -9.0 percent; Ganzi prefecture (Sichuan), -7.9 percent; Tianzhu county (Gansu), -0.9 percent.

93 Census day was July 1 in 1990, and November 1 in 2000. The population of transient Han workers and vendors in Tibetan areas peaks during summer and is declining by November, undermining the reliability of direct comparison of 1990 and 2000 data.

94 The national census uses a method of enumeration that attempts to record more of the population as present in the locations where they actually are, rather than at the location recorded on their permanent residence registration certificates. Provincial annual statistical yearbooks instead rely on data compiled by the Public Security Bureau (PSB).

95 Tabulation on Nationalities of 2000 Population Census of China, Table 10–1.

96 Tibet Statistical Yearbook 2005 (Beijing: China Statistics Press, 2005), Table 3–4, "Population Nationality," 33. The Yearbook reports that there were 93,306 Han in the TAR in 2004, the most recent year for which data were reported. The figure is substantially lower than the number of Han reported in the TAR by the 2000 census.

97 Ma Rong (Professor and Chair, Department of Sociology, Peking University) and Tanzen Lhundup (Research Fellow and Vice Director, Institute of Social Economic Development, Chinese Center for Tibetological Studies), "Temporary Migrants in Lhasa in 2005," unpublished conference paper, Section IV (4.5). The authors surveyed 1,470 migrants: 68.1 percent of themhad arrived in Lhasa in the period 2000–2005, and 72.5 percent of them had been in Lhasa for more than one year. Ibid., Section IV(4.6). Of the 1,470 migrants, the Tibetan total is 235 and the Hui total is 163. (The paper does not state a total number of Han migrants surveyed.) Ibid., Section IV(4.8). Education levels are known for 965 Han migrants. (The paper providesethnicity for 1,363 of the 1,470 migrants. Because none of the remaining 107 migrants are Tibetan or Hui, it is likely that most of them are Han.)

98 Ibid., Section IV(4.1). 11,185 temporary migrants applied for a "Temporary Residence Certificate" in 2000. In 2005, 52,812 migrants registered with the Lhasa Urban District PSB, while [migrants] renting apartments numbered 69,924. "It is clear that a large number of temporary migrants did not apply for a "certificate" or report their "renting" activities. The real number [of migrants] is much larger." The Lhasa PSB estimated that the number of temporary migrants in Lhasa varied between 100,000 and 200,000, according to the paper.

99 Ibid., Section IV(4.1).

100 See CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, Section VI—Tibet—Culture, Development,and Demography, for more information about Tibetan educational levels.

101 Tabulation on Nationalities of 2000 Population Census of China, Table 2–3. Based on 2000 census data for persons aged 15 and over, the rate of illiteracy of Tibetans (47.55 percent) is 5.24 times higher than China’s national average (9.08 percent), and 5.53 times higher than therate of illiteracy for Han (8.60 percent). Tabulation on the 2000 Population Census of the People’s Republic of China (Beijing: China Statistics Press, August 2002), Table 2–2. Based on 2000 census data, of 1,061,196,336 Han aged six and over, 93,677,240 (8.83 percent) reached senior middle school. Of 4,791,241 Tibetans aged six and over, 81,366 (1.70 percent) reached senior middle school. Based on the data, Han reached senior middle school at 5.19 times the rate of Tibetans.

102 Ma Rong and Tanzen Lhundup, "Temporary Migrants in Lhasa in 2005," Section IV(4.8), Table 14.

103 Ibid., Section IV(4.8), Table 14.

104 Ibid. The survey sample included 1,470 temporary migrants. Table 14 provides data on educational level and ethnicity for 1,373 participants: 965 Han, 235 Tibetan, 146 Hui, and 27 other. In section 4.6, "Religion and Political Status of Temporary Migrants," the report states that 235 Tibetans and 163 Hui were included in the survey. (The paper does not state a total number of Han surveyed. It is likely that many of the 97 participants not accounted for in Table 14 are Han since the report specifies the total number of Tibetan and Hui.)

105 The disparity between urban and rural education that adversely affects rural Tibetans is consistent with a nationwide problem in China. Levels of Tibetan educational attainment in cities, towns, and rural areas are, however, lower than national averages. See CECC, 2005 AnnualReport, 11 October 05, Section VI—Tibet—Culture, Development, and Demography, for more information about Tibetan educational levels.

106 Tabulation on Nationalities of 2000 Population Census of China. Table 2–1a shows that 8,845 of 137,545 TAR Tibetans aged six and over, and classified as "city" residents, reached senior middle school as their highest level of educational attainment; Table 2–1b shows that 5,400 of 211,990 TAR Tibetans aged six and over, and classified as "town" residents, reached senior middle school; Table 2–1c shows that 5,999 of 1,808,859 TAR Tibetans aged six and over, and classified as "rural" residents, reached senior middle school. Based on these figures, 14,245 ofthe 349,535 Tibetans (4 percent) aged six and over who were residents of towns and cities reached senior middle school, compared to 5,999 of the 1,808,859 Tibetans (0.33 percent) aged six and over who were rural residents.

107 Ibid. Based on the data in Tables 2–1a, 2–1b, and 2–1c, there were 5.18 times as many rural Tibetans aged six and over as there were town and city Tibetans.

108 "Milestone in Tibet’s Reform, Development, and Stability," People’s Daily, 19 July 01 (OpenSource Center, 19 July 01).

109 "Tibetans Report Income Rises," Xinhua, 31 January 06 (Open Source Center, 31 January06).

110 "A Cadres Meeting Was Held To Mark the 40th Anniversary of the Founding of the Tibet Autonomous Region," Xinhua, 31 August 05 (Open Source Center, 7 September 05). Jia Qinglin listed priorities for the TAR that include improving income and living conditions for farmers and herdsmen, and improving education and healthcare for all TAR residents. "Tibet to Improve Rural School Conditions," China Radio International (Online), 4 May 03.

111 "More Nomadic Tibetan Herders Settle Down," Xinhua (Online), 2 September 04. The program was one of the "numerous key aiding-Tibet projects" established by the Fourth Forum on Work in Tibet, held by the Communist Party Central Committee in June 2001 in Beijing.

112 Hamish McDonald, "China Anxious To Prove Settled Life is Better for Tibetan Nomads," Sydney Morning Herald (Online), 5 October 05. "A Qinghai official, Wang Zeshan, said about 10,000 nomadic households—or about 60,000 people—Mongols and Kazaks as well as Tibetans, had been settled in this way, which he said was 89.2 percent of the nomad population before the scheme started three years ago."

113 CECC Staff Interviews. The nomad families lived in Gannan (Kanlho) TAP and Tianzhu (Pari) Tibetan Autonomous County.

114 Development Projects in Tibetan Areas of China: Articulating Clear Goals and Achieving Sustainable Results, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 19 March 04, Testimony of Daniel J. Miller, Agriculture Development Office, U.S. Agency for International Development, 3. Miller pointed out, for example, that in the past 20 years, the government had achieved agricultural and rural growth, reduced poverty, and addressed environmental and natural resource degradation issues.

115 Ibid., 3. Miller noted the transformation that has taken place because of nomad settlement, privatization and fencing of rangelands, and infrastructure development. But, according to Miller: "Government development programs have generally taken a top-down approach and, despite many of their good intentions, have often been hampered because Tibetan farmers and nomadswere not involved in both the design and implementation of activities. Many of the government’s efforts have also been not as effective because of faulty assumptions that have been made aboutpoverty and Tibetans’ traditional agricultural and livestock production practices."

116 CECC Annual Reports for 2002–2005 provided the number of Tibetan political prisonersdetained or imprisoned, according to then-current information: 2002 (fewer than 200 prisoners); 2003 (approximately 150 prisoners); 2004 (approximately 145 prisoners); 2005 (approximately 120 prisoners). Data for 2002–2004 are based on Tibet Information Network (TIN) reports. Data for 2005 was drawn from the CECC Political Prisoner Database (PPD).

117 Steven D. Marshall, In the Interests of the State: Hostile Elements III—Political Imprisonment in Tibet 1987–2001 (London: Tibet Information Network, 2002), 3. There were nearly 700 known or likely Tibetan political prisoners by the end of 1995.

118 See CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, Section VI—Tibet—Tibetan Culture and Human Rights, for discussion of how Tibetans use of literature to lament cultural loss and advocate ethnic ambitions.

119 Tibetan Government-in-Exile (Online), "Education Will Help Tibetans to Fight for Their Rights," 17 January 06. An estimated 90,000 persons attended the January 5–15 Kalachakra teaching. About 9,000 attendees were Tibetans who traveled from Tibetan areas of China.

120 Wildlife Trust of India (Online), "Tibetans at Kalachakra Vow for Wildlife Protection," 17January 06.

121 TibetInfoNet (Online), "Tibetans Burn Animal Skins in Rebkong," 10 February 06. The report provides information about burning fur at Rongbo Monastery in Tongren (Rebgong), the capital of Huangnan (Malho) TAP in Qinghai province, and the role of the organizer, Tseten Gyal. The incident was apparently the first of its kind. "Tibetans Swear Off Endangered Furs After Dalai Lama Appeal," Radio Free Asia (Online), 13 February 06. The article provides additional detail about the incident organized by Tseten Gyal in Tongren (Rebgong). TibetInfoNet (Online), "Burning of Wildlife Skins Prohibited as Tensions Rise in Rebkong," 14 February 06.According to the report, local authorities in Tongren banned fur-burning and the "situation" in the area was "tense." "Tibetan Youths Detained Over Anti-Fur Campaign," Radio Free Asia (Online), 21 February 06. The article reports on organized fur-burning in Aba (Ngaba) and Ruo’ergai (Dzoege) counties in Aba Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture, Sichuan province.TibetInfoNet (Online), "Accounts of Wildlife Skins Burning," 17 March 06. The report provides details of fur-burning in Aba and Ruo’ergai (Dzoege) counties in Aba prefecture, Sichuan province. TibetInfoNet (Online), "Fur Burning Incidents in Gansu," 29 March 06. The report provides a detailed account of fur-burning in Hezuo (Tsoe), the capital of Gannan (Kanlho) TAP in Gansu.

122 "Tibetans Swear Off Endangered Furs After Dalai Lama Appeal," Radio Free Asia. According to the report, a source told RFA, "Soon after [fur-burning activity on February 8] national security officials and local public security officials confronted [Tseten Gyal] and demonstrated their dislike. That very night he was taken to the public security bureau office and interrogatedfor a long time." Officers asked him repeatedly if he had any "political motives" for the campaign, according to the report. (The account provides further information establishing that Tseten Gyal was released.) "Tibetan Youths Detained Over Anti-Fur Campaign," Radio Free Asia. The article reports the detention of eight men in February who organized fur-burning atKirti Monastery in Aba county. Authorities interrogated the men, but none of them were "punished or beaten," according to the account, and the men denied that the fur-burning was done "under outside influence" (a term Chinese officials often use to refer to the Dalai Lama). Authorities permitted relatives to visit the detainees. (According to subsequent, unpublished information, all of them were released after an unspecified period of time.)

123 TibetInfoNet (Online), "Fur Burning Incidents in Gansu," 29 March 06. (The event tookplace in Gannan TAP.) According to the report, the organizers, some of whom were local government staff, initially planned to conduct the event on March 10. The date coincides with the anniversary of the 1959 Lhasa Uprising, and the organizers were concerned that a public gathering that day would be "politically sensitive" and a "potential deterrent" to attendees. They rescheduled it for March 14, a date coinciding with a Tibetan Buddhist festival on which Tibetans customarily make offerings at monasteries. The organizers staged the event at Kharguthog Monastery in Hezuo (the capital of Gannan TAP) because they thought the monastic site would be less likely to embarrass the authorities.

124 Ibid. According to the TibetInfoNet report, "While the furs were burning, some people were seen chanting prayers for the Dalai Lama, while others shot videos and stills of the scene with the express intention of letting the outside world know about the event. The general consensus in Tsoe is that the main purpose of the event was to please the Dalai Lama, and people asked that reports about the event be communicated to him."

125 Ibid.

126 According to PPD data current in August 2006, there were 59 known cases of political imprisonment of Tibetans in Sichuan province in 2001–2004 compared to 46 in the TAR. One case of Tibetan political imprisonment is recorded in Sichuan in 2000.

127 Free Tibet Campaign (Online), "Four Monks and Nuns Arrested for Displaying Dalai Lama Poster," 30 January 06. According to the report, the posters "called for the independence of Tibet, for the Chinese authorities to enter into negotiations, and reportedly said that China should not host the 2008 Olympics until the Tibet question is peacefully resolved." Security officials detained the monks and nuns in May 2005.

128 On September 27, 1987, 21 monks from Drepung Monastery staged a peaceful protest march in Lhasa, calling for Tibetan freedom. Security officials detained all of them. It was the first Tibetan political protest in China in the post-Cultural Revolution period that was internationally reported. A few days earlier, on September 21, the Dalai Lama introduced his Five Point Peace Plan in a speech before the U.S. Congressional Human Rights Caucus in Washington, D.C. Reports at the time did not portray the September 27 political protest in Lhasa to be a consequence of the Dalai Lama’s address in Washington. According to a report ("Fall of a Nation") available on the Web site of the Tibetan government-in-exile, Chinese authoritiesin Lhasa began an anti-Dalai Lama campaign after he spoke to the Congress, and staged mass political rallies and a public sentencing that caused widespread resentment among Tibetans.

129 The Dui Hua Foundation (Online), "Dui Hua Welcomes Phuntsog Nyidron’s Arrival in the United States," 15 March 06.

130 According to information available in the CECC PPD, Phuntsog Nyidron, a nun at Mechungri Nunnery, was detained on October 14, 1989 and sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment for "counterrevolutionary propaganda and incitement" the following November. In September 1993, she was convicted along with 13 other nuns for committing additionalcounterrevolutionary crime and sentenced to an additional eight years after the nuns secretly recorded songs on a cassette tape that was smuggled out of the prison. She received a one-year sentence reduction for good behavior in March 2001. The remainder of her sentence was commuted on February 26, 2004 and she was released from prison.

131 Lhasa Municipal Intermediate People’s Court, Criminal Court Judgment, No. 52 (2000). Bangri Chogtrul (also known as Bangri Tsamtrul or Jigme Tenzin Nyima) was sentenced to life imprisonment on September 26, 2000, on charges of "attempting to split the country."

132 The Dui Hua Foundation (Online), "Clemency Granted to Tibetan Monk, Labor Activist," 28 February 06. The Lhasa Intermediate People’s Court commuted Bangri Chogtrul’s sentence from life imprisonment to 19 years on July 31, 2003, and further reduced the sentence by 1 year on November 17, 2005. His 18-year sentence will expire on July 30, 2021.

133 The Dui Hua Foundation (Online), "Last Known Female Political Prisoner in TAR Released Early," 28 June 06.

134 UN Commission on Human Rights (Online), "Report of the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, Manfred Nowak: Mission to China," 10 March 06 [hereinafter Nowak Report]. "The Special Rapporteur was informed that Qushui prison is for very serious crimes (i.e. sentences of over 15 years), and holds the principal criminal actors while accessories are held in Drapchi." PRC Criminal Law, art. 25. "A joint crime refers to an intentional crime committed by two or more persons jointly." PRC Criminal Law, art. 26. "A principal criminal refers to any person who organizes and leads a criminal group in carrying out criminal activities or plays a principal role in a joint crime."

135 International Campaign for Tibet, "New Prison in Lhasa: Increased Surveillance for Political Prisoners, ‘Oppressive’ Cell-blocks," 20 January 06. According to the ICT report, "at least 25 political prisoners" were transferred from TAR Prison (Drapchi) to Qushui Prison in summer 2005. The figure concurs with CECC staff analysis of likely transferees.

136 CECC, Annual Report 2005, 112. Jigme Gyatso was sentenced in 1996 to 15 years’ imprisonment for counterrevolution. Chinese officials told a UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (UNWGAD) delegation in September 2004 that he was guilty of "planning to found an illegal organization and seeking to divide the country and damage its unity." Another UNWGAD opinion on the case found that "there is nothing to indicate that the ‘illegal organization’ . . . ever advocated violence, war, national, racial, or religious hatred, and that Jigme Gyatso was "merely exercising the right to freedom of peaceful assembly with others in order to express opinions."

137 Tibetans often add the honorific "Rinpoche" after Bangri Tsogtrul’s name, signifying his status as a reincarnated lama.

138 According to information available in the CECC PPD, monk Lobsang Tsultrim of Drongsar Monastery was one of three monks detained in 1995 for removing signboards on a government office building and damaging them, and putting up posters opposing China’s rule of Tibet and supporting the legitimacy of the boy the Dalai Lama recognized as the Panchen Lama. The Changdu Intermediate People’s Court sentenced the monks to imprisonment on charges of inciting counterrevolutionary propaganda.

139 Nowak Report. "In one incident in March 2004, [Jigme Gyatso] yelled out, ‘Long live the Dalai Lama,’ for which he was kicked and beaten, including with electric batons. The electric batons were used on his back and chest with painful effect, and ceased once the Chief of Police came and stopped it. After this incident his sentence was extended for an additional two years."

140 Ibid. According to the prisoner interviews, Qushui Prison’s cells are hotter in summer and colder in winter than those in TAR Prison, and are poorly lit and ventilated.

IX. North Korean Refugees in China

FINDINGS

The Chinese government forcibly repatriates North Korean refugees facing starvation and political and religious persecution in their homeland, contravening its obligations under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. Chinese authorities detained and returned to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) thousands of North Koreans in 2005. The government classifies all North Koreans who enter China without documents as illegal economic migrants and claims it must return them to the DPRK, even though North Korean defectors meet the definition of refugees under international law. Repatriated North Koreans face long prison sentences, torture, and execution.
Without legal status, North Korean refugees in China are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. There are an estimated 20,000 to 50,000 North Koreans currently hiding in north-eastern China, and some NGOs estimate that the number of refugees is much higher. The government refuses the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) access to North Korean refugees, and fines and imprisons humanitarian workers who assist North Koreans in China. Officials in Beijing met with UNHCR Anto´nio Guterres in March 2006 during the first UNHCR visit to China since 1997. In July 2006, the Chinese government for the first time allowed three North Korean refugees to travel directly from the U.S. Consulate in Shenyang, Liaoning province, to the United States to seek asylum.

The Chinese government forcibly repatriates North Korean refugees fleeing starvation and political and religious persecution in their homeland.1 The U.S. State Department and NGO sources report that Chinese authorities detained and returned to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) thousands of North Koreans in 2005.2 The government provides financial rewards to security officials who detain North Koreans and to citizens who reveal the locations of refugees.3

The government’s repatriation of North Korean refugees contravenes its obligations under the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (1951 Convention) and its 1967 Protocol. The 1951 Convention and its Protocol mandate that "no Contracting State shall expel or return (‘refouler’) a refugee in any manner whatsoever to the frontiers of territories where his life or freedom would be threatened on account of his race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion." 4 The government bases its policy of repatriating North Koreans on a 1961 treaty with the DPRK and a subsequent 1986 border protocol,5 but international law concerning refugees supersedes any such bilateral commitments.6

The government classifies all North Koreans who enter China without documents as illegal economic migrants and claims it must return them to the DPRK, even though North Korean defectors meet the definition of refugees under international law. In March, a Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) spokesperson reiterated the government’s position that undocumented North Koreans in China are "illegal migrants and not refugees." 7 The 1951 Convention and its Protocol, however, define a refugee as someone who, "owing to well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country." 8 The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in North Korea also recognized in a 2005 report that North Koreans who have crossed the border into other countries for reasons of livelihood are refugees sur place, or those "who did not leave their country of origin for fear of persecution, but who fear persecution upon return." 9

Repatriated North Koreans face long prison sentences, torture, and execution. Article 233 of the amended North Korean Penal Code states that any citizen "who crosses a frontier of the Republic without permission shall be committed to a detention labor facility for up to two years," and Article 62 says that any citizen "who defects to a foreign country or to the enemy in betrayal of the country and the people shall be committed to a reform institution for not less than five years. In cases where the person commits an extremely grave offense, he or she shall be given life imprisonment in a reform institution, the death penalty or have their property confiscated." 10 According to international NGO sources, the "grave offenses" include leaving the DPRK multiple times,11 meeting with foreigners, and returning to the DPRK with the intention of becoming Christian missionaries.12 Testifying before a Commission hearing, an international humanitarian worker said that North Korean officials summarily executed one refugee’s repatriated sister and son for converting to Christianity and interacting with Chinese Christians while in China.13 Conditions in North Korean labor camps and prisons are harsh, and defector testimonies "document cases of beatings, forced labor, degrading treatment, torture, and execution." 14

Without legal status, North Korean refugees in China are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. Jay Lefkowitz, U.S. Special Envoy for Human Rights in North Korea, estimates that at least 20,000 to 50,000 North Koreans currently are hiding in northeastern China.15 Some NGOs estimate that the number of refugees is much higher.16 Trafficking in North Korean women, who make up two-thirds of the refugees,17 is widespread,18 and the Chinese government has done little to combat the network of traffickers along the North Korean border.19 International NGOs estimate that traffickers intercept 70 to 80 percent of all North Korean women entering China.20 Traffickers sell the majority of women into marriage and a smaller number into prostitution21 [see Section V(e)—Status of Women—Trafficking of Women and Girls]. Few North Korean children and children born in China from Chinese-Korean marriages have access to education,22 and traffickers have sold babies born to North Korean women in China.23

Officials in Beijing met with Anto´nio Guterres, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in March 2006 during the first UNHCR visit to China since 1997. State Councilor Tang Jiaxuan told Guterres that "the Chinese government attaches great importance to the protection of refugees." 24 During Guterres’ visit, an MFA spokesperson said that the Chinese government was "considering how to improve and perfect the . . . legal system" pertaining to refugees.25 The State Council is considering new Regulations on the Administration of Refugees, according to its 2006 Legislative Plan.26 Guterres said the UNHCR would be "fully engaged in supporting the Chinese authorities to make sure that this legislation is in full compliance with international law." 27

The government refuses the UNHCR access to North Korean refugees, and Chinese guards outside the UNHCR office in Beijing block access to North Korean and other refugees. This policy contravenes a 1995 agreement between the UN and the Chinese government which provides that "UNHCR personnel may at all times have unimpeded access to refugees and to the sites of UNHCR projects in order to monitor all phases of their implementation." 28 Chinese security forces that guard the UNHCR office29 and foreign embassies30 in Beijing drive away North Koreans who try to present refugee petitions or seek asylum. In a March 30 statement, the White House expressed "grave concern" over China’s repatriation of refugee Kim Chun-hee and called upon the Chinese government "not to return North Korean asylum seekers without allowing UNHCR access to these vulnerable individuals." 31 In July 2006, the Chinese government for the first time allowed three North Korean refugees to travel directly from the U.S. Consulate in Shenyang, Liaoning province, to the United States to seek asylum.32

The government fines and imprisons international humanitarian workers who assist North Koreans in China. Chinese authorities sentenced South Korean citizen Choi Yong-hun to five years in prison and fined him 30,000 yuan (US$3,750) in May 2003 for assisting North Koreans in China.33 Authorities in Yanji city in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture detained U.S. citizen Philip J. Buck in May 2005 for his role in assisting North Koreans in China to seek asylum in a third country.34 In August 2006, authorities convicted Reverend Buck of human smuggling, and sentenced him to deportation and prohibition from returning to China.35 A South Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade report released in September 2005 said that, of the 64 South Koreans detained by Chinese authorities since 2001 for helping North Koreans in China, 15 are still in detention.36 The government imposes fines of 1,000 yuan (US$125) on Chinese citizens who shelter North Korean refugees37 and offers financial rewards to citizens who turn in those assisting North Koreans.38

Notes to Section IX—North Korean Refugees in China

1 Bill Powell, "Long Walk to Freedom," Time Magazine (Online), 23 April 06; U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (Online), "World Refugee Survey 2006," China section, 14 June 06. In August 2005, Chinese authorities detained seven North Koreans seeking asylum in a South Korean international school in Yantai and repatriated them in September. For the two years before the incident, North Korean refugees had been largely successful in seeking asylum on international school grounds in China. Park Song-wu, "China Hands Over 8 NK Refugees," Korea Times (Online), 11 October 05; "China Changes Tack on Asylum," Seoul JoongAng Daily (Online), 11 October 05.

2 Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China (includes Tibet, Hong Kong, and Macau), 8 March 06. More than one-third of the 65 North Korean refugees in Yanbian interviewed by Refugees International in 2003 and 2004 had been repatriated at least once, and 14 percent had been repatriated multiple times. Joel Charny, "Acts of Betrayal: The Challenge of Protecting North Koreans in China," Refugees International, April 2005, 11.

3 Life Funds for North Korean Refugees (Online), "Mother of 5-year-old Repatriated to North Korea," 1 March 06; Joel Charny, "North Korean Asylum Seekers in China Face Heightened Risk of Deportation," Refugees International (Online), 27 August 04. In June 2004, public notices posted throughout Yanji asked residents to be on the lookout for illegal North Korean migrants and to turn in any to local police for deportation. Charny, "Acts of Betrayal," 9.

4 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, 28 July 51 by the United Nations Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Status of Refugees and Stateless Persons convened under General Assembly resolution 429 (V) of 14 December 50, art. 33. China acceded to the Convention on September 24, 1982.

5 Democratic People’s Republic of Korea Ministry of State Security, People’s Republic of China Ministry of Public Security, Mutual Cooperation Protocol for the Work of Maintaining National Security and Social Order in the Border Area, Rescue the North Korean People Urgent Action Network (RENK), 12 August 86. The protocol commits each side to treat as illegal those border crossers who do not have certificates, except in cases of "calamity or unavoidable factors." According to James Seymour, RENK obtained and translated the document in December 2002. Seymour writes that "this document cannot be authenticated, but it does not seem implausible." James Seymour, "China: Background Paper on the Situation of North Koreans in China," commissioned by the UNHCR, Protection Information Section, January 2005, 13.

6 Seymour, "China: Background Paper on the Situation of North Koreans in China," 5.

7 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Online), "Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Qin Gang’s March 21, 2006 Press Conference" [2006 nian 3 yue 21 ri waijiaobu fayanren Qin Gang zai liexing jizhehui shang da jizhe wen], 21 March 06. The UNHCR distinguishes between refugees and economic migrants by defining the latter as someone who "leaves a country voluntarily to seek a better life. Should he or she elect to return home they would continue to receive the protection of their government." UNHCR, "The 1951 Refugee Convention: Questions & Answers," July 2003, 10.

8 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, art. 1.

9 The UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in North Korea, "Question of the Violation of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom in any Part of the World: Situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea," 10 January 05, 13.

10 DPRK Penal Code, amended 2004, arts. 233, 62. For an English translation of the quoted sections of these articles, see Norma Kang Muico, "An Absence of Choice: The Sexual Exploitation of North Korean Women in China," Anti-Slavery International, 9 November 05, 2. Sometime during and after the 1995–1998 famine, the North Korean government began to distinguish between repatriated North Koreans who sought political refugee status in China and those who simply crossed the border in search of food or employment. The government seems to have reduced the standard sentence for those in the latter category to less than six months. Charny, "Acts of Betrayal," 12.

11 Liberty in North Korea (Online), "LiNK Team Returns From China," 6 December 05.

12 Charny, "Acts of Betrayal," 2.

13 Combating Human Trafficking in China: Domestic and International Efforts, Hearing of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 6 March 06, Testimony and Written Statement Submitted by Abraham Lee, Director of Public Relations, Crossing Borders; Muico, "An Absence of Choice," 10.

14 Muico, "An Absence of Choice," 12.

15 North Korea: Human Rights Update and International Abduction Issues, Joint Hearing of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Human Rights and International Operations and Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Rep-resentatives, 27 April 06, Testimony and Written Statement Submitted by Jay Lefkowitz, Special Envoy for Human Rights in North Korea, U.S. Department of State.

16 Joel Charny points out that although the most common estimate of North Koreans in China is 100,000 to 300,000, the estimate is "problematic" given the lack of publicly available data and the fact that many North Koreans in China move back and forth across the border seeking temporary employment rather than political asylum. Charny, "Acts of Betrayal," 5.

17 Mikyoung Kim, "Beijing’s Hot Potato: North Korean Refugees and Human Rights Debates," Association for Asian Research (Online), 16 March 05.

18 Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, U.S. Department of State, 2006 Trafficking in Persons Report, 5 June 06.

19 Combating Human Trafficking in China, Written Statement and Testimony of Wenchi Yu Perkins, Director, Anti-Trafficking and Human Rights Program, Vital Voices, Written Statement and Testimony of Abraham Lee.

20 Ibid.; Life Funds for North Korean Refugees (Online), "Speech to Joint Session of NGOs and Lawmakers of 4 Nations," 1 Aug 05. According to Norma Kang Muico, "[t]raffickers seek out North Korean women to exploit at river crossings, train stations, or markets." Muico, "An Absence of Choice," 3. In addition to the high number of trafficked North Korean women in China, many women are trafficked multiple times, escaping only to be caught again. Combating Human Trafficking in China, Written Statement and Testimony of Abraham Lee.

21 Muico, "An Absence of Choice," 3, 5, 6. Traffickers rely on deception and coercion to force North Korean women into marriage or prostitution. Combating Human Trafficking in China, Written Statement and Testimony of Abraham Lee. There is a considerable market for wives in the Yanbian Autonomous Region, where the male-female ratio among the unmarried age group after schooling is 14:1. Charny, "Acts of Betrayal," 11.

22 Most of these children do not have access to education because they are not Chinese citizens. The Chinese government does not recognize Chinese-North Korean marriages and does not grant citizenship to children born from these marriages. Charny, "Acts of Betrayal," 11; Life Funds for North Korean Refugees (Online), "Border Report January 2006," January 2006.

23 Life Funds for North Korean Refugees (Online), "Interview with Our Local Staff Members in China," January 2006.

24 "State Councilor: China To Continue Strengthening Cooperation With UNHCR," People’s Daily (Online), 23 March 06.

25 "Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Qin Gang’s March 21, 2006 Press Conference."

26 "The State Council’s Legislative Plan for 2006" [Guowuyuan 2006 nian lifa jihua], Eastday (Online), 30 March 06.

27 UNHCR (Online), "Statement to Media by UN High Commissioner for Refugees Anto´nio Guterres, on Conclusion of His Mission to the People’s Republic of China," 23 March 06.

28 Article III(5) United Nations (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) and China, Agreement on the Upgrading of the UNHCR Mission in the People’s Republic of China to UNHCR Office in the People’s Republic of China, UNTS Vol. 1898/1899, I-3237, 1 December 95, 61–71. Excerpted text available at: North Korea: Human Rights, Refugees, and Humanitarian Challenges, Hearing of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific, Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives, 28 April 04, Written Statement Submitted by Tarik M. Radwan, Assistant Professor of Law, Handong International Law School, Pohang, Korea, and Advocate with Jubilee Campaign.

29 Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration, U.S. Department of State, The Status of North Korean Asylum Seekers and the U.S. Government Policy Towards Them, 11 March 05.

30 Benjamin Kang Lim, "Women Most Vulnerable of North Korean Refugees," Reuters, posted on the Crossing Borders Web site, 27 July 05.

31 White House (Online), "Statement on China’s Treatment of Kim Chun-hee," 30 March 06; "High Commissioner for Refugees Visits China, Objects to North Korean Repatriation," CECC China Human Rights and Rule of Law Update, May 2006, 2–3.

32 "The Lucky Ones," Wall Street Journal (Online), 4 August 06. In 2005, the Chinese government allowed several hundred North Koreans to travel to South Korea after they had sought refuge at diplomatic compounds or international schools in China. Nevertheless, most North Koreans hiding in China who wish to seek asylum have to travel to a third country to seek asylum or resettlement as refugees. In May 2006, six refugees arrived in the United States as the first North Koreans to be granted asylum under the North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004. The six North Koreans had traveled secretly through China to a Southeast Asian country to seek refuge in a U.S. Embassy. U.S. Department of State, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices—2005, China; Melanie Kirkpatrick, "The New Underground Railroad," Wall Street Journal (Online), 12 May 06.

33 The Plight of North Korean Migrants in China: A Current Assessment, Staff Roundtable of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China, 19 April 04, Written Statement Submitted by Kim Sang Hun, activist on behalf of North Korean refugees.

34 David Chircop, "Everett Pastor Out of Chinese Prison," Everett Daily Herald (Online), 21 Aug 06.

35 David Chircop, "Everett Missionary Hopes to Shine a Light on China," Everett Daily Herald (Online), 23 Aug 06.

36 "Fifteen South Koreans Detained in China for Aiding N.K. Defectors," Yonhap News (Online), 23 September 05.

37 U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, "World Refugee Survey 2006."

38 Life Funds for North Korean Refugees, "Speech to Joint Session of NGOs and Lawmakers of 4 Nations."

X. Developments in Hong Kong

Constitutional Reform and Steps to Universal Suffrage | Compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

The United States supports a stable, autonomous Hong Kong under the "one country, two systems" formula articulated in the Sino-U.K. Joint Declaration and the Basic Law.1 The people of Hong Kong enjoy the benefits of an independent judiciary2 and an open society in which the freedoms of religion, speech, and assembly are respected. The Commission notes, however, that during the past year no steps were taken that would move Hong Kong closer to the "ultimate aim" of universal suffrage as specified in the Basic Law. The Commission strongly supports the provisions of the Basic Law that provide for the election of the chief executive and the entire Legislative Council through universal suffrage, and highlights the importance of the central government’s obligation to give Hong Kong the "high degree of autonomy" promised in the Basic Law.

Constitutional Reform and Steps to Universal Suffrage

The National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) issued a decision in April 2004 prohibiting the people of Hong Kong from electing both the chief executive in 2007 and the members of the Legislative Council (LegCo) in 2008 through universal suffrage.3 Universal suffrage is described in Articles 45 and 68 of the Basic Law as the "ultimate aim." 4 Currently, the chief executive is selected by the 800-member Election Committee chosen from Hong Kong’s 28 functional constituencies, and only half of the 60 legislators in the LegCo are chosen by direct election. In July 2004, hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong citizens staged a demonstration to demand greater democracy, conveying the clear message that most people in Hong Kong want universal suffrage.5

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region’s (HKSAR) Constitutional Development Task Force issued its fifth report on October 19, 2005, which proposed modest measures to expand citizen participation in selecting the chief executive in 2007 and forming the LegCo in 2008. The report called for adding 10 new seats to the 60-member LegCo, although the public would directly elect only 5 of the new members. District Councilors elected by the current group of 529 elected and appointed Councilors would fill the other five new seats.6 The report also called for doubling the size of the Election Committee (EC) that chooses Hong Kong’s chief executive from 800 to 1,600 members, and increasing the number of EC members that are professionals in industry, commerce, finance, labor, and social services from 600 to 900.7 EC members from these functional constituencies are elected by Hong Kong citizens from their respective professional and industrial sectors. In addition, the report proposed increasing the number of EC members from the LegCo, District Councils, Heung Yee Kuk (a statutory advisory body representing the New Territories), Hong Kong deputies to the National People’s Congress, and Hong Kong members of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference from 200 to 700.8 These members either serve in an ex officio capacity, or are selected by members of their constituency.

Hong Kong government leaders pointed to the challenge of meeting citizen demands for universal suffrage, while facing the constraints on policymaking imposed by the April 2004 NPCSC decision. Chief Executive Donald Tsang described the proposals as "a significant step forward in our democratic development," according to the transcript of a press conference posted on the Hong Kong government Web site following the release of the fifth report.9 Tsang also said that the HKSAR government formulated a package that embodied "democracy and openness to the highest extent possible," but was still consistent with the Basic Law and the decision of the NPCSC.10 Rafael Hui, Chief Secretary for Administration, who led the Constitutional Development Task Force, explained that "although constitutional development in 2007–2008 will not take us immediately to the ultimate goal of universal suffrage, it is a substantive and significant step toward that goal." 11

A vigorous public debate on the merits of the Task Force proposals, and their lack of a timetable for universal suffrage, culminated in a December 2005 march by tens of thousands to protest the slow pace of democratization.12 According to polls at the time, public support for the proposals had fallen to just above 45 percent, down from an initial approval rating of nearly 60 percent following the proposals’ release in October.13 Polling also showed that 60 percent of respondents were in favor of introducing a timetable for universal suffrage.14 Twenty-four LegCo members voted against the Task Force report on December 21, 2005, blocking its passage.15 A last-minute package of adjustments offered by the government did not meet the lawmakers’ demand for a specific timetable to realize universal suffrage.16

Compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

A March 2006 report by the UN Human Rights Committee, which is responsible for reviewing compliance with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), expressed concern about the absence of universal suffrage in Hong Kong, as well as with the implementation of the procedure for interpretation of the Basic Law, a reference, in part, to the April 2004 NPCSC decision to prohibit universal suffrage in the 2007 chief executive and 2008 Legislative Council elections.17 The report questioned the HKSAR government’s compliance with Article 25 of the ICCPR in both situations. Article 25 states that every citizen should have the right and the opportunity, without unreasonable restrictions, to participate in public affairs, either by himself or through a directly elected representative, and to express his political will through universal suffrage.18 The report concluded that, "All necessary measures should be taken whereby the Legislative Council is elected by universal and equal suffrage. It should be ensured that all interpretations of the Basic Law, including on electoral and public affairs issues, are in compliance with the Covenant." 19

Notes to Section X—Developments in Hong Kong

1 United States-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992, Public Law No. 102–383, enacted 4 April 90; The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, enacted 4 April 90; Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, adopted 19 December 84.

2 CECC, 2005 Annual Report, 11 October 05, 115–116.

3 CECC, 2004 Annual Report, 5 October 04, 104–6. Decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on Issues Relating to the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the Year 2007 and for Forming the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in the Year 2008, 26 April 2004.

4 The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the PRC, arts. 45 and 68.

5 CECC, 2004 Annual Report, 105.

6 Of the 529 District Councilors, 427 are directly elected and 102 appointed. Constitutional Affairs Bureau, the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, The Fifth Report of the Constitutional Development Task Force: Package of Proposals for the Methods for Selecting the Chief Executive in 2007 and for Forming the Legislative Council in 2008, 20 October 05.

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Constitutional Affairs Bureau, the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Online), "Transcript of the Media Session by the Chief Executive, Mr. Donald Tsang, on the Fifth Report of the Constitutional Task Force," 19 October 05.

10 Ibid.

11 Constitutional Affairs Bureau, the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Online), "Statement by CS on the Fifth Report of the Constitutional Development Task Force," 19 October 05.

12 K.C. Ng, "Crowd Rallies for Democracy in Hong Kong," Washington Post (Online), 5 December 05.

13 Gary Cheung, "Drop in Public Support for Reform Plan," South China Morning Post (Online), 29 November 05.

14 Ibid.

15 "Hong Kong Unveils Reform Package Adjustments," China Daily, 20 December 05 (Open Source Center, 21 December 05).

16 "Hong Kong Lawmakers Reject First Stage of Government’s Reform Proposal," Agence-France Presse, 21 December 05 (Open Source Center, 22 December 05).

17 The Sino-British Joint Declaration states that the provisions of the ICCPR still remain in force in Hong Kong after the territory’s reversion to the PRC. Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People’s Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, Section XIII; International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, adopted by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI) of 16 December 66, entry into force 23 March 76 [hereinafter ICCPR]; Ravina Shamdasani, "Basic Law Interpretations ‘Concern’ UN Rights Panel," South China Morning Post (Online), 28 March 06.

18 See ICCPR, art. 25.

19 UN Human Rights Committee, Concluding Observations of the Human Rights Committee— Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), 30 March 06.

XI. Appendix: Commission Activities in 2005 and 2006

Hearings

Human Rights and Rule of Law in China

September 20, 2006

Jerome A. Cohen, Professor of Law, New York University School of Law

John Kamm, Executive Director, The Dui Hua Foundation

Minxin Pei, Director, China Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

Xiao Qiang, Director, China Internet Project, University of California at Berkeley

Combating Human Trafficking in China: Domestic and International Efforts

March 6, 2006

The Honorable Christopher H. Smith, Vice Chairman, Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives

The Honorable John R. Miller, Ambassador-at-Large and Director, Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons, Department of State

Roger Plant, Head, Special Action Program to Combat Forced Labor, International Labor Organization

Wenchi Yu Perkins, Director, Anti-Trafficking and Human Rights Program, Vital Voices

Abraham Lee, Director of Public Relations, Crossing Borders

Roundtables

Political Change in China? Public Participation and Local Governance Reforms

May 15, 2006

Merle Goldman, Professor Emerita of Chinese History, Boston University, and Executive Committee Member, Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University

Joseph Fewsmith, Director of East Asian Studies Program and Professor of International Relations and Political Science, Boston University

Xie Gang, Former Senior Program Officer, Law and Governance Programs, Asia Foundation

The Lot of Chinese Workers: Do China’s Labor Laws Work?

April 11, 2006

Han Dongfang, Director, China Labour Bulletin

Robin Munro, Director of Research, China Labour Bulletin

The China-Dalai Lama Dialogue: Prospects for Progress

March 13, 2006

Tashi Wangdi, Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Americas, Office of Tibet, New York

Sonam Wangdu, Chairman, United States Tibet Committee

Tseten Wangchuk, Senior Broadcaster, Voice of America, Tibetan language service

China’s Response to Avian Flu: Steps Taken, Challenges Remaining

February 24, 2006

Dr. John R. Clifford, Deputy Administrator for the Veterinary Services Program, Animal and Plant Health Inspection Services’ Veterinary Services program, U.S. Department of Agriculture

Erika Elvander, Office of Asia and the Pacific, Office of Global Health Affairs, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services

Dr. Bates Gill, Freeman Chair of China Studies, Center for Strategic and International Studies

China’s Changing Strategic Concerns: The Impact on Human Rights in Xinjiang

November 16, 2005

James A. Millward, Associate Professor of History, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University

Daniel Southerland, Vice President of Programming/Executive Editor, Radio Free Asia

S. Frederick Starr, Chairman of the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University

Working Conditions in China: Just and Favorable?

November 3, 2005

Judy Gearhart, Program Director, Social Accountability International

Dr. Ruth Rosenbaum, Executive Director, Center for Reflection, Education and Action, Inc.

Dan Viederman, Executive Director, Verite´

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2006 Annual Report

Congressional-Executive Commission on China

2006 ANNUAL REPORT

Table of Contents

国会及行政当局中国委员会

2006 年年度报告

中国公民的人权

中国教徒的自由

中国工人的劳工权利

中国公民的自由信息流动

法治和公民社会的发展

经济结构调整带来的国内挑战

农村的不平等和社会动荡

政治及宗教压制和社会动荡

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS

FINDINGS