Enforce Article 35 of China's Constitution, Abolish Censorship, and Bring About Citizens' Right to Freedom of Speech and Freedom of the Press


The following translation was released by Open Source Center on October 14, 2010. The Chinese text was retrieved from the Boxun Web site on October 18, 2010.

To the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress:

Article 35 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China adopted in 1982 clearly states that: "Citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration." For 28 years, this article has not been honored, having been negated by detailed rules and regulations for "implementation" drawn up by party and government organs. This kind of false democracy of acknowledging in principle while negating in concrete has become a scandal in the history of world democracy.

At a meeting of democratic consultation between the Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee Political Bureau and democratic parties on 26 February 2003, soon after assuming office, President Hu Jintao stated clearly:

The removal of restrictions on the press and the opening up of public opinion positions is a mainstream view and demand held by society, and it is natural and should be resolved through the legislative process. If the CPC does not reform or transform itself, it will lose its vitality and move toward inevitable extinction.

On October 3, the CNN aired an interview with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao by anchor Fareed Zakaria. Responding to questions raised by reporters, Wen Jiabao said:

Freedom of speech is indispensable for any nation; China's Constitution endows the people with freedom of speech; the demands of the people for democracy cannot be resisted.

In accordance with China's Constitution and in the spirit of the remarks made by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, we hereupon give a full account in regard to the materialization of the constitutional rights to freedom of speech and of the press as follows:

<B>Concerning the Current State of Freedom of Speech and of the Press in Our Country</B>

We have, for 61 years, "served as master" in the name of the citizens of the People's Republic of China, but we enjoy less freedom of speech and of the press than that of Hong Kong before its return to Chinese sovereignty, and that is, we are inferior to the residents of a colony in this regard.

Before the handover, Hong Kong was a British colony, ruled by governors appointed by the Queen's government. But the freedom of speech and freedom of the press given to residents of Hong Kong by the British authorities was not empty or appearing only on paper. It was enacted and honored.

When our country was founded in 1949, our people cheered for being liberated and being the masters of their own affairs. Mao Zedong declared that, "From this moment, the people of China have stood up." But even today, 61 years after the founding of our nation and after 30 years of opening up and reform, we have not yet attained freedom of speech and freedom of the press to the degree enjoyed by the people of Hong Kong under colonial rule. Even now, books discussing political and current affairs must be published in Hong Kong. This is not a blessing granted for its return to the motherland, but is merely an old practice adopted under the colonial rule. The "master" status of the people of mainland China is indeed good-for-nothing. "Socialist democracy" with Chinese characteristics advertised by China is such an "embarrassment."

Not only the average citizen, but even senior leaders of the CPC have no freedom of speech or press. Recently, Li Rui has the following encounter. Not long ago, the volume of the Collected Works in Memory of Zhou Xiaozhou was published. An essay commemorating Zhou Xiaozhou that Li Rui had written for the People's Daily in 1981 was originally to be included in it, but, the published version did not include the essay. Zhou Xiaozhou's wife called Li Rui to explain the situation: "Beijing has issued a notice not to use Li Rui's writings." It is too ridiculous that even an old piece of writing published on a party newspaper cannot be included in a volume of collected works! Li Rui said: "What kind of country is this?! I want to cry out: the press must be free! Such strangling of the people's freedom of expression is entirely illegal!"

It's not just high-level leaders, even the Premier of our country does not have freedom of speech or of the press! In Shenzhen on 21 August 2010, Premier Wen Jiabao gave a speech entitled, "Only By Upholding Reform and Opening Up Can Our Nation Have Bright Prospects." He said, "Not only should we advance economic reforms, but we must also promote political reforms. Without the guarantee afforded by political reforms, the gains we have made from economic reforms will be lost, and our goal of modernization cannot be realized." Xinhua News Agency's official news release on August 21, "Building a Beautiful Future for the Special Economic Zone," omitted the content about political reforms in Wen Jiabao's speech.

On 22 September 2010 (U.S. local time), Premier Wen Jiabao held a discussion in New York with American Chinese media and media from Hong Kong and Macao, and he again emphasized the importance of "political system reforms." Wen said: "Regarding political reforms, I have said previously that without the guarantee of political reforms, economic reforms will not be successful completely, and even perhaps the results we have made so far will be lost." Shortly after, while addressing the 65th Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York, Wen Jiabao gave a speech entitled, "Recognizing a True China," in which he again talked about political reform. On the night of September 23 (Beijing time), when China Central Television's Xinwen Lianbo and Xinhua News Agency's news release covered these events, they only reported Wen Jiabao's remarks on the circumstances facing overseas Chinese and on the importance of Chinese media. The portion of his speeches about political reform were all removed.

If we look into these matters, we are definitely unable to put our finger on a specific person. This is the work of invisible hands. They know that they are in the wrong and what they do violate the constitution, so they usually order by telephone that whose works cannot be published or what events cannot be covered in the media. The official who makes the phone calls remains anonymous, and he urges the enforcer to keep it secret but must enforce his phone instructions. These invisible black hands are our Central Propaganda Department. Right now, the Central Propaganda Department is above the CPC Central Committee and above the State Council. We would ask, what right does the Central Propaganda Department have to muzzle the speech of the Premier? What right does it have to rob the people of our nation of their right to know what the Premier has said?

<B>Our core demand is that the system of censorship be dismantled in favor of a system of legal responsibility.</B>

The rights to freedom of speech and the press guaranteed in Article 35 of our constitution are turned into mere adornments for the walls by means of specific implementation rules such as the Publication Regulatory Regulations. These implementation rules are, broadly speaking, a strict system of censorship. There are countless commandments and taboos restricting freedom of speech and freedom of the press. The creation of a press law and the abolishment of the censorship system has become an urgent task.

We recommend that the National People's Congress work immediately toward the creation of a press law and that the Publication Regulatory Regulations and local restrictions on news and publishing be annulled. Institutionally speaking, the realization of freedom of speech and freedom of the press as guaranteed in the constitution means making media independent of the party and government organs that presently control them, thereby transforming "party mouthpieces" into "public instruments." Therefore, the legislative foundation of the creation of a press law must be the implementation of a system of legal responsibility. We cannot again strengthen the censorship system in the name of "strengthening the leadership of the party." The so-called censorship system is the system by which prior to publication, one must receive the approval of party organs, allowing for publication only after approval and designating all unapproved published materials as illegal. The so-called system of legal responsibility means that published materials need not pass through approval by party or government organs, but may be published as soon as the editor-in-chief deems fit. If there are unfavorable outcomes or disputes following publication, the government would be able to intervene and determine according to the law whether there are cases of wrongdoing. In countries around the world, the development of rules and regulations on news and publishing has followed this path of transitioning from systems of censorship to systems of legal responsibility. Undoubtedly, compared with systems of censorship, systems of legal responsibility is a historical progress, it has played a great role in promoting the development of the humanities and natural sciences and in promoting social harmony and historical progress. England did away with censorship in 1695. France abolished its censorship system in 1881, and the publication of newspapers and periodicals thereafter required only a simple declaration, which was signed by the representatives of the publication and mailed to the office of the procurator of the republic. Our present system of censorship leaves news and book publishing in our country 315 years behind England and 129 years behind France.

<B>Our Specific Demands</B>

1. Abolish institutions in charge of [Chinese] media, allowing publishing institutions to operate independently; truly implement a system under which directors and editors-in-chief are responsible for their publication units.

2. Respect journalists and give journalists the status as "uncrowned kings". The reporting of mass incidents and exposing of official corruption are noble missions on behalf of the people, and this work should be protected and supported. Immediately put a stop to the unconstitutional behavior of various local governments and police in arresting journalists as they please. Look into manipulator behind the scenes in the case of writer Xie Chaoping. Liang Fengmin, the party secretary of Weinan city [involved in the Xie Chaoping case] must be removed and face party discipline as a warning to others.

3. Abolish the ban restricting the media to conducting cross-provincial supervision by public opinion and ensure the rights of Chinese journalists to carry out reporting freely throughout the country.

4. The internet is an important exchange platform for information in our society and citizens' views. Except information that truly concerns our national secrets and speech that violates a citizen's right to privacy, internet regulatory bodies must not arbitrarily delete online posts or online comments. Online spies must be abolished, the "fifty-cent party" must be abolished, and restrictions on anti-censorship technologies must be abolished.

5. There should be no taboos concerning our party's history. Chinese citizens have a right to know the errors of the ruling party.

6. Southern Weekly and Yanhuang Chunqiu should be permitted to restructure into privately operated pilot project in the independent media. The privatization of newspapers and periodicals is the natural direction of political reforms. History teaches us: when rulers and deliberators are highly unified, when the government and the media are both surnamed "party", and when one stages his own show and applauds his own performance, it is very difficult to connect with the will of the people and attain true leadership. From the time of the great leap forward to the time of the cultural revolution, newspapers, magazines, television and radio in the mainland have never truly reflect ed the will of the people. Party and government leaders do not hear different voices, so it is very difficult for them to find out and redress mistakes of overall importance that are unfolding. For a ruling party and government to use the tax payers' money to run media that sing their own praises, this is something not permitted in democratic nations.

7. Permit the free circulation within the mainland of books and periodicals from Hong Kong and Macau. Our country has joined the World Trade Organization, and economically we have already integrated with the world - attempting to remain closed culturally goes against the established guideline for opening up and reform. Hong Kong and Macau offer advanced culture right at our nation's door, and the books and periodicals of Hong Kong and Macau are welcomed and trusted by the people.

8. Transform the functions of various propaganda organs so that they are transformed from agencies setting down so many "taboos" to agencies protecting the accuracy, timeliness, and unimpeded flow of information, from agencies that assist corrupt officials in suppressing and controlling stories that reveal the truth to agencies that support the media in monitoring party and government organs, from agencies that close publications, fire editors and arrest journalists to agencies that oppose power and protect media and journalists. Our propaganda organs have a very bad reputation within the party and in society. They must do some good deeds to restore their reputations. At the appropriate time, we can consider renaming these propaganda organs to suit global trends.

We give full account and hope for your utmost attention.


Li Rui, former executive vice minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, member of the 12th CPC Central Committee;

Hu Jiwei, former director and editor-in-chief of People's Daily, standing committee member of the Seventh NPC, president of the Federation of Chinese Communication Institutes;

Jiang Ping, former head of the China University of Political Science and Law, tenured professor, standing committee member of the Seventh NPC, deputy director of the legal committee of the NPC;

Li Pu, former deputy director of Xinhua News Agency;

Zhou Shaoming, former deputy director of the Political Department of the Guangzhou Military Region;

Zhong Peizhang, former head of the News Bureau under the Central Propaganda Department;

Wang Yongcheng, professor at Shanghai Jiaotong University;

Zhang Zhongpei, researcher at the Imperial Palace museum, chairman of the China Archaeological Society

Du Guang, former professor at the Central Party School;

Guo Daojun, former editor-in-chief of China Legal Science;

Xiao Mo, former head of the Architecture Research Centre of the Chinese National Academy of Arts;

Zhuang Puming, former deputy director of People's Press;

Hu Fuchen, former director and editor-in-chief at China Worker's Publishing House;

Zhang Ding, former director of the China Social Sciences Press at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences;

Yu You, former editor-in-chief of China Daily;

Ouyang Jin, former editor-in-chief of Hong Kong's Pacific magazine;

Yu Haocheng, former director of Masses Publishing House;

Zhang Qing, former director of China Cinema Publishing House;

Yu Yueting, former director of Fujian Television, veteran journalist;

Sha Yexin, former head of the Shanghai People's Art and Drama Academy, now an independent writer of the Hui ethnic minority;

Sun Xupei, former director of the News Research Institute at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences;

Xin Ziling, former director of the editorial desk at China National Defense University;

Tie Liu, editor-in-chief of Wangshi Weihen magazine (Scars of the Past).

Legal Counsel:

Song Yue, Chine se citizen, practicing lawyer in the State of New York, US.

执行宪法第35条,废除预审制 兑现公民的言论出版自由!

执行宪法第35条,废除预审制 兑现公民的言论出版自由!

    1949年建国,人民欢呼解放了,当家做主了,毛泽东宣布“中国人民从此站起来了。”但直到今天,建国61年,搞了30年改革开放,我们还没有得 到香港人殖民地时代就有的言论出版自由。现在有些参政议政的书籍,要拿到香港出版,这不是回归祖国的福荫,是沿袭殖民时代的旧法。大陆人民的“当家作主” 地位实在太窝囊。国家宣称的有中国特色的“社会主义民主”实在太尴尬。
    岂止普通公民,连共产党的高级干部都没有言论出版自由。最近李锐遇到一件事情:不久前《周小舟纪念文集》出版,原来收进了李锐1981年在《人民 日报》发表的纪念周小舟的一篇文章,但出版的书中没有。周小舟夫人打电话向李锐解释:“北京通知,不能用李锐的文章。”连1981年发表在党报上的旧作也 不让收进文集,真是荒唐至极!李锐说:“这算什么样的国家?!我大声疾呼:新闻必须自由!扼杀公民的言论自由是完全违法的!”
    岂止高级干部,连国家总理都没有言论出版自由!2010年8月21日温家宝总理在深圳发表题为《只有坚持改革开放,国家才有光明前途》的讲话。谈 到“不仅要推进经济体制改革,还要推进政治体制改革。没有政治体制改革的保障,经济体制改革的成果就会得而复失,现代化建设的目标就不可能实现。”新华社 21日通稿《开创经济特区的美好明天 》,把温家宝讲话中政治体制改革的内容删掉了。
    2010年9月22日(美国当地时间)温家宝总理在纽约与美国华文媒体和港澳媒体负责人进行座谈,再次强调了“政治体制改革”的重要性。温说: “关于政治体制改革,我曾经讲过,经济体制改革如果没有政治体制改革的保障,也不会彻底取得成功,甚至已经取得的成果还会得而复失。”温家宝随后在纽约联 合国总部出席第65届联合国大会一般性辩论发表题为《认识一个真实的中国》的讲话,其中也谈及了政治体制改革。9月23日(北京时间)晚间,中央电视台 《新闻联播》以及新华社通稿报导这些活动时,只报导了温家宝谈及海外华人的处境、海外华文媒体的作用等内容,提及政治体制改革的讲话,都被过滤掉了。
    这些事情,如果追究责任,绝对查不到具体人,这是一只看不见的黑手。他们自知理亏违宪,通常以电话通知某人的作品不能发表、某事不能见诸媒体。打 电话的官员不留姓名,叮嘱执行者为其保密,但必须执行他的电话指示。这只看不见的黑手就是中宣部。现在是中宣部凌驾于党中央之上,凌驾于国务院之上。试问 中宣部有什么权力封锁总理的声音?有什么权力剥夺全国人民对总理讲话的知情权?
    建议全国人大立即着手制定新闻出版法,废除《出版管理条例》和地方当局管制新闻出版的那些条条框框。落实宪法第35条给予公民言论出版自由,从体 制上看就是从党政机关直接控制到媒体相对独立,从“党的喉舌”转变为“社会公器”。因此,新闻出版法的立法基础必须是实行追惩制,而不能再以“加强党的领 导”的名义强化审批制。所谓审批制,就是出版物在出版以前须经党政机关的审查,批准了你才能出版,不批准出了就是非法出版物。所谓追惩制,就是出版物不必 向党政机关报批,总编辑通过了就开印,出版发行完全自由。出版后如有不良后果和纠纷,政府再介入,根据法律判断是非对错。世界各国新闻出版法制的发展,走 的是由审批制向追惩制过渡的道路。无疑,追惩制比起审批制是一个历史性进步,对推动人文科学和自然科学的发展,推动社会和谐历史进步起了伟大的作用。英国 早在1695年即废除了预防检查制。1881年法国废除了预防检查制,报纸、刊物出版前的手续仅仅需要一份简单的声明,由报刊领导人签署,邮寄共和国检察 院即可。我国目前实行的书报审查制度,比英国落后315年,比法国落后129年。
    二、尊重记者,树立记者 “无冕之王”的社会地位。记者报道群体性事件,揭发官员贪污腐败,是为民请命的神圣事业,应受到保护和支持。立即制止某些地方政府和公安机关随意抓捕记者 的违宪行为。追究谢朝平案的幕后操纵者,渭南市委书记梁凤民必须下台,以申党纪,以儆效尤。
    六、允许《南方周末》和《炎黄春秋》改制为民营报刊作为探路试点。报刊民营化是政治改革的方向。历史的教训是:施政者与评议者高度一体化,政府和 媒体都姓“党”, 自己搭台唱戏,自己鼓掌喝彩,是很难和民意沟通实现正确领导的。从大跃进到文化大革命,大陆所有的报刊杂志、广播电视,从来没有反映过真实的民意。党和国 家领导人耳边听不到不同的声音,就既难发现、更难纠正正在发生的全局性的错误。执政党和政府拿纳税人的钱办媒体为自己歌功颂德,这在民主国家是不允许的。
    八、转变各级宣传部门职能,由制定多少个“不准”,转变为保障信息准确、及时、畅通;由帮助贪官污吏压制封锁批评揭露的稿件,转变为支持媒体对党 政机关发挥监督作用;由封报刊、撤总编、抓记者,转变为对抗强权,保护媒体和记者。宣传部门在党内、在社会上名声很臭,要做几件好事恢复名誉。在适当的时 机,可以考虑宣传部更名,以符合世界潮流。
    李 锐(前中央组织部常务副部长,中共十二届中央委员,十二、十三届中顾委委员。)
    江 平(原政法大学校长、终身教授,七届人大常委、人大法律委员会副主任)
    李 普(原新华社副社长)
    杜 光(原中共中央党校教授)
    郭道晖 (原《中国法学》杂志社总编辑)
    萧 默(原中国艺术研究院建筑艺术研究所所长)
    胡甫臣 (原中国工人出版社社长兼总编辑)
    张 定(原中国社会科学院社会科学出版社社长)
    于 友(原《中国日报》社总编辑)
    欧阳劲 (香港《太平洋杂志》总编辑)
    于浩成 (原群众出版社社长)
    张 清(原中国电影出版社社长)
    俞月亭 (原福建电视台台长、高级记者)
    沙叶新 (前上海人民艺术剧院院长,现为回族独立作家)
    铁 流(民刊《往事微痕》总编辑)
     宋 岳(中国籍公民,美国纽约州执业律师)
    丁 弘(南通大学教授、南通日报老报人)
    丁 品(原《中国环境报社》主任记者)
    马育忠(西安 编辑)
    王中陵(西安 编辑)
     王 林(原浙江师范大学教师)
    王 絮(吉林 原《人民日报》吉林站编辑)
    王 毅(中国社会科学院学者)
    王承祥 (原锦州公路段干部)
    王衍周(原东北空军第八航校 主任教员)
    王玉林(原东北空军第三航校 飞行员)
    王恩彬(原东北空军第八航校 助理员)
    王丕尧(原辽宁省第二建筑公司 技术员)
    王 豪(原开远市农业银行干部)
    王 静(原河南省卫生厅副厅长)
     王明全(川自贡第二十八中学校 退休教师)
    王成文(成都建机械公司 )
    王明全(四川自贡第二十八中学校 退休教师)
    方小芬( 原广州有色金属研究院工程师)
    尹 惠(北京二外离休教师)
    白孟秋(原东北空军第三航校 飞行员)
    石天河 (原《星星诗刊》编辑)
    艾晓明(广州中山大学教授 纪录片工作者)
    艾 风(原《四川日报》社高级记者)
    叶式礼 (成都市金牛区教育局干部 )
    叶匡政 (北京诗人)
    邓有声(原湖北襄樊机床厂 高级工程师)
    刘文介 (原民革成都市委常委)
    刘宏文 (江都市第一中学退休教师)
    刘长林(中国社会科学院哲学所研究员 退休)
    刘正纚(原北京大成中学 教师)
    刘 鹏(中央党校《理论动态》原编审)
    刘慧珊(原外交学院 教授)
    刘立介 (原湖南科技大学教授)
    刘 冰(原四川青年报记者)
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    刘克文(原原东北空军 飞行员辽)
    许相照(原广州市粮食局 干部)
    孙开泰 (中国社会科学院历史所研究员)
    任建树 (历史学家 上海社科院研究员 原中国陈研会顾问)
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     江 涛(原广州市天河区爱国卫生办公室办事员)
    汪业祥(原芜湖5720厂 工程师)
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    杜 高 (原中国戏剧家协会党组书记)
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    吴 非(原广州军体院电教中心美术工程师)
    吴 刚(围场县永合义村大学生联谊会会长)
    余凯成(原大连理工大学 教授)
    李 澈(原中交第一航务工程设计院院长)
    李 冰(香港《东方杂志》记者、编辑)
    李守玉(西安 编辑)
    李国云 (原云南省保山市潞江农场中学校长)
    李红骑 (二炮后勤部原生产部北京华强实业总公司总经理)
    李淑云 ( 江苏南通退休工人)
    李忠初 (原湖南科技大学教授)
    李汝高 (四川省自贡市退休教师) 
    李文尧 (人民银行经济师)
    李双红(女, 原长江科学研究院干部)
    李晓芸 (原成都市农工民主党副秘书长)
    李 斌(原红河州教育局离休干部)
    李 凌(原中国社会科学院社会科学出版社副总编辑)
    李明杨 (四川建设工业物资公司)
    李成忠 (原中国海洋石油南海西部公司教育培训中心经理)
    李晓芸 (原成都市农工民主党副秘书长)
    李 乾(武汉自由撰稿人)
    宋 晶(西安 编辑)
    宋 铮(原《人民日报》高级记者)
    伍崇高 (四川洪雅自由摄影人)
    何 蜀 (原《红岩春秋》杂志副主编)
    严永强(原葫芦岛市电台 台长)
    何 燕(原辽宁省义县粮食局 工程师)
    何英伟(原东北空军第三航校 电气工程师)
    苏 毅(原广东省机电设备公司经理兼党委书记)
    苏 瑛(原河口县统计局局长)
    苏守义(原重庆市江北区鱼嘴职业中学 高级教师)
    冷留萍(女,原扬州大学 学生)
    林圣然(原辽宁省绥中县农场 工程师)
    茅于轼 (经济学家 原中国社科院研究员)
    金 煊 (扬州市科技情报研究所副研究员)
    金 阳(中国电銲条厂外贸处处长)
    罗 福(原开远市公路总段职校副校长)
    罗友乔(原长沙交通大学分校 校长)
    贾民卓(原抚顺市木材公司 干部)
    张清宇(深圳 诗人)
    张 镛(原开远市粮食局干部)
    张 循(原上海市《新闻报》总编助理)
    张石石( 沈阳体育学院 教师)
    张景岩(原北京法学会 秘书长)
    张玉仙(女,原南京医院 医生)
    张家宝(原北京制药厂 工程师)
    张 岩(河北省围场县永合义村大学生联谊会联络员)
    张有志 (扬州冶金机械厂高级工程师)
    张 鑫(原锦州阀门总厂 工程师)
    张 玳 (北大附中高级教师)
    范兴华(原湖北省汉口公路局 工程师)
    范永长(原沈阳市大东区汽车修理公司 工程师)
    周建文(原天津大港油田 高级工程师)
    周 仁(原辽宁省绥中县供销社 干部)
    周 明 (四川米易县林业局教师)
    陈 平(原四川省社科院研究人员)
    陈 昭 (北京公民)
    陈文莘 (原湖北党校教授)
    陈树祥(原沈阳市自动化仪表厂 工程师)
    陈甲午(原泰兴市商业局 干部)
    陈 澜 (原成都铁路局教育处科长)
    陈瑞晴 (原北影文学部编辑、作家)
    陈仁德 (重庆记者、编辑、诗人)
    罗 焚 (原中国文联国际部主任)
    罗 以(湖南 湖南衡阳诗词副主编)
    罗树生(湖南 医师)
    杨 海(自由撰稿人)
    杨伯华(原外交学院 教授)
    杨琼英 (原个旧市工人文化宫干部)
    杨 森(原沈阳市铁西区蔬菜公司 书记)
    杨 海(自由撰稿人)
    范亦豪 (南开大学教授)
    陆清福(原右派 自由撰稿人)
    居思基 (原《新闻报》主任编辑,记者)
    胡 豪(广东《新闻联说》主编)
    胡兴祯(原锦州女儿河纺织厂 工会主席)
    胡 仲(原南京农业大学科长)
    柯平凭 (研究员 同济大学教师)
    姚监复(原中共中央农村政策研究室 研究员)
    俞安国 (四川省崇州市教师进修学校高讲师)
    浩 岭(杭州师范大学教授、作家)
    高积顺 (苏州大学法学院教授)
    高军生(西安 编辑)
    高 锋(原中国驻瑞典哥德堡总领事)
    高文勃(原湖南省常德市技术学校 教师)
    钱 宏(中欧社会论坛首席顾问)
    钱 锋(原长江日报主任记者)
    倪 明(辽宁盘锦退休工人)
    倪艮山 (原国家经委干部}
    赵玉荣(原威信县检察院监所科科长 )
    赵 群(原成都军区政治部干事)
    赵 华(原保山河图中学校长)
    赵 晖(南航机长)
    赵立魁 (原农业电影制片厂副总编辑
    祝世华 (教育学家 高等教育出版社原副总编)
    段 跃(自由编辑)
    郑权东(原航空发动机工厂党校 教授)
    郑 兴(原开远市服装厂工人)
    翁寒春(深圳 香港诗词学会秘书长)
    袁 鹰 (曾任人民日报文艺部主任)
    黄心培(上海 编辑)
    黄钟麟(福建漳州 老年大学教师)
    黄有韬(浙江 自由撰稿人)
    黄 然 (博物学者 江苏南通博物院原代院长)
    黄任民 (南京炼油厂高级工程师)
    萧家正(深圳 诗人《香港诗词》执行主编 香港诗词学会副会长)
    萧 远 ( 原华中师范大学教育系教育学教研室主任)
    萧瑞怡 (湖南冷水江市委党校讲师)
    陶 剑(湖南长沙教师)
    郭 焱(民盟成都市委离休干部)
    郭 雄(中国历史博物馆研究员)
    惜 辉(倪朋 辽宁某厂退休工人)
    唐宝林 (研究员 中国社科院近代史所 原中国陈研会会长)
    唐道富 (原成都红旗玻璃厂干部)
    唐夏扬 (原东北空军转业干部)
    唐世政(新疆 革命烈士子弟 老党员)
    徐明元(原大庆油田 干部)
    徐多娇(女,南京信贷公司 干部)
    徐中秋(原江苏省化工厂 工人)
    徐基坤 (原成都铁路局于部)
    袁 鹰 (曾任人民日报文艺部主任)
    姜万里(原沈阳市塔湾街道办公室 副主任 离休)
    晓 亮(原中国社会科学院《中国社会科学》杂志编审)
    顾志华(扬州水产公司副经理 退休干部)
    傅 升(西安 科研人员)
    傅占魁(深圳 中国民进党湖北省委员)
    常正山(原上海科学院 寄生虫研究员)
    常 征(主任记者 中华工商时报江苏记者站原站长)
    曾纪木( 湖北十堰东风汔车公司离休干部)
    野 夫(自由作家)
    章 镇 (浙江大学城市学院学生)
    盛森芝 (北京大学力学系教授)
    彭志一(原上海通用机械(集团)公司副总工程师 中国民主同盟盟员)
    彭颂声(深圳 原深圳特区报主编)
    彭建安(原《广东省志 科学技术志》副主编)
    彭正普 (原郑州大学新闻系副教授)
    彭 丹 (成都市总工会离休干部)
    彭慕陶 (原成都市政府干部)
    彭 标(原云南省水电设计院干部)
    董长林(原东北制药总厂药物研究院 工程师)
    韩树山 ( 湖北十堰东风汔车公司報社编辑 )
    寇洪涛(西安 诗人)
    谢小玲 (谢韬之女,民营企业家)
    赖家玲(女 原黑山林场 工人)
    蔡 军(原浙江省人民政府参事室副处级调研员)
    蔡 骏(原泰州市规划局 干部)
    锺 波(原北交大研究生、历史研究学者)
    锺 雁(成都市城市雕塑绘画院工程师)
    锺安河 (原北京市测绘设计研究院高级工程师)
    锺行果 (原自贡六中副校长、现自贡市地方志办公室副总编)
    锺行称 (自贡凤凰中学教师)
    锺明全 (自贡第四人民医院医生)
    葛宪蕾 (西北政法大学学生)
    管思聪 (北京大学基础医学院08级学生)
    窦 敏(原昆明市轻纺供销公司党办主任)
    廖国华(湖北 诗人)
    廖 慧(IBM广州公司销售经理)
    廖 健(北京ADOBER软件公司工程师)
    滕叙兖 ( 高级工程师、作家)
    燕 凌(原中国社会科学院《中国社会科学》杂志副总编辑)
    戴 晴(原《光明日报》社记者)
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